£x  ICtbrta 


SEYMOUR    DURST 


~t '  'Fort  nteiiw    ^m/ferda-m.  oj>  Je  Manhatanj 


"When  you  leave,  please  leave  this  book 

Because  it  has  been  said 
"Ever  thing  comes  t'  him  who  waits 

Except  a  loaned  book." 


Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library 
Gift  of  Seymour  B.  Durst  Old  York  Library 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2013 


http://archive.org/details/seventeenhundredOOIoss_0 


\       V 


\    *' 


SEVENTEEN  HUNDRED  AND  SEVENTY- SIX. 


WAR    OF    INDEPENDENCE; 


A    HISTORY    OF    THE 


ANGLO-AMERICANS. 


FROM    THE    PERIOD    OF    THE     UNION     OF    THE    COLONIES    AGAINST    THE 

FRENCH,    TO    THE     INAUGURATION     OF    WASHINGTON,    THE 

FIRST    PRESIDENT    OF    THE     UNITED    STATES    OF 

AMERICA. 


ILLUSTRATED  BY  NUMEROUS  ENGRAVINGS 

OF   PLANS    Or    BATTLES,   PROMINENT   EVENTS,   INTERESTING    LOCALITIES,    AND    PORTRAITS    Of 
DISTINGUISHED    MEN   OE   THE    PERIOD. 


BY  BENSON  J.  LOSSING. 


NEW    EDITION,    REVISED    AND    CORRECTED. 


NEW    YORK: 
EDWARD    WALKER,    114    FULTON    STREET 

1852. 


fo€> 

-   y 


Printed  by  E.  N.  Grossman  <fc  Son, 
59  Ann  Street,  New  York 


THE    YOUTH    OF    MY    COUNTRY, 

UPON    WHOM    WILL    SOON    DEVOLVE 

THE    FAITHFUL    GUARDIANSHIP 

or  our 

GOODLY  HERITAGE, 

THIS    VOLUME 

10  AFFECTIONATELY  INSCRIBED, 

ST 

THE  AUTHOR. 


PUBLISHER'S   NOTICE. 


In  suggesting  this  truly  American  Book  to  my  author,  my  chief  motive  was  to 
present  to  the  youth  of  this  wide-spreading  Republic  a  faithful  record  of  the  events 
which  were  instrumental  in  the  accomplishment  of  its  independence,  and  in  the 
implanting  of  the  basis  of  its  present  prosperity  and  happiness.  To  all  mankind, 
its  history  is  a  lesson  of  Political  Wisdom,  and  may  be  perused  with  profit ;  but  to 
the  American  citizen,  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  Patriotic  Story  is  an  essential 
ingredient  of  his  stock  of  general  knowledge.  Other  republics  have  sprung  into 
existence  by  the  fiat  of  the  popular  Will,  but,  alas !  how  vastly  different,  as  a 
general  rule,  were  the  motives  which  gave  birth  to  that  Will,  and  the  principles 
which  guided  it,  from  those  which  laid  the  foundation  of  our  Republic.  Hatred  to 
the  patrician  classes  rather  than  a  sincere  desire  for  political  equality,  was  the 
prime  mover  of  Robespierre  and  other  bloody  actors  in  the  French  Revolution ; 
and  infidelity,  cruelty,  and  bloodshed,  were  the  ministers  of  the  popular  will. 
Not  so  with  us.  Deliberate  oppression  awoke  a  cry  of  remonstrance,  and  called 
into  action  principles  as  pure  as  their  Author,  whose  steady  light  guided  both 
Statesmen  and  Warriors  on  their  road  to  Independence,  and  the  establishment  of  our 
Republic  upon  the  firm  basis  of  Truth,  Justice,  and  Equality.  The  world  venerates 
the  heroes  of  that  strife,  and  the  voice  of  Despotism  durst  not  calumniate  their 
memory,  so  sacredly  is  it  enshrined  in  the  heart  of  every  aspirant  for  Freedom ; 
and  when  the  names  of  long  lines  of  kings  shall  fade  away  in  the  light  of  just  appre- 
ciation, that  of  Washington  and  his  compatriots  will  shine  with  superior  lustre — 
for  their  characters  were  precious  gifts  from  Heaven  to  man.  Such  is  the  theme 
and  such  the  characters  for  contemplation,  herewith  presented  to  the  Youth  of  our 
country,  as  incentives  to  patriotic  action,  and  as  ensamples  for  imitation. 

Faithfully  should  the  story  of  the  Revolution  be  written ;  faithfully  should  the 
artist's  pencil  portray  its  scenes  ;  and  liberality  should  characterize  the  dissemina- 
tion of  those  labors.  Having  experienced  the  skill  of  Mr.  Lossing  (of  the  firm  of 
Lossing  &  Barritt,  engravers)  in  the  illustration  of  "  Dowling's  History  of  Roman- 
ism," and  other  works,  and  having  full  confidence  in  his  ability  as  a  writer,  I  have 
intrusted  to  him  both  the  authorship  of  this  volume  and  its  pictorial  embellishment. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAOf 

I.  Frontispiece — Signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
II.  Ornamental  Title-page. 

III.  Vignette  for  Preface,      ------...    yj| 

IV.  Vignette  for  Introduction,      --------     ix 

V.  Initial  Letter, -----ix 

VI.  Group  of  Portraits — George  III. — Pitt — Washington,      -         -        -25 

VII.  Initial  Letter, 25 

VIII.  Plan  of  the  Siege  of  Quebec,  1759, 44 

IX.            "          Battle  of  Bunker  Hill, 44 

X.  "          Seat  of  War  in  New  Jersey,         -        -        -         -        -  44 

XL    T     "         Battle  of  Long  Island, 44 

XII.  Death  of  Wolfe, 46 

XIII.  Portrait  of  Wolfe, 50 

XIV.  Group  of  Portraits — Franklin — Grenville — Henry,  -        -        -  51 
XV.  Initial  Letter, 51 

XVI.  Patrick  Henry  before  the  Virginia  Assembly,  -         -        -        -     62 

XVII.  Parade  of  the  Stamp  Act  in  New  York, 70 

XVIII.  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston, 87 

XIX.  Group  of  Portraits — Samuel  Adams — Barre — North,       -        -        -    89 

XX.  Initial  Letter, 89 

XXI.  Destruction  of  Tea  in  Boston  Harbor,    -         -        -        -         -        -103 

XXII.  Group  of  Portraits — Hancock — Burke — Conway,     -         -        -        -  113 

XXIII.  Initial  Letter, #       .         .         .  113 

XXIV.  Carpenters'  Hall, 141 

XXV.  Group  of  Portraits— Montgomery— Putnam— Warren,    -        -         -  143 

XXVI.  Initial  Letter, 143 

XXVII.  Ethan  Allen  at  Ticonderoga,           ----.._  i(>o 

XXVIII.  Washington  receiving  his  commission,  ------  164 

XXIX.  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill, 170 

XXX.  Continental  Paper  Money, 1S3 

XXXI.  Group  of  Portraits — Lee — Cornwallis — Clinton,      -  1--.') 

XXXII.  Initial  Letter, ls.3 

XXXIII.  Portraits  of  the  committee  who  drafted  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 

pendence,  ----- 196 

XXXIV.  Washington  crossing  the  Delaware,         ------  212 

XXXV.  The  "  Billop  House," o17 

XXXVI.  Group  of  Portraits— Schuyler— Burgoyne— Gates,  -         -        -        -  219 

XXXVII.  Initial  Letter, 219 

XXXVIII.  Encampment  at  Valley  Forge,         -  ■  230 


v"i  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

XXXIX.  Plan  of  the  Battles  of  Stillwater  and  Saratoga,       -  238 

XL.  "         Battle  of  Brandywine, 238 

XLI.  "  Siege  of  Savannah, 238 

XLII.  "  Battle  of  Monmouth, 238 

XLIII.  Surrender  of  Burgoyne,        --------  240 

XLIV.  Washington's  Head-quarters  at  Morristovvn,  -  250 

XLV.  Group  of  Portraits — La  Fayette — Steuben — Jones,  -        -        -  252 

XLVI.  Initial  Letter, 252 

XLVII.  Plan  of  the  Camp  at  Valley  Forge,         --..-.-  254 

XLVIII.  "  Battle  of  White  Plains, 254 

XLIX.  "  Seat  of  War  in  South  Carolina, 254 

L.  "  Battle  of  Germantown,        -        -        -        -        -        -  254 

LI.  Signing  of  the  Treaty  of  Alliance  at  Paris,     -----  270 

LH.  Continental  Metal-Money, — first  coined,         -----  277 

LIII.  Group  of  Portraits — Lincoln — Deane — Wayne,      -        -        -        -  279 

LIV.  Initial  Letter, 279 

LV.  Capture  of  the  Serapis, 296 

LVI.  Ruins  of  Ticonderoga, 301 

LVII.  Group  of  Portraits— Greene— Andr6— Arnold,        -        -        -        -  303 

LVIII.  Initial  Letter, 303 

LXIX.  The  "  Beverly  Robinson  House," 316 

LX.  Capture  of  Andre, 320 

LXI.  Washington's  Head-quarters  at  Tappan,  -----  326 

LXII.  Group  of  Portraits — Jay — Morgan — Sumter,  -----  327 

LXIII.  Initial  Letter, 327 

LXIV.  Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Hobkirk's  Hill, 334 

LXV.  "  Guilford  Court-House,        ------  334 

LXVI.  "  Operations  on  the  Hudson,  1780,  -         -        -        -  334 

LXVII.  "  Siege  of  Yorktown, 334 

LXVIII.  British  Officer  dining  with  Marion, 336 

LXIX.  Surrender  of  Cornwallis,       -         -      ' 344 

LXX.  Moore's  House  at  Yorktown,  -------  349 

LXXI.  Group  of  Portraits— Laurens— Mifflin— Shelburne,        -        -        -  351 

LXXII.  Initial  Letter, 351 

LXXIII.  Washington's  Head-quarters  at  Newburgh,     -----  359 
LXXIV.  Group  of  Portraits— Washington— Hamilton— Knox,      -        -         -  361 

LXXV.  Initial  Letter, 361 

LXXVI.  Inauguration  of  Washington,  -------  365 

LXXVII.  Seals  of  the  original  thirteen  States, 3G8 

LXXVIII.  Fac  Simile  of  the  Signatures  of  the  Signers  of  the  Decla- 
ration cf Independence, 432,  433,  434 


We  have  felt  a  great  degree  of  hesitation  in  bringing  the  following  pages  to  the 
bar  of  public  opinion,  because  of  the  able  manner  in  which  the  same  subject  has 
long  since  been  presented  to  the  world  by  American  and  European  writers.  We 
feel  conscious  of  the  apparent  presumption  for  one  "  unknown  to  fame,"  to  enter 
the  lists  with  those  historians  of  the  Revolution,  whose  position  in  society  gave 
them  free  access  to  every  fountain  of  information  concerning  that  eventful  struggle, 
and  whose  imperishable  works  are,  and  ever  will  be,  their  most  enduring  monuments, 
affording  to  the  writers  and  statesmen  of  Europe,  the  most  reliable  sources  of 
practical  instruction  in  the  great  lessons  then  taught.  But  none  caji  be  so  great 
that  "  one  cubit  to  his  stature  "  may  not  be  added.  When  Locke,  the  celebrated 
philosopher,  was  asked  how  he  obtained  such  a  vast  amount  of  practical  informa- 
tion, he  replied, — "  By  asking  questions  of  every  man  I  meet,  whether  boor  or 
gentleman."  Thus  in  literature :  the  great  aggregation  of  learning  is  but  united 
molecules,  gathered  from  the  elaborations  of  the  myriad  of  minds  of  successive 
generations ;  and  the  most  limited  capacity  may  contribute  a  moiety,  small  though 
it  be,  to  the  general  fund  of  human  knowledge,  and  that  moiety,  like  the  widow's 
mite,  hath  value.  The  unreal  echo,  when  its  mysterious  articulations  repeat  the 
strains  we  love,  is  a  substantial  contributor  to  our  happiness ;  and  should  this  work 
prove,  to  the  ears  and  hearts  of  the  growing  children  of  America,  but  an  echo  of 
the  sweet  voices  of  others  who  have  chanted  the  heroics  of  the  War  of  Independ- 
ence, it  will  serve  a  noble  purpose,  and  we  shall  be  content  to  have  it  called  an 
echo. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  volume  the  chief  aim  has  been  to  give  a  concise,  yet 
perfect  and  comprehensive,  narrative  of  the  leading  events  of  that  Revolution  which 
dismembered  the  British  emipre,  and  called  another  nation  into  existence.  We 
neither  hope  nor  desire  to  supplant  other  histories  of  the  same  events,  for  their 
usefulness  in  extending  a  knowledge  of  that  conflict  among  our  people,  and  exciting 
a  corresponding  degree  of  patriotism,  lias  been,  and  still  is,  incalculable.  It  would 
be  neither  generous  nor  in  good  taste,  even  to  draw  comparisons  between  this  and  its 
predecessors  ;  yet  we  may  be  allowed  to  say,  that  it  possesses  many  claims  to  the 
kind  regard  of  the  public.  No  effort  has  been  spared  to  stamp  it  with  the  character 
of  strict  truthfulness  in  fact  and  date,  and  to  this  end  we  have  availed  ourselves  of 
every  authentic  source  of  information,  both  foreign  and  domestic,  within  our  reach. 

So  far  as  facts  are  concerned,  we  have  freely  appropriated  to  our  use  the  fruit* 
of  the  labors  of  others,  but  in  all  cases  we  have  given  full  credit  therefor,  as  far  as 
practicable.  We  have  endeavored  to  study  others  with  discrimination ;  and  with 
their  various  beauties  and  defects  before  us,  have  elaborated  our  own  plan  in  the 


x  PREFACE 

construction  of  this  work,  having  constantly  in  view  its  design  for  popular  use. 
How  far  its  leading  characteristics  entitle  it  to  a  post  of  precedence,  or  even 
of  equality,  in  that  particular  sphere  of  usefulness  for  which  it  is  designed,  we 
leave  to  the  decision  of  a  discriminating  public. 

Of  the  Pictorial  Embellishments  of  the  work,  it  does  not  become  us  to  speak, 
except  in  relation  to  their  general  character  and  design.  They  are  introduced  not 
merely  for  the  purpose  of  attracting  the  popular  eye,  without  reference  to  fitness 
or  meaning ;  they  are  illustrative  of  facts,  and  form  a  part  of  the  record.  The 
delineations  of  Interesting  Localities,  having  Revolutionary  associations  clustered 
around  them,  may  be  relied  on  as  correct,  all  of  them  having  been  drawn  by  the 
writer,  either  from  nature,  or  from  approved  pictures.  The  Portraits,  likewise 
(forty-five  in  number),  have  been  carefully  copied  from  engravings  which  enjoy 
the  public  approval.  The  same  may  be  affirmed  of  the  sixteen  Plans  of  Battles. 
The  wide  scope  given  in  the  illustration  of  the  book,  and  the  superior  manner, 
without  regard  to  cost,  in  which  every  part  of  the  mechanical  work  is  executed, 
proclaim  the  generous  liberality  of  the  publisher,  and  will,  doubtless,  be  appre- 
ciated by  the  public. 

The  Appendix  contains  several  State  Documents  of  great  interest  to  every 
American.  They  were  called  forth  by  the  exigencies  of  the  times,  during  the 
inception,  progress,  and  consummation  of  the  Revolution,  and  contain  the  redun- 
dant seed  of  principles  that  grew  and  flourished  amid  the  sufferings  of  the  patriot 
strugglers  in  that  conflict.  They  are  drawn  from  sources  not  generally  accessible, 
and  make  valuable  addenda  to  the  narrative  of  the  text. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  volume  is  an  Analytical  Index,  alphabetically  arranged, 
prepared  with  great  care.  It  will  be  found  of  much  value  to  those  who  take  up  the 
volume  for  reference  only,  as  well  as  to  the  general  reader.  The  Marginal  Dates, 
interspersed  through  the  book,  furnish  a  complete  chronology  at  every  step,  and 
disencumber  the  text  of  that  prolixity  which  their  introduction,  therein,  would 
necessarily  produce.  These,  combined  with  the  Running  Index  at  the  head  of  each 
page,  render  the  search  for  any  given  fact,  the  work  of  a  few  moments  only. 

This  work,  we  repeat,  has  been  prepared  expressly  for  a  sphere  of  usefulness; 
and  the  leading  idea  in  the  mind  of  writer  and  publisher  has  been,  a  desire  to 
present  to  the  American  public,  and  particularly  to  the  youth  of  our  beloved 
country,  a  full  and  complete  narrative  of  the  War  of  Independence,  avoiding 
unnecessary  prolixity  in  detail ;  thus  furnishing  a  volume  of  intrinsic  value  at  a 
cost  so  moderate,  that  the  head  of  every  family  in  the  land  may  afford  to  spread  its 
contents  before  his  children,  and  instruct  them  in  those  lessons  concerning  the 
conflict  for  our  "  goodly  heritage,"  which  every  child  of  the  Republic  should  learn. 
How  well  we  have  succeeded  in  our  design,  let  the  work  itself  proclaim. 

B.  J.  L. 
New  York,  June,  1847. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


PAQM 

Introduction- •    »*** 15 


CHAPTER  I. 

GENERAL   AFFAIRS    OF   THE    COLONIES   TO   THE    PEACE    IN    1763. 

The  Colonies  originally  unconnected.  First  united,  by  national  antipathy  to 
France.  Collisions  in  Canada  and  Acadia,  or  Nova  Scotia.  French  settle- 
ments in  the  Western  Territory.  Washington's  mission  thither.  Military 
expedition  under  Washington.  Events  of  the  campaign.  Convention  at 
Albany,  and  plan  for  a  Union  of  the  Colonies.  Braddock's  expedition  and 
defeat.  Sir  William  Johnson's  exploits.  Death  of  Dieskau.  Success  of  the 
French  under  Montcalm.  Accession  of  Pitt  to  the  Premiership  of  England. 
His  vigorous  measures.  Reduction  of  Louisburg.  Death  of  General  Howe. 
Success  of  General  Abercrombie.  Capture  of  Ticonder^ga  and  Crown  Point. 
Capture  and  surrender  of  Quebec.  Death  of  Wolfe  and  Montcalm.  Eva- 
cuation of  the  Western  Territory  by  the  French.  Cession  of  Canada  to  the 
British  by  the  Treaty  of  1763 25  to  50 


CHAPTER  II. 

EVENTS    FROM   1763    TO    1770. 

Causes  which  led  to  the  Revolution.  Oppressive  acts  early  passed  by  Parlia- 
ment. Opposition  of  the  people  of  Boston.  Seizure  of  vessels  by  order  of 
government.  The  Sugar  Act.  Accession  of  Grenville  to  the  Premiership 
of  England.  Passage  of  the  St*mp  Act.  Indignation  of  the  Colonies.  Dr. 
Franklin,  Agent  for  the  Colonies,  in  London.  Parade  of  the  Stamp  Act  in 
New  York.  Agitation  in  Virginia.  Patrick  Henry  and  his  bold  resolutions. 
First  Colonial  Congress.  Declaration  of  Rights.  Destruction  of  stamped 
paper.  Sons  of  Liberty.  Non-importation  Associations.  Repeal  of  the 
Stamp  Act.  Imposition  of  duties  on  tea,  &c.  Great  excitement  among  the 
Colonies.  Massachusetts'  circular.  Tumult  in  Boston.  Investment  of  Bos- 
ton by  a  military  force.     Dissolution  of  Colonial  Assemblies     .     .     .     51  to  87 

CHAPTER  III. 

EVENTS    FROM    1770    TO    1774. 

Affray  in  Boston.  The  City  Guard  insulted.  Massacre  of  citizens  by  British 
soldiers.  Trial  of  Captain  Preston  and  his  men.  Their  defence  by  John 
Adams  and  Josiah  Quincy.     Their  acquittal.     Repeal  of  all  duties  except  on 


xii  .  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

PA  BE 

tea.  Continued  dissatisfaction  of  the  Americans.  Non-importation  agree- 
ments continued.  Death  of  Grenville.  Interception  of  the  letters  of  Gover- 
nor Hutchinson  and  Lieutenant-Governor  Oliver.  Their  transmission  to 
America  by  Franklin.  Excitement  produced  thereby.  Franklin  dismissed 
from  the  Post-office  department  of  the  Colonies.  Opposition  to  royal  regula  - 
tions  touching  the  finances  of  the  Colonies.  Recall  of  Governor  Hutchin- 
son. Artful  policy  of  the  British  Ministry.  Enactment  favorable  to  the 
East  India  Company.  Apathy  of  Parliament  and  the  friends  of  America 
therein.  Effect  on  the  Colonies,  of  the  intelligence  of  the  passage  of  the 
Tea  Act.  Arrival  of  vessels  under  its  operation,  laden  with  tea.  Ports 
closed  against  them.  Their  return  to  England.  Agreement  of  consignees 
not  to  receive  the  tea.  Refusal  of  the  Boston  consignees  to  this  agreement. 
Their  appeal  to  the  Governor  for  protection.  Collection  of  a  mob.  The 
consignees  and  custom-house  officers  compelled  to  flee  to  Castle  William. 
General  meeting  of  the  inhabitants.  Perpetual  guard  appointed  to  prevent 
tea  from  being  landed.  Great  assemblage  at  Faneuil  Hall.  Destruction  of 
tea  in  Boston  harbor 89  to  112 


CHAPTER  IV. 

EVENTS   OF    1774. 

Proposition  in  Parliament  to  close  the  port  of  Boston.  Debates  thereon. 
Petition  of  American  citizens  presented  by  the  Lord-Mayor  of  London. 
Passage  of  the  bill.  Arrival  of  General  Gage.  Closing  of  the  port  and 
removal  of  the  custom-house,  and  appendages,  to  Salem.  The  people  there 
refuse  to  accept  the  advantages  of  the  measure.  Patriotic  kindness  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Marblehead  to  Boston  merchants.  Subversion  of  the  Charter 
of  Massachusetts.  Act  for  sending  persons  capitally  indicted,  to  another 
Colony,  or  to  Britain,  for  trial.  Distress  in  Boston.  Fast-day  in  Virginia 
proclaimed.  First  Colonial  Congress.  Their  commendation  of  Massa- 
chusetts. Addresses  to  the  King  and  Ministry,  and  to  the  People  of  Canada. 
Fortification  of  Boston  Neck.  Passage  of  a  bill  for  restraining  the  commerce 
of  the  New  England  Colonies.  Ten  thousand  troops  and  several  ships  of  the 
line  ordered_to  America 113  to  141 


CHAPTER  V. 

EVENTS   OF    1775. 

Attempt  of  General  Gage  to  destroy  the  military  stores  at  Concord.  The  plan 
discovered,  and  measures  taken  to  prevent  it.  Assemblage  of  militia  at  Lex- 
ington. Spread  of  the  news  throughout  the  Colonies.  A  general  rush  to 
arms.  Twenty  thousand  Provincials  environ  the  British  at  Boston.  Decla- 
ration of  Independence  in  North  Carolina.  The  Mecklenburg  Resolutions. 
Seizure  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  by  the  Americans.  British  rein- 
forced by  Howe,  Clinton,  and  Burgoyne.  Second  Continental  Congress. 
Conditional  offer  of  pardon.  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  Defeat  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, and  death  of  General  Warren.  Proceedings  in  Congress.  General 
Washington  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces.  Organization 
of  the  army  at  Cambridge.  Flight  of  the  Colonial  royal  Governors.  Burn- 
ing of  Norfolk.  Siege  of  Quebec,  and  death  of  General  Montgomery.  De- 
feat of  the  Americans.    Movements  of  General  Arnold 142  to  183 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xlii 

PACK 

CHAPTER  VI. 

EVENTS    OF    1776. 

Siege  of  Boston  from  Dorchester  Heights.  British  troops  evacuate  Boston,  and 
with  fifteen  hundred  families  of  loyalists,  sail  for  Halifax.  Entree  of  the 
American  army.  Defence  of  Boston,  and  march  towards  New  York.  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  joined  at  Cape  Fear  River  by  the  squadron  of  Sir  Peter  Par- 
ker. The  fleet  with  Cornwallis's  troops,  sail  for  Charleston.  Charleston 
fortified.  The  siege  unsuccessful.  General  rendezvous  of  the  British  forces 
at  New  York.  Formidable  preparations  of  England.  Employment  of  seven- 
teen thousand  Hessian  troops.  Debates  in  Parliament.  Fifty-five  thousand 
troops  ordered  to  America.  Call  of  Congress  upon  the  Colonies  to  sever 
their  allegiance  to  Great  Britain.  Virginia  Resolutions.  Declaration  or 
Independence.  Battle  of  Long  Island.  Battle  of  White  Plains.  Surren- 
der of  Fort  Washington  to  the  British.  Great  diminution  of  the  American 
forces.  Retreat  across  New  Jersey.  Succession  of  defeats.  Passage  of  the 
Delaware  and  Battle  of  Trenton.  Re-animation  of  the  American  troops  184  to  217 

CHAPTER  VII. 

events  or  1777. 

Successful  stratagem  of  Washington.  Battle  of  Princeton,  and  death  of  General 
Mercer.  Rapid  march  of  the  Americans  to  Morristown.  They  overrun  the 
whole  of  the  northern  part  of  New  Jersey.  The  people  of  New  Jersey  coa- 
lesce with  the  American  army.  Inoculation  of  the  whole  army  with  the 
small-pox.  Return  of  Congress  to  Philadelphia.  Success  of  Silas  Deane's 
mission  to  France.  Franklin  sent  to  Paris.  His  success  in  exciting  the  favor 
of  the  French.  Expedition  of  La  Fayette.  His  arrival  in  America.  De- 
struction of  American  military  stores  at  Peekskill  and  Danbury.  Retreat  of 
the  British  from  New  Jersey.  Capture  of  Major-General  Prescott.  Admiral 
Howe  sails  for  Philadelphia.  Battle  of  Brandywine.  Adjournment  of  Con- 
gress to  Lancaster.  The  British  army  take  possession  of  Philadelphia.  Bat- 
tle of  Germantown.  Capture  of  the  forts  on  the  Delaware  by  the  British. 
Reverses  of  the  northern  division  of  the  American  army.  Kosciusko.  Bat- 
tle of  Bennington.  Battle  of  Saratoga.  Capture  and  surrender  of  Bur- 
goyne.  A  plot  to  place  General  Gates  at  the  head  of  the  army,  defeated. 
Adoption  by  Congress  of  Articles  of  Confederation 219  to  250 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

EVENTS    OF    1778. 

Views  of  Ministers  and  Parliament.  Effect  of  the  news  of  Burgoyne's  defeat. 
Passage  of  Conciliatory  Bills.  Commissioners  sent  to  America.  Attempts 
at  bribery.  Indignation  of  Congress.  Acknowledgment  of  American  Inde- 
pendence by  the  Court  of  France.  Treaty  of  Alliance.  Arrival  of  a  French 
fleet.  British  evacuate  Philadelphia.  Battle  of  Monmouth.  Reprimand 
and  suspension  of  General  Lee.  Attempted  engagpmpnt  of  the  English  and 
French  fleets.  Destruction  of  shipping  and  stores  on  the  New  England  coast. 
Attack  on  Wyoming  by  Butler  with  tories  and  Indians.  Horrible  massacre 
and  destruction  of  the  settlement.  Retaliatory  expedition.  Attack  on 
Cherry  Valley.  Expedition  of  the  British  against  Georgia.  Capture  of 
Savannah. 251  to  277 


xiv  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

EVENTS   OF    1779. 

Plan  of  the  campaign.  Contention  of  the  two  fleets  in  the  West  Indies.  Ex- 
pedition against  Port  Royal,  and  defeat  of  the  British.  Outrages  of  the 
tories  in  Georgia.  Their  defeat  and  dispersion.  Expedition  under  General 
Ash.  Defeat  of  the  Americans,  and  entire  subjugation  of  Georgia.  Battle 
of  Stono  Ferry.  British  ravages  upon  the  coasts  of  the  Northern  States. 
Success  of  the  British  in  Virginia  and  New  York.  Surrender  of  Stony 
Point  and  Verplanck's  Point.  Plunder  of  New  Haven  Tryon's  infamous 
boast.  Recapture  of  Stony  Point.  Capture  of  British  at  Paulus's  Hook. 
Cruelties  of  the  Six  Nations.  Battle  of  the  Chemung.  Siege  of  Savannah. 
Death  of  Count  Pulaski.  Declaration  of  war  against  Great  Britain  by  Spain. 
Bloody  battle  on  the  coast  of  Scotland  between  French  and  English  vessels. 
Exploits  of  Paul  Jones.  Depressed  feelings  of  the  Americans  at  the  close  of 
the  year.  Depreciation  of  Continental  money.  Great  preparations  by  Bri- 
tain for  the  next  campaign 278  to  302 


CHAPTER  X. 

events  or  1780. 

Suspension  of  operations  at  the  North.  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  expedition  against 
Charleston.  His  disastrous  voyage.  Capture  of  Fort  Moultrie  and  surrender 
of  Charleston.  British  expeditions  into  the  interior.  Subjugation  of  South 
Carolina.  Border  skirmishes.  March  of  General  Gates  to  the  relief  of  the 
Southern  Provinces.  Union  of  the  forces  of  Lords  Rawdon  and  Cornwallis. 
Battle  of  Sanders's  Creek,  and  defeat  of  the  Americans.  Greene  supersedes 
Yates.  Surprise  and  dispersion  of  Sumter's  troops.  Severe  measures  of 
Cornwallis.  Indignation  of  the  people.  Atrocities  of  American  renegades. 
Battle  of  King's  Mountain.  Battle  of  Blackstock.  Exploits  of  General 
Marion.  Operations  in  New  Jersey.  Arrival  of  Admiral  de  Ternay,  with 
Count  de  Rochambeau.  Treason  of  Arnold.  Capture  of  Major  Andre.  His 
trial,  conviction,  and  execution.  Declaration  of  war  against  Holland  by 
Great  Britain.  Capture  of  Henry  Laurens.  Large  Parliamentary  votes  of 
supplies  for  the  ensuing  campaign 302  to  326 


CHAPTER  XI. 
EVENTS  or  1781. 

Comparison  of  the  condition  of  the  two  armies.  Threatened  rebellion  of  the 
Pennsylvania  troops.  The  mutineers  march  to  Princeton.  Attempt  of  Clin- 
ton's emissaries  to  bribe  them.  Their  indignation  and  seizure  of  these 
agents.  Their  necessities  relieved  by  Congress.  Mutiny  of  the  New  Jersey 
troops.  Its  speedy  suppression.  Taxation  and  loans.  Liberality  of  Robert 
Morris.  Establishment  of  the  Bank  of  North  America.  British  descent 
upon  Virginia,  and  destruction  of  Richmond.  Attempt  to  capture  Arnold. 
Arnold  and  Phillips  overrun  the  country.  Battle  of  the  Cowpens.  Retreat 
of  the  Americans.  Providential  interposition.  Battle  of  Guilford  Court- 
house. Battle  of  Hobkirk's  Hill.  Siege  of  Ninety-Six.  British  officer 
dining  with  Marion.  Execution  of  Colonel  Hayne.  Battle  of  Eutaw  Springs. 
Virginia  overrun  by  Cornwallis.    Junction  of  the  allied  armies.    Plundering 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  x* 

PAQI 

expedition  of  Arnold  in  Connecticut.  Murder  of  Colonel  Ledyard,  and  the 
garrison  of  Fort  Trumbull.  Siege  of  Yorktown,  and  surrender  of  Comwallis. 
Public  thanksgivings  of  the  army  and  Congress 327  to  349 

CHAPTER  XII. 

EVENTS    OF    17S2-'83. 

Vigilant  efforts  adopted  by  Washington.  Closing  military  movements  at  the 
South.  Case  of  Captain  Huddy.  Proceedings  in  Parliament.  Arrival  of  Sir 
Guy  Carleton.  Preliminary  negotiations  for  Peace.  Death  of  Rockingham, 
and  accession  of  Shelburne.  Cessation  of  hostilities  in  America,  and  evacu- 
ation of  cities.  Alarming  state  of  the  country.  A  Monarchy  proposed  to 
Washington.  The  "  Newburgh  Addresses."  Disbanding  of  the  army. 
Washington's  Farewell  Address.  His  resignation,  and  retirement  to  Mount 
Vernon 350  to  360 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

EVENTS    FROM    1784   TO    17S9. 

The  powers  of  Congress.  Fears  of  an  open  insurrection.  Shay's  insurrection. 
Convention  at  Annapolis  to  amend  the  Articles  of  Confederation.  Doings  of 
the  Convention.  Adoption  of  the  Constitution  by  the  Convention,  and  its 
ratification  by  the  States.  Organization  of  the  government.  Washington 
elected  President  of  the  United  States.     His  inauguration.       .     .     .     361  to  368 

APPENDIX. 

Stamp  Act, 369  to  376 

Declaration  of  Rights 376  to  378 

Petition  to  the  King. 378  to  380 

Memorials  to  Parliament 380  to  384 

Propositions  for  a  General  Congress 384  to  385 

Members  of  the  First  Continental  Congress 385  to  386 

Addresses  to  the  People  of  Great  Britan 386  to  392 

"  "  "  Anglo-American  Colonies 392  to  401 

•  "  "  Quebec, 401  to  408 

Petition  to  the  King 408  to  412 

Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  Canada 412  to  414 

A  declaration  of  Congress,  setting  forth  the  causes  of  the  war      .     .     .  414  to  419 

Second  Petition  to  the  King 419  to  422 

Address  to  the  Assembly  of  Jamaica 422  to  424 

"        "       People  of  Ireland 424  to  429 

Declaration  of  Independence 429  to  435 

Articles  of  Confederation 435  to  443 

A  Fragment  of  Polybius 443  to  446 

Definitive  Treaty  of  Peace 446  to  450 

Newburgh  Address,  and  Washington's  Speech 450  to  456 

Washington's  Circular  Letter  to  the  Governors  of  the  States.       .     .     .  456  to  463 

"  Farewell  Address  to  the  Army 463  to  466 

Dr.  Franklin's  Motion  for  Prayers  in  the  Convention 466  to  463 

Proceedings  in  relation  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.       .     .  46S  to  474 

Constitution  of  the  United  States 474  to  489 

Analytical  Index. 491  et  seq. 


T-. 


INTRODUCTION. 


HE  War  of  the  American  Revolution  was 
emphatically  a  war  of  Principle  ;  a  conflict 
of  Opinion  and  for  Power,  between  Despotism 
and  Freedom  ;  a  struggle  of  the  patrician  few 
■  with  the  plebeian  many  for  the  mastery. 
Under  the  banner  of  the  former,  were  mar- 
*rmr*-  £i  shalled  the   bold  assumption  of  the   divine 

right  of  kings — of  sovereignty  vested  in  one  man,  Dei  Gratia ;  the 
feudal  pretensions  and  asserted  prerogatives  of  titled  aristocracy,  and 
the  blind  and  almost  unconquerable  bigotry  of  the  governed,  volun- 
tarily chained  by  their  prejudices  to  the  car  of  monarchy,  and  led 
captive  with  ease. 


13  INTRODUCTION. 

Under  the  banner  of  the  latter,  were  marshalled  the  sublime 
jurisprudential  theories  of  bygone  reformers ;  freedom  of  thought, 
opinion  and  action;  faith  in  the  capacity  of  man  for  self-govern- 
ment ;  a  just  appreciation  of  the  true  dignity  of  humanity,  and  the 
fearless  assertion  of  the  glorious  principles  of  equality  of  birth,  and 
equality  in  the  exercise  of  inalienable  rights,  conferred  impartially 
by  our  Creator.  These  were  the  moral  antagonisms,  whose  attri- 
tion produced  the  flame  of  the  American  Revolution.  < 
I  The  physical  forces  which  these  discordant  principles  drew  up  in 
battle  array,  were  equally  antipodal,  viewed  as  subjects  for  patient 
endurance  of  hardships,  and  indomitable  energy  in  the  accomplish- 
ment of  declared  purposes. 

i  The  armies  sent  by  monarchy  to  conquer  the  Colonies,  were 
officered  by  men  who  had  been  reared  in  the  halls  of  nobility,  or  the 
mansions  of  opulence  ;  men,  who  made  war  a  profession  whereby 
to  obtain  the  bauble  glory, — military  glory — that  brilliant  lie  that 
for  so  many  ages  has  led  mankind  astray — and  not  as  an  instru- 
mentality for  developing  or  maintaining  principles  that  form  the  basis 
of  human  happiness.  The  troops  which  they  led  were  mostly 
veteran  warriors.  They  came  from  the  continental  battle  fields  ; 
they  came  from  the  easy  conquests  of  the  Indian  Peninsula ;  and  the 
discipline  of  the  camp  was  to  them  an  easy  restraint.  Officers  and 
men,  all  came  fully  panoplied  for  the  conflict.  Their  "  military 
chest"  commanded  the  ready  service  of  the  exchequer  of  a  wealthy 
and  powerful  people.  Their  superior  numbers  and  discipline, 
coupled  with  a  feeling  of  utter  contempt  for  the  "  rebels'''  they  came 
to  subdue  and  humble,  gave  them  such  confidence  of  certain  and 
speedy  success,  that  the  thoughts  of  hardships  to  be  endured,  diffi- 
culties to  encounter,  a  disastrous  overthrow,  never  interposed 
between  their  vision  and  the  glittering  prize  of  glory  to  be  won ;  and 
hence  no  misgivings  weakened  their  courage  ;  no  doubts  made  them 
falter.  The  dynasties  of  the  Old  World  wished  them  success  ;  they 
were  confident  and  firm. 

!  The  colonial  army  was  composed  of  men  unused  to  the  arts  of 
war.  Its  ranks  were  filled  by  farmers  and  artizans  ;  men,  who  had 
seldom  heard  the  bray  of  the  trumpet,  or  the  roll  of  the  drum, 
awakened  into  action  by  the  behests  of  war.  Their  officers  were 
men  of  comparatively  small  military  renown.  They  were  nurtured 
amid  the  quiet  scenes  of  a  peaceful  people  ;  and  they  were  called  to 


INTRODUCTION.  2  9 

the  command  of  battalions,  not  specially  because  of  their  excellence 
as  military  tacticians,  but  because  of  their  possession  of  a  combina- 
tion of  excellences  as  patriots  ;  as  men  of  prudence  and  sound 
judgment ;  men  to  be  relied  on.  Officers  and  soldiers  well  knew 
the  hardships  to  be  endured,  and  the  obstacles  to  be  overcome. 
They  well  knew  how  limited  were  the  resources  of  the  country ; 
how  few  the  men,  how  scanty  the  supplies  to  be  obtained.  They 
well  knew  the  power  and  the  resources  of  the  enemy  from  abroad, 
and  they  had  carefully  numbered  the  inimical  phalanx  of  royalists 
and  "  faint-hearts"  in  their  midst.  They  went  into  the  conflict  fully 
prepared  to  suffer  much  ;  yet,  relying  upon  the  justice  of  their 
cause,  they  felt  as  confident  of  final  success  as  did  their  haughty 
foes.  Such  were  the  physical  elements  engaged  in  the  War  of  the 
Revolution. 

A  thirst  for  glory  ;  a  blind  devotion  to  royalty,  and  a  mercenary 
spirit  on  one  side  ;  and  aspirations  for  freedom,  devotion  to,  and 
faith  in,  Republican  doctrines,  and  the  faithful  guardianship  of  home 
from  the  unhallowed  foot-prints  of  tyranny  on  the  other,  were  the 
impulses  that  brought  the  heroes  of  Britain,  and  the  patriots  of 
America,  upon  the  field  of  personal  combat.  The  struggle  was  long 
and  desperate,  and  year  after  year,  the  balance  of  destiny  was 
equipoised.  Victory  at  length  gave  her  palm  to  Republicanism,  and 
Royalty  discomfited,  retired  from  the  arena.  The  ways  of  a  myste- 
rious Providence  were  made  plain  ;  a  mighty  problem  was  solved  ; 
a  brighter  morning  than  earth  ever  saw,  save  when  angels  pro- 
claimed, "  Peace  on  earth,  good  will  to  men,"  dawned  upon 
humanity,  and  the  car  of  progress,  so  long  inert,  started  upon  its 
wondrous  course. 

The  poean  of  victory,  chanted  by  the  great  chorus  of  American 
freemen,  was  echoed  back  from  Europe  by  thousands  upon  thou- 
sands of  hearts  attuned  in  unison ;  yet  in  that  response  were  heard 
the  trembling  notes  of  fear  and  doubt.  Prayer  was  fervent ;  hope 
lifted  high  her  oriflamme  ;  yet  fear  interposed  its  cautious  counsels, 
and  doubt  whispered  its  dangerous  suggestions  in  the  ear  of  hope. 
Enlightened  statesmen  and  philautliropists  turned  to  the  chronicles 
of  the  past  for  a  parallel  or  a  prototype  on  which  to  build  a  confi- 
dent hope  of  success  ;  and  despotism  and  its  abettors  also  delved 
therein  for  examples  of  failure  and  destruction,  incident  to  such  a 
presumptuous  begetting  of  a  nation.    Both  read  the  same  lesson. 


20  INTRODUCTION, 

one  with  despondency,  the  other  with  exultation.  The  democracy 
of  the  Greeks,  and  the  republicanism  of  the  Romans,  appeared,  as 
in  truth  they  were,  misnomers  ;  the  shadows  of  unknown  substances. 
Liberty,  at  first  pure  and  chaste,  became  speedily  arrayed  in  mere- 
tricious garb,  and  changed  to  libertinism  ;  and  the  tyranny  of  repub- 
lican majorities  speedily  assumed  the  most  hateful  features  of  des- 
potism. In  a  word,  the  ever-tangible  discordance  and  speedy  over- 
throw of  ancient  republics,  and  the  more  recently  recorded  destiny 
of  Venice  and  Genoa,  taken  as  criterions  for  judgment,  furnished 
philanthropy  with  scanty  hope  for  the  success  of  the  disenthralled 
Colonies  ;  while  royalty,  certain  of  their  speedy  downfall,  like  their 
predecessors,  made  the  birth  of  this  Republic  a  standing  jest,  and  its 
early  demise  a  scoffing  prophecy. 

But  there  was  an  element  of  vitality  in  the  constitution  of  the  new 
Republic,  unknown  to  its  predecessors,  and  all  important  for  its 
perpetuity.  It  wa6  the  element  of  personal  equality,  in  the  posses- 
sion and  enjoyment  of  social  and  political  rights.  No  privileged  class 
was  recognized,  no  demarkation  lines  of  caste  defaced  the  charter  of 
our  prerogatives.  The  fountain  of  knowledge  was  freely  unsealed 
to  all ;  the  road  to  wealth  and  honor  was  freely  opened  to  all. 
The  prize  of  distinction  was  the  incentive  to  learn  and  to  educate  ; 
and  general  intelligence  was  (and  is  now)  the  main  pillar  of  the 
State,  growing  with  the  growth,  and  strengthening  with  the  strength, 
of  the  Republic.  This  was  wanting  in  all  past  republics,  and  hence 
their  speedy  decadence  and  annihilation. 

i  The  war  of  the  American  Revolution  taught  monarchs  and  states- 
men a  great  moral  lesson,  universal  in  its  application,  and  valuable 
beyond  estimate.  It  taught  them  to  respect  the  inalienable  rights  of 
the  governed,  and  to  regard  political  freedom  as  the  firmest  pillar  of 
the  throne.  It  taught  them  to  abandon  the  dangerous  policy  of 
coercing  men  into  submission  to  the  ministrations  of  palpable  error, 
and  of  quieting  the  rebellion  of  intellect  and  sentiment  by  physical 
power.  It  taught  them  to  regard  as  futile  and  impious,  any  attempt 
to  stay  the  progress  of  truth,  for  its  power  is  almighty  ;  it  is  the 
throne  of  the  Eternal.  It  opened  their  understanding  to  the  fact,  that 
the  legitimate  source  of  power  is  the  people ;  and  that  vox  populi 
vox  Dei,  cannot  be  denied  when  that  voice  utters  the  wise  lessons 
of  truth.  It  taught  them  to  respect  opinion  ;  to  eschew  intole- 
rance j  to  receive  with  caution,  and  view  with  scrutiny,  the  pharisai- 


INTRODUCTION.  21 

cal  teachings  of  creeds,  whether  religious  or  political ;  and  to  regard 
the  race  as  a  unity  ;  children  of  one  father  ;  co-heirs  in  the  inherit- 
ance of  those  prerogatives  which  God  alone  can  bestow,  and  which 
God  alone  can  withhold.  These  were  hard  and  almost  incompre- 
hensible lessons  for  bigots  to  learn.  Their  minds,  long  clouded 
with  the  gross  error  of  king-craft  and  priest-craft,  were  almost 
impervious  to  the  light  of  political  and  religious  truth,  which 
the  war  of  the  Revolution  unveiled  ;  and  it  was  long  after  the 
judgment  was  convinced,  and  the  intellect  acknowledged  the 
truth  of  the  lesson,  ere  the  heart,  at  whose  portal  stood  human 
pride  mailed  in  the  panoply  of  hoary  precedent,  would  vield  its 
assent,  and  allow  the  spirit  of  human  progress  to  enter  and  assume 
control. 

Yet.  the  lessons  taught,  were  learned  ;  and  the  rich  fruit  of  that 
glorious  seed-time  is  now  everywhere  visible  in  the  Old  World. 
Republican  institutions  grow  side  by  side  with  monarchy,  and  their 
branches  intertwine  ;  and  despotism  proper  has  scarcely  a  foothold 
in  Europe.  There  is  not  a  code  of  laws,  by  which  its  empires  are 
governed,  that  does  not  bear,  in  some  clause,  the  signet  of  the 
American  Revolution.  Its  voices  reverberated  amid  the  stupendous 
structures  of  feudal  folly  and  feudal  wrong  ;  their  deep  foundations 
were  shaken,  and  they  crumbled  into  dust.  A  few  still  remain, 
but  they  are* fast  fading  away,  like  stars  of  morning  before  the 
brightness  of  a  more  glorious  orb  ;  and  when  the  years  of  the  first 
century  of  the  New  Era  shall  be  told  by  the  gnomon  of  Time, 
scarcely  a  vestige  of  these  dark  monuments  will  remain,  to  cast  their 
shadow  upon  the  dial.  Our  experiment  in  self-government  has  been 
fairly  tried.  It  is  no  longer  an  experiment,  but  a  grand  demonstra- 
tion. May  we  not  in  sober  truth,  and  not  in  a  boastful  spirit,  claim 
for  our  Republic  the  meed  of  superiority  ?  Is  it  not  to  jurisprudence, 
what  the  Venus  de'  Medici  is  to  art,  a  model  of  classic  grace,  dis- 
figured, it  is  true,  by  impurities  cast  upon  it  by  the  careless  and 
unwise,  but  in  form  and  feature,  as  perfect  as  human  judgment  can 
fashion  it  ?  Will  it  not  be  a  study  for  all  time  ;  and  will  not  the 
transatlantic  republics  yet  to  be  chiselled  from  the  rough  stones 
of  old  systems,  look  to  the  beauteous  child  of  the  American 
Revolution,  as  a  model  par  excellence  1  These  are  questions 
which  the  honest  pride  of  every  American  citizen  answers  in  the 
affirmative. 


22  INTRODUCTION. 

But  another  question  forces  itself  upon  the  mind  and  heart  of  the 
enlightened  patriot — Shall  this  rich  inheritance  be  long  perpetuated, 
and  how  ?  The  answer  is  at  hand.  Educate  every  child — educate 
every  emigrant,  for  "  education  is  the  cheap  defence  of  nations."* 
Educate  all,  physically,  intellectually  and  morally.  Instruct,  not 
only  the  head,  but  the  heart ;  enlighten  the  mind,  and,  by  cultiva- 
tion, enlarge  and  multiply  the  affections.  Above  all,  let  our  youth 
be  instructed  in  all  that  appertains  to  the  vital  principles  of  our 
Republic.  To  appreciate  the  blessings  they  enjoy,  and  to  create  in 
them  those  patriotic  emotions,  which  shall  constitute  them  ardent 
defenders  in  the  hour  of  trial,  it  is  necessary  for  them  to  be  taught 
the  price  of  their  goodly  heritage  ;  the  fearful  cost  of  blood  and 
treasure,  suffering  and  woe,  at  which  it  was  obtained.  They  should 
be  led  by  the  hand  of  history  into  every  patriotic  council  ;  upon 
every  battle  field  ;  through  every  scene  of  trial  and  hardship,  of  hope 
and  despondency,  of  triumph  and  defeat,  where  our  fathers  acted  and 
endured,  so  that  when  we 

"  Go  ring  the  bells  and  fire  the  guns, 
And  fling  the  starry  banner  out — 
Cry  Freedom  !  till  our  little  ones 
Send  back  their  tiny  shout  ;"f 

our  children  may  not,  in  their  ignorance,  ask,  "  What*mean  ye  by 
this  service  V% 

The  duty  of  the  historian  of  the  Revolution,  as  one  of  the  national 
teachers,  is  a  difficult  one,  and  if  he  truly  feels  the  weight  of  the 
responsibility  resting  upon  him,  he  will  instinctively  shrink  from  the 
task,  or  approach  it  with  trembling  misgivings,  relying  solely  upon 
Omnipotent  Wisdom,  in  the  exercise  of  his  judgment  and  the 
guidance  of  his  pen.  That  same  nation,  whose  rulers  sent  armies 
here  to  oppress  their  brethren,  our  fathers ;  to  awe  them  into  submis- 
sion to  a  "  tyrant,  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people,"  and  who,  by 
every  act  of  injustice  and  cruelty  which  malevolence  could  invent, 
sought  to  enslave  the  infant  Colonies,  is  still  a  powerful  and  haughty 
sovereignty ;  yet  in  language,  laws,  religion,  and  commerce,  is 
closely  allied  to  us  in  bonds  of  mutual  friendship.  While  patriotic 
indignation  would  prompt  the  historian  to  speak  harshly  of  Britain, 

*  Burke,  f  Whittier.  %  Exodus  xii.,  26. 


INTRODUCTION.  23 

its  rulers  and  people,  when  recording  the  story  of  the  wrongs  our 
fathers  endured  ;  and  he  might  justly  speak  in  terms  of  unqualified 
condemnation  of  the  inflictors  and  abettors  of  those  wrongs,  yet  it  is 
manifestly  improper  and  unjust  to  excite  unfriendly  feelings  against 
that  same  nation  now.  The  actors  in  that  bloody  drama  have  passed 
away,  and  their  places  in  court,  forum  and  field,  are  filled  by  men 
who  as  deeply  deplore  and  condemn  those  acts  of  George  and  his 
ministers,  as  we.  \ 

Britain,  though  old,  has  been  an  apt  scholar  in  learning  the  lesson 
taught  by  our  War  of  Independence,  and  nobly  are  her  children 
practising  its  precepts.  Monarchy  there  is  now  but  a  dim  shadow 
of  its  former  self ;  and,  instead  of  using  the  people  as  an  instrument 
of  its  ambition  and  lust,  it  is  but  an  executive  arm  to  do  the  bidding 
of  the  people's  will.  Power  has  changed  its  dwelling-place  ;  it  has 
left  the  narrow  precincts  of  the  throne,  and  domiciles  upon  the  broad 
domain  of  the  intellect  of  the  nation.  Religion,  too,  is  stooping 
from  its  lofty  position  upon  the  upper  step  of  the  throne,  and  with  its 
best  friends,  Freedom  of  Opinion,  and  Freedom  of  Thought,  is 
leaving  the  cathedral  for  the  chapel,  and  spreading  its  broad  mantle 
of  Toleration  alike  over  assenters  and  dissenters.  Every  year  pro- 
duces a  closer  affiliation  in  thought,  feeling  and  action,  between  us 
and  our  stately  mother  ;  and  the  time  is  not  far  distant,  when  geo- 
graphical demarkation  alone  shall  make  us  distinctive  nations,  for  we 
shall  meet  upon  the  same  broad  platform  of  Human  Right,  and  labor 
in  the  same  great  cause  of  Human  Progress,  without  a  discordant 
feeling  to  disturb  our  harmony.  .» 

While  the  following  pages  shall  present  a  faithful  narrative  of  the 
War  of  American  Independence  ;  while  not  a  syllable  of  deserving 
condemnation  of  British  tyranny  and  oppression  shall  be  withheld  ; 
while  every  record  of  patriotic  action,  calculated  to  make  the  heart 
of  every  American  citizen  glow  with  love  for  his  country,  and 
reverence  for  those  who  procured  the  blessed  inheritance,  shall 
be  rehearsed,  it  shall  be  our  aim  to  do  this,  and  this  only; 
and  not,  by  the  utterance  of  a  single  word,  probe  the  healing 
wound  of  the  last  century,  or  sever  one  ligament  of  friendly  feeling 
that  now  binds  us  to  our  English  brethren.  Let  us  rather 
strengthen  that  bond,  for  our  alliance  is  noble  and  honorable.  The 
object  of  our  friendship  is  wcrthy  thereof,  for,  when  we  cast  our 
eyes    across    the    Atlantic,    England,    radiant  with  learning,   art, 


24  INTRODUCTION. 

science,  religion,  patriotism,  every  element  of  human  progress, 
every  ingredient  of  social  good,  every  constituent  of  true  greatness, 
beams  like  Hesperus  amid  the  lesser  orbs  of  the  Old  World.  Let 
every  American  heart  respond  to  the  sentiment  of  her  own  sweet 
poet  Cowper  : — 

"  England,  with  all  thy  faults, 
I  love  thee  still." 


THE    WAR   OF    INDEPENDENCE, 


George 
cession. 

William  Pitt,  First  Earl  of  Chat- 
ham. 

Washington,  from  an  Early  Print 
by  Trumbull. 


CHAPTER  I. 


PROPER  point  of  departure  in  the  delineation 
of  the  events  of  the  War  of  American  Inde- 
[  pendence,  is  the  period  when  the  several  English 
colonies,  planted  along  the  Atlantic  sea-board 
from  Massachusetts  to  Georgia,  first  united  for 
the  purpose  of  checking  the  extension  of  French 
settlements  and  the  growth  of  French  empire 
upon  this  continent.  They  were  prompted  to 
this  union  by  sentiments  of  true  loyalty  to  the 
~  home  government,  and  the  counsels  of  self- 
interest.  Until  this  period  each  colony,  established  upon  its  own 
particular  basis,  without  any  special  reference  to  its  sister  settle- 


26  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [chap,  l 

Union  proposed  by  Colonial  Governors.  National  jealousies. 

ments,  felt  no  bond  of  common  interest  with  them.  In  fact,  the 
discordance  of  sectional  feeling,  in  matters  relating  to  boundaries  and 
other  differences  of  opinion,  growing  out  of  imperfect  demarkations 
of  territory,  produced  sectional  jealousies  and  rivalries  that  some- 
times amounted  to  a  considerable  degree  of  animosity  :  yet  the 
consciousness  of  a  common  origin  and  fraternity  in  language,  and 
the  dictates  of  sound  judgment,  so  strongly  developed  in  the  Colonies, 
preserved  them  from  acts  of  open  hostility,  or  even  the  indulgence 
of  feelings  of  permanent  hatred. 

Prior  to  the  period  now  under  consideration,  the  Colonies  had  no 
thoughts  of  union,  for  any  object  whatever.  Nicholson  and  other 
colonial  Governors  had,  at  different  times,  proposed  a  union  of 
several  of  the  Colonies,  but  the  motives  which  gave  birth  to  these 
suggestions  were  so  manifestly  mercenary  that  the  people  spurned 
them  with  disdain.  They  were  made  by  men  ambitious  of  extending 
the  power  of  the  crown,  advancing  their  own  aggrandizement,  and 
of  checking,  in  its  incipient  growth,  the  budding  spirit  of  independ- 
ence, becoming  so  frequently  manifest.  They  feared  the  expansion 
of  this  bud  into  the  lovely  flower  and  mature  fruit,  and  at  once 
sought  to  destroy  its  vitality  or  retard  its  growth.  But  these  unwise 
counsels  and  recommendations  to  the  crown  always  gave  new  life  to 
languishing  aspirations  for  freedom,  and  increased  the  odium  in 
which  the  colonists,  so  frequently  with  just  cause,  held  their  appointed 
rulers. 

The  union  proposed  by  the  colonial  Governors,  and  so  promptly 
rejected  by  the  people,  was  finally  accomplished  through  the  instru- 
mentality of  old  national  antipathies  felt  towards  France,  and  which 
were  remarkably  strong  in  the  less  refined  state  of  society  in  America. 
To  political  hatreds  were  added  those  of  antagonistic  religious  creeds 
(Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant) ;  and  when  the  arena  of  conflict 
between  Great  Britain  and  France  was  transferred  to  America  the 
colonists  were  ready  to  bury  all  domestic  jealousies  and  disloyal 
resolutions,  and  fly  to  arms. 

To  understand  the  nature  and  cause  of  this  union,  it  is  necessary 
to  glance  at  prior  events,  in  which  Britain  and  France  were  the 
chief  actors.  While  the  European  settlements  in  the  new  world 
were  few,  and  scattered  over  a  vast  wilderness,  and  their  trade  con- 
sisted chiefly  in  the  traffic  of  trinkets  for  fur  and  game  with  the 
Indians,  the  respective  governments  of  the  English,  French,  Dutch, 
and  Spanish  settlers,  paid  but  little  regard  to  their  rivalries.  But  when 
these  settlements  became  extended,  and  their  operations  began  to 
have  an  influence  upon  general  commerce,  national  jealousies  arose, 
which  finally  assumed  an  attitude  of  open  hostility. 


chap,  i.]  COLONIAL  WARS— TO  1763.  27 

First  settlement  of  Canada.  First  expedition«agaiiist  Uuebec 

From  the  earliest  settlement  of  the  English  colonies  to  the  treaty 
of  Paris  in  1763,  they  were  frequently  harassed  by  skirmishes  and 
wars  with  adjacent  tribes  of  Indians,  and  also  with  other  European 
settlers.  The  Indians  were  frequently  instigated  by  the  latter  to  the 
commission  of  the  most  dreadful  acts  of  cruelty  towards  the  English, 
and  then  turned  every  advantage  gained  to  their  own  account. 
i      The  French  first  settled  and  possessed  Canada/1     Nearly  ' 

simultaneously  with  these  settlements,  they  planted  colonies 
in  Florida,  and  claimed,  by  priority  of  discovery,  exclusive  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  whole  valley  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi.  To  secure  this 
claim,  they  built  a  line  of  forts  from  Canada  to  Florida.*  By  bribes 
and  other  nefarious  means  of  persuasion,  they  won  over  to  their 
interest  and  aid  several  powerful  tribes  of  Indians  ;  and  finally 
arranged  a  systematic  plan  of  encroachments  upon  the  English 
domain. 

In  order  to  prevent  these  encroachments,  and  to  weaken  the 
strength  of  the  French,  it  was  contemplated  to  conquer  Canada. 
As  early  as  1629  an  attempt  was  made  to  despoil  France  of  her 
possessions  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  During  that  year, 
Sir  David  Kirk  equipped  a  small  fleet,  and  surprised  and  captured 
Quebec,  then  an  infant  French  colony,  and  considered  of  little 
importance.  At  the  conclusion  of  peace,  in  1632,  Quebec  was 
restored  to  France. 

Some  years  subsequent  to  these  events,  the  allied  tribes  of  Indians 
called  the  Five  Nations  waged  a  terrible  war  against  the  French  in 
Canada  ;  and  the  English  of  New  York  gave  their  aid  to  the  savages. 
This  tended  to  strengthen  the  bitter  animosities  of  the  English  and 
French,  both  here  and  at  home  ;  yet  the  war,  which  consisted  chiefly 
of  skirmishes,  did  not  receive  the  regular  sanction  of  the  respective 
governments  till  after  the  revolution  of  1688,t  when  open  hostilities 
were  declared  between  the  two  nations.  Britain  now  determined 
to  strike  an  effectual  blow  at  the  power  of  France  beyond  the 
Atlantic. 

In  1690,  the  commissioners  of  the  Colonies  projected  an  expedi- 
tion against  Quebec.  The  land  forces  were  under  the  command  of 
General  Winthrop,  and  amounted  to  eight  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
raised  chiefly  from  the  Colonies  of  New  England  and  New  York. 
A  fleet  of  armed  ships  and  transports  with  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  men,  under  the  command  of  Sir  William  Phipps,  was  sent 

*  Florida  then  included  the  whole  region  bordering  upon  the  northern  shore  of 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

t  In  favor  of  William,  Prince  of  Orange,  who  was  made  king  of  England,  and  ruled 
conjointly  with  his  queen,  Mary. 


28  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [chap.  t. 

Queen  Anne  s  War.  Expedition  against  Canada. 

at  the  same  time  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  co-operate  with  the  land 
forces.  Acadia*  was  subdued  with  very  little  resistance,  and  the 
fleet  reached  Quebec  in  safety ;  but  the  expedition  proved  unsuc- 
cessful, owing  to  a  delay  of  the  fleet,  a  want  of  boats  and  provisions 
among  the  land  forces,  and  the  able  defence  made  by  the  Count 
Frontenac.  An  attempt  against  Montreal  was  also  unsuccessful, 
that  post  being  ably  defended  by  Des  Callieres.  The  peace  of 
1897  suspended  hostilities  ;  and,  to  the  great  discontent  of  the  colo- 
nies, Acadia  was  restored  to  France. 

In  1701,  England  declared  war  against  France,  in  consequence  of 
the  French  government  having  acknowledged  the  son  of  James  II. 
(an  exile  in  France  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death)  as  king  of 
England^  when  that  government  had  settled  the  crown  upon  Anne, 
the  second  daughter  of  James,  and  then  the  reigning  sovereign. 
Another  cause  of  offence  was  the  act  of  the  French  monarch  in 
placing  his  grandson,  Philip  of  Anjou,  upon  the  throne  of  Spain,  and 
thus,  as  England  maintained,  destroying  the  balance  of  power  in 
Europe.  These  causes  arrayed  England  against  France  and  Spain 
in  bloody  conflict,  known  as  "  Queen  Anne's  War,"  and  the  "  War 
of  the  Spanish  Succession." 

This  renewal  of  hostilities  gave  the  Colonies  another  opportunity 
to  meet  their  old  enemies  upon  the  battle-field.  Two  expeditions 
against  Canada,  one  in  1704,  the  other  in  1707,  failed  in  achieving 
the  conquest  of  that  province  ;  but,  in  1710,  General  Nicholson,  with 
about  twenty-five  hundred  men,  raised  chiefly  from  the  colonies  of 
New  England  and  New  York,  and  aided  by  a  fleet  from  England, 
captured  the  garrison  of  Port  Royal,a  demanded  and  obtained 
a  surrender  of  the  place,  changed  its  name  to  Annapolis, 
in  honor  of  Queen  Anne,  and  Acadia,  or  Nova  Scotia,  was  perma 
nently  annexed  to  the  British  crown. 

The  following  year,  a  land  force  under  Nicholson,  and  a  naval 
armament  under  Sir  Hovenden  Walker,  proceeded  towards  Quebec, 
with  a  view  of  not  only  effecting  the  conquest  of  that  city,  but  the 
subjugation  of  all  Canada.  The  fleet  reached  the  mouth  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  in  safety,  but  the  obstinate  pride  of  Walker  refused  to 
listen  to  the  advice  of  pilots,  and,  on  the  night  of  the  second  of  Sep- 
tember, eight  ships  of  the  squadron  were  wrecked  on  the  northern 
shore,  near  the  Seven  Islands.  This  disaster  frustrated  the  designs 
of  the  expedition,  and  it  was  abandoned.  Walker,  with  the  remain- 
der of  his  fleet,  returned  to  England,  and  the  colonial  troops,  dis- 
appointed and  chagrined,  were  marched  back  to  Boston.      They 

'  *  Acadia  comprehended  the  whole  region  now  called  Nova  Scotia,  or  New  Scot- 
land. 


CHAP.    I.] 

COLONIAL  WARS— TO  1763. 

29 

Treaty  of  Utrecht. 

Expedition  ag&lnsl  Lot 

lislmrH. 

were,  however,  far  from  being  disheartened,  and  would,  doubtless, 
have  ultimately  conquered  Canada,  had  not  the  peace  of  Utrecht, 
which  took  place  in  1713,  terminated  hostilities  between  France  and 
Great  Britain.  By  the  terms  of  this  treaty  of  peace,  France  retained 
Canada,  but  ceded  to  Great  Britain  the  territories  of  Nova  Scotia 
and  Newfoundland  ;  and  also  assigned  to  her  all  claims  to  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  Five  Nations. 

A  peace  between  Great  Britain  and  France  of  thirty  years'  dura- 
tion succeeded  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  and  during  this  period  the 
Colonies  enjoyed  comparative  repose  from  enemies  without ;  yet  the 
spirit  of  independence,  increased  by  their  late  demonstration  of 
strength  and  importance,  made  them  speak  and  act  boldly  against 
the  petty  tyrannies  of  the  three  successive  royal  governors*  appointed 
to  rule  the  Colonies  of  New  England,  and  constant  internal  agitation 
kept  the  social  waters  in  commotion.  This  commotion  was  finally 
allayed  by  concessions  to  the  colonists,  and  when,  in  1744,  hostilities 
again  broke  out  between  Britain  and  France,  the  people  of  New 
England,  with  characteristic  ardor,  were  ready  to  stand  shoulder  to 
shoulder  with  the  mother  country.  This  war  originated  in  European 
disputes  concerning  the  kingdom  of  Austria,  and  for  a  long  time  was 
confined  chiefly  to  Great  Britain  and  Spain ;  but  it  finally  extended 
to  France,  and,  as  a  consequence,  involved  again  the  French  and 
English  possessions  in  America. 

By  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  France,  though  deprived  of  Nova  Scotia, 
had  retained  the  island  of  Cape  Breton,  and  erected  upon  it  a  fortress, 
called  Louisburg,  at  an  expenditure  of  about  six  millions  of  dollars. 
It  was  supposed  to  be  one  of  the  strongest  fortresses  of  modern  times, 
yet  the  colonists  of  New  England  determined  to  besiege  it,  and  for 
that  purpose  raised  an  army  of  four  thousand  men,  and  placed  them 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Pepperel,  as  commander-in-chief, 
and  Roger  Wolcott,  second  in  command.  This  expedition  was  sus 
gested  and  planned  by  Governor  Shirley,  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  who 
justly  regarded  Louisburg  as  the  key  to  the  French  possessions  in 
America.  Commodore  Warren,  then  in  command  of  an  English 
fleet  in  the  West  Indies,  was  invited  to  co-operate  with  the  Colonies, 
but  declined  to  do  so  without  orders  from  the  home  government. 
They  therefore  resolved  to  make  the  attempt  alone,  and,  on  the  30th 
of  April,  they  sailed  for  Louisburg.  At  Canseau,  a  small  island  at 
the  eastern  extremity  of  Nova  Scotia,  they  unexpectedly  met  the 
fleet  of  Warren,  who  had  just  received  orders  to  repair  to  Boston, 
and  concert  measures  with  Shirley  relative  to  services  either  in 
defence  of  the  Colonies  or  aggressions  against  the  French.     On  the 

•  Shute,  Burnett,  and  Belcher. 


30  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [chap.  i. 

Surrender  of  Louisburg.  Effect  of  the  Treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

11th  of  May,  greatly  to  the  surprise  and  alarm  of  the  French,  the 
armament  came  in  sight  of  Louisburg,  and  the  land  forces  effected  a 
landing  at  Garbarus  Bay.  The  next  day  a  detachment  of  four  hun- 
dred men  marched  toward  the  royal  battery,  burning  the  houses  and 
stores  in  their  progress.  The  French  in  dismay,  supposing  the 
whole  army  was  approaching,  spiked  the  guns  and  fled  in  confusion. 
The  battery  was  immediately  seized  by  the  colonial  troops,  and  the 
guns  that  remained  serviceable  were  turned  upon  the  town  and 
against  the  battery  upon  a  small  island  at  the  entrance  of  the 
harbor. 

Vigorous  preparations  for  reducing  the  city  were  at  once  made ; 
and,  in  the  meanwhile,  Warren  captured  a  seventy-four  gun 
ship,*  with  five  hundred  and  sixty  men,  and  a  large  quantity  of 
military  stores,  designed  for  the  garrison.  The  29th  of  June  was 
agreed  upon  as  the  day  for  commencing  a  combined  attack  by  sea  and 
land,  but  on  the  day  previous,  the  whole  island,  with  the  city,  fort,  and 
batteries,  were  surrendered.  A  powerful  naval  armament,  under  the 
Duke  d'Anville,  was  subsequently  sent,  for  the  double  purpose  of 
recovering  this  grand  bulwark  of  French  power  in  America,  and  for 
the  destruction  of  all  the  English  colonies  upon  the  coast  ;  but 
frightful  storms,  disease,  and  shipwrecks,  dispersed  and  disheartened 
the  fleet,  and  the  remnant  returned  to  France.  In  1748  a  treaty  of 
peace  was  concluded  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  in  the  western  part  of  Ger- 
many, between  France  and  England,  and  the  colonists  had  the 
mortification  to  see  the  fruits  of  their  valor  wrested  from  them  by 
the  restoration  of  Cape  Breton  to  France,  in  exchange  for  some 
continental  advantages.  Thus  the  British  king  and  his  ministry, 
regardless  of  the  claims  of  common  justice,  and  ungrateful  for  the 
prizes  won  by  colonial  heroism,  allowed  a  blind  selfishness  to  guide 
them  into  a  way  of  disadvantages  greater  than  all  the  advantages 
gained;  for  they  weakened  the  loyalty  of  the  Colonies,  and  awakened 
a  spirit  of  discontent,  deep  and  permanent.  The  latter  hesitated  not 
to  charge  the  home  government  with  a  desire  to  conciliate  and  main- 
tain the  power  of  Louis,  in  order  to  check  the  spirit  of  Colonial 
independence. 

The  French,  perceiving  that  nothing  had  actually  been  lost  to 
them  by  the  late  conflicts,  were  inspired  with  a  desire  to  extend  their 
possessions  in  North  America.  Having,  at  various  points,  been 
bi  ought  into  contact  with  the  back  settlements  of  their  powerful 
rival,  they  had  been  generally  successful  in  gaining  the  alliance  of 
the  Indians,  from  whose  warlike  character  important  aid  was  expect- 
ed. They  made  the  most  active  movements  in  New  Brunswick, 
hoping  thence  to  penetrate  into  Nova  Scotia,  where  they  would  find  a 


chap,  i.]  COLONIAL  WARS— TO  1763.  31 

French  Claims.  The  Ohio  Company 

population  originally  French,  and  still  strongly  attached  to  the  country 
of  their  fathers.  But  the  enterprises  which  caused  the  greatest 
inquietude  took  place  along  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi.  The 
colonists  had  already,  at  different  points,  penetrated  the  barriers  of 
the  Alleghany,  and  began  to  discover  the  value  of  the  country  ex- 
tending to  those  mighty  streams.  The  enemy,  on  the  other  hand, 
in  virtue  of  certain  voyages  made  in  the  preceding  century  by  Mar- 
quette and  La  Salle,  claimed  the  whole  range  of  the  Mississippi,  by 
attaining  which  their  settlements  in  Canada  and  at  New  Orleans 
would  be  formed  into  one  continuous  territory.  This  pretension,  if 
referred  to  that  peculiar  law*  according  to  which  Europeans  have  di- 
vided America  among  themselves,  seems  not  wholly  unfounded.  They 
had  added,  however,  a  more  exorbitant  claim  ;  that  of  all  the  streams 
falling  into  the  great  river  ;  which  would  have  carried  them  to  the 
very  summit  of  the  Alleghanies,  and  have  hemmed  in  the  British 
colonists  in  a  manner  to  which  they  were  by  no  means  disposed  to 
submit.  The  banks  of  the  Ohio  became  the  debateable  ground  on 
which  this  collision  mainly  took  placet 

So  preposterous  and  untenable  appeared  the  claims  of  the  French, 
and  so  confident  were  the  British  in  their  own  right,  that  an  asso- 
ciation was  formed,  in  1749,  of  London  merchants,  combined  with 
Virginia  planters,  called  the  Ohio  Company,  with  the  design  of 
settling  the  country  on  the  Ohio  River.  They  received  from  the 
crown  a  grant  of  six  hundred  thousand  acres  on  that  river ;  but  this, 
and  like  donations  to  other  parties,  could  not  be  turned  to  any 
account  with  safety,  while  the  French,  aided  by  their  Indian  allies, 
were  determined  to  maintain  their  claims.  The  formation  of  these 
companies,  receiving  the  royal  sanction  and  aid,  gave  just  grounds 
to  the  French  for  apprehending  the  organization  of  a  systematic 
plan  to  deprive  them  of  their  communication  between  Canada  and 
Louisiana.  They  at  once  began  the  erection  of  forts  south  of  Lake 
Erie,  on  the  waters  of  the  Ohio,  which  called  forth  the  complaints  of 
the  Ohio  Company,  and  they  appealed  to  Virginia  for  protection,  as 
the  territory  in  dispute  was  included  in  the  original  charter  of  that 
Colony.  These  complaints,  in  connection  with  rumors  that  the  tribes 
of  Indians  friendly  to  the  English,  alarmed  for  their  safely,  were 
beginning  to  waver  in  their  fidelity;  and  that  the  hostile  tribes,  encou- 
raged by  the  French,  began  to  exhibit  symptoms  of  open  hostility, 
determined  Robert  Dinwiddie,  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  Colony 

*  "  The  first  discovery  of  a  river,  by  the  subject  of  any  nation,  gives  to  that 
nation  the  right  of  possession  of  the  whole  country  watered  by  that  river  and  its 
tributaries  " — Vattel. 

f  United  States  (Edinburgh  Cabinet  Library),  vol.  i.,p.  319 


32  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [chap,  l 

Washington  appointed  a  Commissioner  to  confer  with  the  French. 

and  his  council,  to  send  a  commissioner  to  confer  with  the  French 
commander,  urge  him  to  desist  from  further  encroachments,  and  to 
ascertain  as  correctly  as  possible  the  actual  state  of  affairs  on  the 
frontier.  This  commission  was  a  delicate  and  hazardous  one,  re- 
quiring great  discretion,  a  knowledge  of  the  country,  and  an  acquaint- 
ance with  the  Indian  language  and  character.  The  execution  of  this 
important  duty  was  entrusted  to  George  Washington,  then  a  youth  of 
only  twenty-one  years,  yet  holding  the  rank,  and  performing  the  active 
services,  of  Major  of  one  of  the  four  grand  military  divisions  of  the 
Colony  of  Virginia.  The  combined  excellences  of  his  character  had 
endeared  him  to  all  the  subordinate  officers  of  his  command  ;  and  when 
his  appointment  to  the  command  of  this  expedition  was  known,  there 
were  warm  hearts  and  willing  hands  in  abundance  ready  and  eager 
to  accompany  him. 

Fortified  with  written  instructions,  to  which  the  great  seal  of  the 
Colony  was  affixed,  Washington  departed  from  Williamsburg,  the  seat 
of  government,  on  the  31st  of  October,  1753,  and  fourteen  days  after, 
with  seven  other  men,  and  horses,  tents,  baggage,  and  provisions,  they 
left  Will's  Creek,  the  extreme  verge  of  civilisation.  The  distance 
they  were  obliged  to  travel  through  the  forests  and  over  the  most 
rugged  portions  of  the  Alleghanies,  was  about  five  hundred  and 
sixty  miles;  and  yet  so  diligent  and  persevering  was  the  commander, 
that  they  reached  their  place  of  destination  on  the  13th  of  December. 
M.  de  St.  Pierre,  the  commandant  of  the  fort,  received  them  with 
great  politeness,  and  treated  Washington  with  all  the  distinction  his 
position  could  claim.  Washington  delivered  the  letter  of  Governor 
Dinwiddie  to  him,  and  also  communicated  verbally  the  object  of  his 
mission.  St.  Pierre  refused  to  come  to  any  decision, — described 
himself  as  merely  a  military  man,  incompetent  to  decide  on  such  an 
application,  and  expressed  an  opinion  that  the  Marquis  Du  Quesne, 
the  Governor  of  Canada,  under  whom  he  acted,  was  the  proper 
person  to  be  addressed.  After  two  days,  however,  he  gave  Wash- 
ington a  written  answer  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  and  dismissed  the 
conference. 

Washington,  in  the  meanwhile,  had  not  been  idle.  While  the 
French  officers  were  holding  consultations  and  getting  their  reply 
ready,  he  secretly  took  the  dimensions  of  the  fort,  and  gathered  such 
other  information  as  he  deemed  useful.  He  had  instructed  his  at- 
tendants to  do  the  same,  and  thus  they  carried  away  with  them 
information  of  much  value.  On  the  16th  of  December  he  set  out 
on  his  return,  and  after  enduring  many  hardships,  and  encountering 
many  perils  from  snow,  fording  of  streams,  and  the  Indians,  he 
arrived  safely  at  Williamsburg  on  the  16th  of  January  following. 


chap,  i.]  COLONIAL  WARS— TO  1763.  83 

Result  of  the  Mission.  Attack  on  the  works  of  the  Ohio  Company. 

The  letter  of  St.  Pierre  was  found  to  contain  a  reiteration  of  the 
French  claims  to  the  territory  in  dispute,  and  a  positive  refusal  to 
withdraw  his  troops ;  with  an  assurance  that  he  was  acting  in  pur- 
suance of  the  commands  of  the  Governor-General  of  Canada,  whose 
orders  alone  he  felt  bound  to  obey. 

The  positive  yet  courteous  tone  of  the  letter,  and  the  active  pre- 
parations for  defence  making  upon  the  Ohio,  placed  the  French  in  a 
position  no  longer  doubtful.  Moreover,  the  inferior  officers  at  a 
frontier  post,  when  heated  with  wine,  after  an  evening  entertainment 
given  to  Major  Washington,  declared  with  an  oath,  their  absolute 
intention  to  take  full  possession  of  the  Ohio.  Governor  Dinwiddie 
felt  that  immediate  and  vigorous  preparations  to  resist  their  encroach- 
ments were  necessary,  and  acted  accordingly.  The  Ohio  Company 
sent  out  an  armed  party  of  thirty  men  to  construct  a  fort  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Alleghany  and  Monongahela  Rivers,  a  point  ob- 
served by  Washington,  and  by  him  strongly  recommended  as  an 
eligible  site  for  a  fortification.  Notwithstanding  the  necessity  was 
great,  yet  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  was  slow  to  make  provision  for 
an  army.  They  finally  appropriated  fifty  thousand  dollars,  and 
Carolina  sixty  thousand  more  ;  and,  after  considerable  effort,  three 
companies  of  provincial  troops  were  raised  and  placed  under  the 
command  of  Washington  (now  elevated  to  the  rank  of  Colonel),  and 
marched  into  the  disputed  territory.  The  news  soon  reached  the 
Governor  that  the  party  sent  out  by  the  Ohio  Company  to  erect  a 
fort  had  hardly  begun  operations  before  they  were  attacked 
by  the  French,  and  driven  from  the  ground.*  The  enemy 
completed  the  work,  and  named  the  fort,  Du  Quesne. 

Washington  pushed  forward  with  his  handful  of  daring  men,  at 
the  same  time  he  urgently  called  on  the  different  States  to  contribute 
their  quota  of  men  and  supplies  for  the  common  defence.     As  he 
approached  the  domain  occupied  by  the  French,  he  was  informed  by 
some  Indians  that  a  party  of  fifty  men,  under  Jumonville,  were  on 
their  march  to  intercept  him.     With  a  few  chosen  men  and  some 
Indians,  he  surprised  them  in  their  camp  in  the  night,  killed  the 
commander   and  ten  of  his  men,  and  wounded  twenty-two 
more.6     After  erecting  a  small  fort,  which  he  named   Fort 
Necessity,  and  being  joined  by  some   troops   from  New  York  and 
Carolina,  Washington  proceeded,  with  four  hundred  men,  toward 
Fort  Du  Quesne.    Learning  that  a  large  body  of  French  and  Indians, 
under  the  command  of  M.  tie  Villiers,  were  on  their  march  to  meet 
him,  he  returned  to  Fort  Necessity,  which  was  soon  after 
attacked  by  the  enemy,  fifteen  hundred  strong.c    They  made    • 
an  obstinate  resistance  for  ten  hours,  but  were  obliged  to  yield  to 
3 


34  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [chap.  i. 

Union  Convention  of  the  Colonies.  Dr.  Franklin's  Plan. 

overwhelming  numbers,  and  agreed  to  a  capitulation,  by  the  terms 
of  which  they  were  allowed  to  return  to  Virginia  unmolest- 
ed.*    Notwithstanding  this  defeat,  the  campaign  was  highly 
approved  of,  and  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  passed  reso- 
lutions of  thanks  to  Colonel  Washington  and  his  officers. 

The  colonists  had  now  begun  to  feel  that  mutual  co-operation 
against  their  powerful  enemy  wras  absolutely  necessary,  especially 
those  Colonies  that  were  more  immediately  exposed  to  attacks. 
Representations  of  the  critical  state  of  the  Colonies  having  been 
made  to  the  government  at  home,  it  wras  recommended  to  call  a 
convention  of  delegates  from  the  several  States,  to  be  held  at  Albany, 
New  York,  to  concert  with  each  other  and  with  the  Six  Nations 
(whose  friendship  they  desired  to  conciliate),  some  plan  for  repelling 
the  enemy.  The  New  England  States,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland, 
and  New  York,  at  once  complied  with  this  advice  and  appointed 
delegates,  who  met  in  convention  at  Albany  in  June,  and  after  con- 
cluding a  treaty  with  the  Six  Nations,  on  the  4th  of  July,  1754,  the 
very  day  of  the  surrender  of  Fort  Necessity,  adopted  a  plan  of  gov- 
ernment and  action,  proposed  by  Dr.  Franklin,  a  delegate  from  Penn- 
sylvania. 

Dr.  Franklin  was,  at  this  time,  one  of  the  most  influential  men  in 
the  Colonies,  and  his  discretion  and  sound  judgment,  exhibited  in 
almost  every  matter  of  public  interest  in  which  he  had  been  called 
to  participate,  had  gained  for  him  the  unbounded  confidence  of  the 
people  of  the  States,  as  well  as  the  government  at  home,  which  had 
conferred  upon  him  the  office  of  Postmaster-General.  He  was 
looked  to  as  the  leader  in  the  convention,  and  his  plan,  though 
extremely  bold,  was  at  once  adopted  by  a  vote  of  all  the  delegates, 
except  those  from  Connecticut.  It  proposed  a  general  government, 
consisting  of  a  President  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  a  council 
chosen  by  the  several  Colonial  Legislatures  ;  having  power  vested  in 
them  to  levy  troops,  declare  war,  make  peace,  regulate  trade  with 
the  Indians,  levy  taxes,  and  concert  all  other  matters  for  the  general 
safety  and  prosperity  ;  and  their  acts,  if  not  disallowed  by  the  king 
within  three  years,  were  to  acquire  the  force  of  law.  But  this  plan,  so 
highly  approved  of  in  convention,  met  the  singular  fate  of  rejection, 
not  only  by  the  Colonial  Legislatures  when  submitted  to  them,  but  by 
the  British  cabinet.  The  former  objected  to  it,  because  it  gave  too 
much  power  to  the  President  or  Governor-General  and  his  council, 
especially  in  the  matter  of  taxation  ;  and  the  latter,  because  it 
gave  too  much  power  to  the  representatives  of  the  people,  and 
rendered  America   almost  entirely  independent.*     In  fact,  it  was 

'     *  "  The  Colonial  Assemblies,"  says  Franklin,  "  all  thought  there  was  too  much 


chap,  i.]  COLONIAL  WARS— TO  1763.  35 

Arrival  of  General  Braddock.  March  toward  Fort  Du  Quesne. 

looked  upon  in  England,  by  sagacious  minds,  as  an  incipient  step 
towards  political  independence,  of  which  Britain  was  at  times  so 
jealous  and  alarmed  ;  and  doubtless  it  had  some  influence  in  mould- 
ing the  public  mind  for  an  affirmative  on  the  question  of  submission 
or  war,  which  a  few  years  afterward  they  were  called  upon  to 
decide.  The  plan  of  union  having  failed,  Britain  determined  to 
carry  on  the  war  with  her  own  troops,  assisted  by  such  aid  as  the 
Colonies  might  volunteer. 

In  February,  1755,  General  Braddock  arrived  from  Ireland  with 
two  regiments  of  troops,  to  co-operate  with  the  Virginia  force  against 
the  French  on  the  Ohio.  He  came  with  the  authority  of  command- 
er-in-chief of  the  British  and  colonial  forces ;  and  at  his  request, 
the  governors  of  five  of  the  Colonies  assembled  at  Alexandria,  to 
concert  the  general  plan  of  a  campaign.  Three  expeditions  were 
resolved  upon  ;  one  against  the  French  at  Fort  du  Quesne,  to  be  led 
by  Braddock  himself ;  a  second  against  Niagara  ;  and  a  third  against 
Crown  Point,  on  the  western  shore  of  Lake  Champlain.  Washing- 
ton had  left  the  army  on  account  of  a  regulation,  by  which  the 
colonial  officers  were  made  to  take  lower  rank  than  those  of  the 
regular  army  ;  but,  at  the  solicitation  of  General  Braddock,  he  con- 
sented to  serve  as  his  aide-de-camp,  but  as  a  volunteer. 

The  expedition  to  be  led  by  Braddock,  was  long  delayed  by  the 
tardiness  of  the  Virginia  contractors  to  furnish  the  wagons  necessary 
to  transport  baggage,  arms  and  ammunition  ;  and  in  the  meanwhile, 
an  enterprise  in  the  East  was  successfully  carried  out, 
under  General  Monckton,  who  sailed  from  Boston0  with  ° 
three  thousand  troops,  and  attacked  the  French  settlements  at  the 
head  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  Several  forts  were  taken,  the  planta- 
tions of  the  French  settlers  were  desolated,  and  the  miserable  in- 
habitants, refusing  to  swear  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  were 
driven  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  on  board  the  British  ships,  and 
dispersed  in  poverty  among  the  English  Colonies. 

Through  the  influence  of  Dr.  Franklin  with  the  farmers  of  Penn- 
sylvania, the  necessary  supplies  were  obtained,  and  on  the  tenth  of 
June,  Braddock  set  out  from  Fort  Cumberland  with  a  force  of  about 
two  thousand  men.  The  road  across  the  Alleghanies  was  so  rugged, 
that  the  movement  of  the  army  was  very  slow  ;  and  it  was  evident 
that  the  French,  apprised  of  their  approach,  would  have  ample  time 
to  strongly  fortify  Fort  Du  Quesne,  and  greatly  increase  the  garrison. 

prerogative  in  it ;  and  in  England  it  was  thought  to  have  too  much  of  the  democratic 
in  it."  Thirty  years  after,  on  reviewing  this  plan,  it  was  Franklin's  opinion  that  it 
was  near  the  true  medium.  Its  basis  is  very  nearly  the  same  as  the  Constitution  ofv 
the  United  States. 


86  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [chap.  i. 

Sudden  Attack,  and  Death  of  Braddock.  Heroism  of  Washington. 

At  the  earnest  request  of  Washington,  it  was  determined  to  press 
forward  with  twelve  hundred  men,  leaving  the  balance,  under 
Colonel  Dunbar,  behind,  to  take  charge  of  the  artillery  and  baggage. 
As  they  approached  the  vicinage  of  the  enemy,  Washington  desired 
to  lead  the  provincials  in  advance,  as  they  were  much  better 
acquainted  with  Indian  warfare  than  the  regular  troops.  But  the 
pride  and  confidence  in  his  own  judgment  and  skill,  deterred  Brad- 
dock  from  listening  to  the  advice  of  his  aide-de-camp,  and  he  pressed 
forward,  regardless  of  the  danger  of  surprise  which  he  was 
warned  against,  until  he  arrived  within  nine  miles  of  Fort  Du 
Quesne.  The  garrison  was  understood  to  be  quite  small,  and  all 
hearts  beat  high  with  anticipation  of  speedy  and  signal  victory. 
Early  on  the  morning  of  the  ninth  of  July,  they  proceeded  toward 
the  fort.  A  profound  silence  reigned  in  the  wilderness  ;  no  enemy 
was  to  be  seen  ;  and  having  forded  a  small  stream,  they  were  pass- 
ing a  woody  and  rough  track  by  a  path  that  led  directly  to  the  fort, 
when  suddenly  a  most  destructive  fire  opened  upon  them  in  front 
and  on  the  right,  from  an  invisible  enemy.  The  van-guard  fell  back 
in  confusion,  and  Braddock,  instead  of  allowing  his  troops  to  rush 
behind  the  trees  and  into  the  ravines,  where  the  enemy  were  con- 
cealed, formed  them  in  platoons,  in  accordance  with  English  disci- 
pline, and  their  bullets  were  wasted  upon  the  trees  and  hillocks. 
The  French  and  Indians  kept  up  such  an  incessant  fire  from  the 
ravines  and  trees,  that  a  general  flight  of  the  regulars  ensued.  Gen- 
eral Braddock  had  three  horses  killed  under  him,  and  was  finally 
mortally  wounded,  when  the  troops,  seeing  every  mounted  officer 
fall,  except  Washington,  fled  in, dismay.  The  provincial  troops 
were  rallied  by  their  intrepid  leader,  and  covering  the  retreat  of  the 
regulars,  saved  the  army  from  total  destruction.  In  this  defeat, 
more  than  two-thirds  of  all  the  officers  and  nearly  half  the  privates, 
were  either  killed  or  wounded.  How  tangible  was  the  hand  of 
Providence  in  the  salvation  of  Washington's  life  on  that  day  !  Cap- 
tains Orme  and  Morris,  the  other  two  aides-de-camp,  were  disabled 
by  wounds,  and  the  duty  of  distributing  the  general's  orders 
devolved  on  him  alone.  He  rode  in  every  direction,  and  was  a  con- 
spicuous mark  for  the  enemy's  sharp-shooters.  "  By  the  all-power- 
ful dispensation  of  Providence,"  said  he,  in  a  letter  to  his  brother,  "  I 
have  been  protected  beyond  all  human  probability  or  expectation  ; 
for  I  had  four  bullets  through  my  coat,  and  two  horses  shot  under 
me,  yet  I  escaped  unhurt,  although  death  was  levelling  my  com* 
panions  on  every  side  of  me."* 

•  Sparks's  Life  of  Washington  (i.  vol.),  page  64.    Boston,  1844. 


chap,  i.]  COLONIAL  WARS— TO  1763.  37 

Flight  of  the  British  to  Fort  Cumberland.  Expedition  against  Crown-Point 

The  enemy  made  no  pursuit,  as  the  Indians,  satiated  with  blood, 
preferred  to  remain  upon  the  battle-field,  and  the  French  were  too 
few  in  number  to  venture  to  follow  ;  yet  so  great  was  the  panic 
communicated  to  Colonel  Dunbar's  troops  on  hearing  of  the  defeat, 
that  disorder  and  confusion  reigned ;  the  artillery  and  public  stores 
were  destroyed,  no  one  could  tell  by  whose  orders,  nor  was  tran- 
quillity restored,  until  they  arrived  safely  within  the  walls  of  Fort 
Cumberland.  Soon  after,  Colonel  Dunbar,  leaving  a  few  troops  at 
the  fort,  retired  with  the  rest  of  the  army  to  Philadelphia  ;a 
and  Washington,  debilitated  by  sickness  and  fatigue,  left  the 
service  and  returned  to  Mount  Vernon,  followed  by  the  blessings  and 
esteem  of  the  Colonies. 

While  these  events  were  transpiring  in  the  West,  a  militia  force  of 
between  five  and  six  thousand  men  assembled  at  Albany,  for  an  expedi- 
tion against  the  fortress  of  Crown  Point,  on  the  borders  of  Canada. 
The  command  was  given  to  Wrilliam  Johnson,  afterward  Sir  William 
Johnson,  an  Irishman  of  great  bodily  strength  and  energy  of  charac- 
ter, and  who  had  acquired  uncommon  influence  over  the  Indian 
tribes  upon  the  Mohawk  and  its  vicinity.  In  July,  the  troops  were 
collected  at  the  carrying-place  between  the  Hudson  River  and  Lake 
George,  under  General  Lyman,  the  second  in  command,  where  a 
small  fort  was  built,  called  Fort  Lyman,  and  subsequently  named 
Fort  Edward.  In  the  latter  part  of  August,  Johnson  arrived,  and 
learning  that  the  enemy  was  erecting  another  fort  at  Ticonderoga,  he 
resolved  to  push  forward  and  reduce  it  before  the  work  should  be 
completed.  But  when  arrived  at  the  head  of  Lake  George,  intelli- 
gence reached  him  that  Baron  Dieskau,  with  nearly  two  thousand 
French  and  Indians,  were  on  their  march  from  Crown  Point  to  attack 
Fort  Edward.  Johnson  at  once  sent  out  a  party  of  one  thousand 
provincials  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Williams  ;  and  two 
hundred  Indians  under  the  command  of  Hendricks,  a  Mohawk 
sachem,  for  the  purpose  of  intercepting  the  return  of  the  enemy. 
When  within  two  miles  of  Fort  Edward,  Dieskau,  at  the  request  of 
his  Indian  allies,  changed  his  route,  and  proceeded  to  attack  the 
camp  of  Johnson.  Although  surprised,  he  gave  the  enemy  a  warm 
reception,  and  caused  the  Indians  and  militia  to  fall  back.  The 
French  regulars  maintained  the  contest  for  several  hours,  and  John- 
son, being  wounded,  was  obliged  to  yield  the  command  to  Lyman, 
his  second.  The  French  were  finally  repulsed  with  a  loss  of  nearly 
one  thousand  men  ;  Dieskau  himself  was  wounded  and  made 
piisoner.  While  feeling  for  his  watch  for  the  purpose  of  surrender- 
ing it,  an  English  soldier,  thinking  he  was  searching  for  a  pistol, 
fired  upon  and  killed  him. 


38  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [chap.  i. 

Erection  of  Forts  at  Oswego.  Earl  of  Loudon  Commander-in-Chief. 

General  Johnson  erected  a  fort  at  his  place  of  encampment,  and 
named  it  Fort  William  Henry.     He  was  about  to  march  toward 
Crown  Point,  when  he  learned  that  the  French  were  strengthening 
that  post,  and  greatly  increasing  the  garrison  at  Ticonderoga.     He 
therefore  deemed  it  advisable,  as  the  winter  was    approaching,  to 
close  the  campaign ;  and  after  leaving  sufficient  garrisons  for  Forts 
William  Henry  and  Edward,  he  retired  to  Albany,  and  there  dis- 
persed   the   remainder   of    his    army   to    their    respective 
provinces. a 
During  this  campaign  of  Johnson,  Governor  Shirley  of  Massachu- 
setts (upon  whom  devolved   the  command-in-chief  of  the    British 
forces,  on  the  death  of  Braddock)  led  an  expedition  against  Niagara  ; 
but  the  difficulties   of  the  march,  the  delay  in  the  concentration  of 
troops   at  Oswego,  as  concerted,  the  discouragement  spread  by  the 
tidings  of  Braddock's  defeat,  sickness  in  the  camp,  and  desertion 
of  Indian  allies,  frustrated  his   designs,  and    nearly  all  the    forces 
were  withdrawn.1     Two  new  forts  that  had  been  commenced 
'  on  opposite   sides  of  the  river  at  Oswego,  were  garrisoned, 
and  the  campaign  terminated. 

Thus  far,  the  war  between  France  and  Great  Britain,  carried  on 
upon  the  ocean,  as  well  as  in  America,  had  been  permissory  rather 
than  declaratory,  so  far  as  the  respective  governments  were  con- 
cerned; but  on  the  17th  May,  1756,  war  was  formally  declared  against 
France  by  Great  Britain,  and  within  a  month  afterwards,0 
the  latter  returned  the  compliment.  Vigorous  preparations 
were  now  made  on  both  sides  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war  in 
America.  At  a  council  of  Governors  held  at  Albany,  plans  similar 
to  those  adopted  the  preceding  year,  were  matured  and  agreed  upon  ; 
and  it  was  determined  to  raise  from  the  various  Colonies,  twenty- 
one  thousand  men.  Lord  Loudon  was  appointed  by  the  crown, 
commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  in  America ;  but  owing  to 
necessary  delay,  General  Abercrombie  preceded  him  and  took  the 
command.  Abercrombie  arrived  in  June,  but  conceiving  the  force 
in  readiness  too  small  for  the  emergency,  thought  it  prudent  to  await 
the  arrival  of  the  Earl  of  Loudon,  which  took  place  in  July.  But 
both  officers  seemed  very  inefficient,  and  their  delays  allowed  the 
French  time,  not  only  to  strengthen  their  own  posts,  but  to  attack 
those  of  the  English. 

The  French  forces  were  united  under  Montcalm,  a  brave  and 
high-spirited  officer.  In  August,  he  crossed  Lake  Ontario  with 
more  than  five  thousand  men,  French  and  Indians,  and  with  between 
thirty  and  forty  pieces  of  cannon,  attacked  Fort  Ontario,  on  the  east 
d  Aug.  ii.  side  of  the  river  at  Oswego.**     The  garrison  obstinately  de- 


chap.  i.J  COLONIAL  WARS— TO  1763.  39 

Expedition  against  Kittaning.  Surrender  of  Fort  William  Henry. 

fended  it  for  a  few  hours,  but  finding  resistance  useless,  they 
safely  retired  to  the  old  fort  on  the  west  side,a  when,  finding  a 
their  number  reduced  to   fourteen   hundred   men,  and.   their  com- 
mander, Colonel  Mercer,  slain,  they  were  forced  to  capitulate  and 
surrender  themselves  prisoners  of  war.6     One  hundred  and 
thirty-four   pieces  of  cannon,  with  a  large  quantity  of  stores 
and  ammunition,   and  several  vessels  in  the  harbor,   fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.     After  demolishing  the  forts,  Montcalm  returned 
to  Canada. 

In  August  of  this  year,  Colonel  Armstrong  marched  with  three 
hundred  men  against  Kittaning,  the  principal  town  of  the  Indians  on 
the  Alleghany  River,  to  avenge  the  bloodthirsty  acts  of  the  savages 
subsequent  to  the  defeat  of  Braddock.  Incited  by  the  French,  they 
had  killed,  or  carried  into  captivity,  more  than  one  thousand  inhabit- 
ants of  the  frontier  settlements.  Armstrong  took  them  by  surprise, 
killed  their  principal  chiefs,  destroyed  their  town,  and  carried  away 
eleven  prisoners.0  But  few  of  the  English  suffered  in  this 
expedition.  Captain  Mercer,  afterward  the  brave  General 
Mercer  who  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Princeton,  was  slightly 
wounded. 

The  commander-in-chief  limited  the  plan  of  the  campaign  of 
1757,  to  an  attempt  to  capture  the  fortress  of  Louisburg,  and  for  this 
purpose  he  sailed  on  the  20th  of  June  from  New  York,  with  six 
thousand  regular  troops,  and  on  the  30th  arrived  at  Halifax.  Here 
he  was  reinforced  by  a  naval  armament  under  the  command  of 
Admiral  Holboum,  and  a  land  force  of  five  thousand  Englishmen, 
but  learning  that  a  large  French  fleet  had  arrived/  and  that 
the  fort  was  very  strongly  garrisoned,  he  abandoned  the  en-  '  j 

terprise  and  returned  to  New  York.*  ,' 

In  the  meanwhile  Montcalm  collected  his  forces  at  Ticon- 
deroga,   marched    against  Fort  William  Henry  on  Lake   George, 
besieged  it,  and  compelled  it  to  surrender/     The  garrison 

°  .  /  Au".  9. 

were  allowed  the  honorable  terms  of  marching  out  with  the 
honors  of  wrar,  and  rejoining  their  countrymen  ;  but  the  treacherous 
Indians  violated  the  stipulation  and  massacred  a  great  number  of 
them.  It  is  maintained  that  Montcalm  used  all  his  endeavors  to 
prevent  the  butchery  ;  but  he  was  held  responsible  for  the  act,  and 
there  was  accordingly  aroused  in  the  breast  of  the  Colonies,  a  deep 
thirst  for  vengeance,  that  called  for  more  vigorous  measures  against 
the  enemy. 

It  will  have  been  perceived  that  hitherto  disaster  and  disgrace 
had  marked  most  of  the  operations  against  the  French,  especially  on 
the  part  of  the  English  officers  and  their  troops.     The  political  con- 


40  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [chap.  i. 

Character  of  the  British  Cabinet.  Capture  and  Surrender  of  Louisburg 

tests  for  place,  and  the  vacillating  character  of  George  II.,  now 
seventy  years  of  age,  prevented  that  vigorous  and  steady  action  of 
government,  so  necessary  in  times  of  general  commotion,  such  as 
then  convulsed  Europe  ;  and  the  best  interests  of  the  nation  were 
most  shamefully  neglected.  George  was  surrounded,  at  this  time, 
with  very  few  really  great  men  ;  and  his  irascibility  of  temper  con- 
trolling both  his  judgment  and  his  actions,  caused  him  to  discard 
from  office  and  confidence,  men  unto  whom  the  people  looked  for 
proper  leaders,  and  filled  his  cabinet  with  men,  such  as  the  Old 
Duke  of  Newcastle,  who  could  boast  of  little  else  that  was  noble, 
except  the  crest  of  a  peer  of  the  realm.  These  men  flocked  like 
vultures  for  prey,  around  the  old  king,  clamorous  for  place  and  pen- 
sions for  themselves  and  heirs  ;  and  by  their  influence,  such  men  as 
Pitt  and  Temple,  really  the  best  friends  of  the  king  and  his  realm, 
were  driven  from  posts  of  honor  and  usefulness,  because  they  stood  in 
the  way  of  titled  ignorance  and  self-sufficient  stupidity.  Fortunately, 
the  utter  imbecility  and  timidity  of  the  cabinet,  when  Pitt  and  Temple 
were  dismissed,  was  so  great,  that  the  poor  old  king  was  left  without 
an  adviser  on  whom  he  could  rely.  He  had  been  taught  to  hate 
Pitt,  yet  in  his  emergency  he  was  induced  to  recall  him,  and  at  once 
new  life  and  vigor  were  infused  into  the  government.  Adverse  to 
the  military  operations  in  Germany,  he  turned  his  attention  chiefly 
to  the  American  Colonies,  and  this  attention  drew  from  them  united 
and  efficient  exertions.  The  Earl  of  Loudon  was  recalled,  and  the 
command-in-chief  was  given  to  General  Abercrombie,  much  the 
better  officer  of  the  two. 

It  being  concerted  to  strike  the  first  blow  at  Louisburg,  the  rallying 
point  of  French  power  in  that  quarter,  an  expedition  sailed  against  it 
from  Halifax  in  May,  1758.  The  naval  armament,  consisting  of 
nearly  forty  armed  vessels,  was  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Bos- 
cawen,  and  the  land  forces,  twelve  thousand  strong,  under  command 
of  General  Amherst.  On  the  2d  of  June,  the  fleet  anchored  in  Ga- 
barus  Bay,  and  landed  the  troops  on  the  8th,  when  the  French  called 
in  their  outposts  and  dismantled  the  battery.  On  the  12th,  General 
Wolfe  completed  a  battery  at  the  North  Cape,  by  which  the  island 
battery  was  silenced,  three  French  ships  burned  in  the  harbor,  and 
the  town  fortifications  much  injured.  On  the  26th  of  July,  the  city 
and  island,  together  with  St.  Johns,  surrendered  by  capitulation. 

On  the  5th  of  July,  General  Abercrombie  embarked  on  Lake 
George,  with  about  fifteen  thousand  troops  and  a  formidable  train  of 
artillery  ;  and  on  the  following  morning,  landed  near  the  head  of  the 
lake,  and  commenced  their  march  through  the  woods  towards  the 
fort  at  Ticonderoga,  then  defended  by  about  four  thousand  troops 


chap.  i.J  COLONIAL  WARS— TO  17G3.  41 

Death  of  Lord  Howe.  Capture  of  Fort  I'mntcnac. 

under  the  command  of  the  Marquis  Montcalm.  The  English 
troops  soon  became  bewildered,  in  consequence  of  their  ignorance  of 
the  country  ;  and  the  centre  column,  commanded  by  Lord  Howe, 
falling  in  with  an  advanced  guard  of  the  French,*  Lord  Howe 

i  ■«     i        i  r  i  o  July  6. 

was  kdled  ;  but  after  a  severe  contest,  the  enemy  were  re- 
pulsed.    The  death  of  Lord  Howe,  who  was  much  beloved  by  all, 
threw  the  army  into  confusion,  and  they  fell  back  to  the  landing- 
place  ;  but  on  the  8th  they  rallied  in  full  force  to  attack  the  fort. 
After  a  contest  of  four  hours  and  a  loss  of  nearly  two  thousand  men, 
Abercrombie  was  obliged  to  raise  the  siege,  and  retired  to  the  head 
of  Lake  George.     At  the  earnest  solicitation  of  Colonel  Bradstreet, 
an  expedition  of  three  thousand  men,  under  that  officer,  was  sent 
against  Fort  Frontenac,  situated  upon  the  present  site  of  Kingston, 
at    the    outlet    of    Lake     Ontario.     He    crossed    the    lake    from 
Oswego,*  and  in  two  days  compelled  the  fort  to  surrender. 
Nine  armed  vessels,  and  a  large  quantity  of  stores  and  goods, 
was  a  portion  of  the  reward  reaped  by  the  gallant  soldiers. 

Early  in  July,  General  Forbes,  at  the  head  of  nine  thousand  men, 
left  Philadelphia  on  an  expedition  against  Fort  du  Quesne.  The 
French  attacked  an  advanced  party  under  Major  Grant,  and  killed 
three  hundred  men  ;  but  on  the  approach  of  General  Forbes  with 
the  main  body  of  the  army,  being  deserted  by  their  Indian  allies, 
they  precipitately  fled  from  the  fort,  and  escaped  in  boats  down  the 
Ohio.c     Possession  was  taken  of  the  fort  the  next  day,  and 

c  Nov.  24. 

in   honor  of  Mr.  Pitt,  the  Prime   Minister,  its  name  was 
changed  to  Pittsburg.*     The  Indians  from  the  West  concluded  a 
treaty  of  neutrality  with  the  English,  and  the  campaign  of  the  year 
closed  with  more  honor  and  substantial  benefit  to  the  English  than 
any  preceding  ones. 

Pitt  now  conceived  the  bold  design  of  conquering  the  whole  of 
Canada  in  a  single  campaign.  The  sound  judgment  and  skill  dis- 
played by  Amherst  in  the  siege  of  Louisburg,  gained  from  Parlia- 
ment a  vote  of  thanks,  and  he  was  appointed  commander-in-chief  of 
all  the  forces  in  America  ;  while  to  General  Wolfe,  a  young  officer 
on  whom  Pitt  greatly  relied,!  and  who  by  his  bravery  distinguished 
himself  at  Louisburg,  was  assigned  the  most  active  part  in  the  trans- 
actions on  the  St.  Lawrence. 

*  Now  the  site  of  a  flourishing  city. 

f  "  The  world,"  says  Walpole,  "  could  not  expect  from  him  more  than  he  thought 
himself  capable  of  performing.  He  looked  on  danger  as  the  favorable  moment  that 
would  call  forth  his  talents."  Of  Lord  Howe  he  also  said,"  He  was  as  undaunted  as 
a  rock,  and  also  as  silent;  the  characteristic  of  his  whole  race.  He  and  Wolfe  soon 
contracted  a  friendship  like  the  union  of  cannon  and  gunpowder." — Memoirs  of 
George  H. 


a  Aug.  1 


42  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [chap,  l 

Expedition  agalast  Ticonderoga,  Crown  Point,  and  Niagara. 

As  in  former  years,  three  expeditions  were  planned  ;  one  under 
General  Wolfe,  who  was  to  ascend  the  St.  Lawrence  and  lay  siege 
to  Quebec  ;  the  second  under  General  Amherst,  who  was  to  attack 
Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  and  then  by  the  way  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain  and  the  St.  Lawrence,  unite  with  the  forces  of  Wolfe  ;  and  a 
third,  after  the  reduction  of  Niagara,  was  to  proceed  down  Lake 
Ontario  and  the  St.  Lawrence  and  attack  Montreal. 

On  trie  22d  of  July,  with  a  little  more  than  eleven  thousand  men, 
Amherst  reached  Ticonderoga  and  prepared  for  a  general  attack ; 
but  the  French,  after  partially  demolishing  the  fort,  abandoned  it, 
and  returned  to  Crown  Point,  whither  they  were  pursued  by  the 
English.  This  post  they  also  abandoned  and  retired  to  Aux 
Noix,a  a  small  island  in  the  River  Sorel.  Amherst  at  once 
constructed  several  small  vessels,  and  with  his  whole  army 
embarked  in  pursuit ;  but  in  consequence  of  a  series  of  heavy 
storms,  and  the  lateness  of  the  season,  he  returned  to  Crown  Point 
and  went  into  winter  quarters. 

General    Prideaux,    who    commanded     the    expedition    against 

Niagara,  proceeded  thither  by  way  of  Oswego,  and  on  the  6th  of 

July,  reached  the  fort  and  commenced  the  siege.     Almost  at  the 

beginning  of  the  attack,  he  was  accidentally  killed  by  the  carelessness 

of  a  gunner,  and  the  command  devolved  on  Sir  William  Johnson, 

who,  pushing  operations  with    great  vigor,  effectually  routed    and 

defeated  a  large  force  which  had  been  collected  against  him,6 

'  and  finally  compelled  the  garrison  to  surrender  prisoners  of 

j  i  25  war,c     ^he  caPture  an(i  surrender  of  this  important  military 

post,  effectually  cut  off  all  communication  between  Canada 

and  Louisiana,  and  destroyed  the  power  of  the  French  west  of 

Montreal. 

While  these  events  were  transpiring,  General  Wolfe  was  prose- 
cuting the  most  important  part  of  the  campaign  on  the  banks  of  the 
St.  Lawrence.  He  embarked  his  troops,  numbering  about  eight 
thousand  men,  at  Louisburg,  and  with  a  fleet  of  twenty-two  ships  of 
the  line  and  as  many  frigates,  under  the  command  of  Admirals 
Saunders  and  Holmes,  proceeded  up  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Isle 
of  Orleans,  a  few  miles  below  Quebec.  The  city  at  that  time  was 
strongly  fortified  in  anticipation  of  an  attack  from  the  English  ;  and 
the  French  troops  under  Montcalm,  amounting  to  about  thirteen 
thousand  men,  occupied  the  city,  and  formed  a  strong  camp  on  the 
north  shore  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  troops  under  Wolfe  had 
scarcely  landed  before  a  terrible  storm  blew  down  the  river,  driving 
several  of  their  large  ships  from  their  anchors,  making  the  transports 
run  foul  of  each  other,  and  swamping  several  boats.     While  in  this 


chap,  l]  COLONIAL  WARS— TO  1763.  43 

Wolfe's  attack  on  Quebec.  Desperate  situation  of  the  English. 

confusion,  the  French  sent  seven  fire-ships  in  the  midst  of  the  fleet, 
but  the  British  sailors  grappled  them,  towed  them  to  the  banks,  and 
left  them  fast  aground  to  burn,  without  injury  to  the  English  fleet. 

General  Wolfe  took  possession  of  Point  Levi,  where,  in  de- 
fiance of  the  detachments  sent  against  him  by  Montcalm,  he 
erected  batteries  which  afterward  did  great  execution  in  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Lower  Town.  But  the  chief  defences  of  the  city  were 
uninjured  by  this  attack  ;  and  on  the  10th  of  July,  he  crossed  the 
North  Channel  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  encamped  his  whole  army 
near  the  left  wing  of  the  enemy's  forces,  the  river  Montmorenci 
lying  between  them.  The  strong  defences  which  nature,  as  with 
Gibraltar,  afforded  Quebec,  together  with  the  able  fortifications  of 
art,  convinced  Wolfe  that  batteries  nearer  than  Point  Levi  must  be 
brought  to  bear  upon  the  city,  before  any  impression  could  be  made. 
But  this  appearing  impracticable,  he  resolved  upon  a  more  daring 
scheme,  and  forthwith  proceeded  to  put  it  into  execution.  He  de- 
termined to  cross  the  St.  Lawrence  and  Montmorenci  with  different 
divisions  at  the  same  time,  and  storm  the  entrenchments  of  the  French 
camp. 

On  the  31st  of  July,  the  boats  of  the  fleet  filled  with  troops  from 
Point  Levi,  and  with  grenadiers,  under  the  command  of  General 
Monckton,  crossed  the  St.  Lawrence  and  effected  a  landing  a  short 
distance  above  the  Montmorenci  ;  and  Generals  Townshend  and 
Murray,  fording  that  river  near  its  mouth,  hastened  to  their  assist- 
ance. The  French,  in  the  meanwhile,  had  concentrated  their  artillery 
on  the  point  menaced  ;  and,  galled  by  their  fire,  the  English  grenadiers 
rushed  tumultuously  up  towards  the  entrenchments,  without  waiting 
for  the  corps  which  were  to  sustain  them  and  join  in  tli£  attack. 
But  the  grenadiers  were  met  by  a  fire  too  terrible  for  the  bravest  of 
them,  and  they  fell  back  in  confusion,  after  sustaining  great  loss,  and 
sought  shelter  behind  a  redoubt  which  the  enemy  had  abandoned. 
Night  approached,  a  heavy  thunderstorm  set  in,  and  the  ominous 
roaring  of  the  St.  Lawrence — for  the  mighty  tide  was  retiring — 
caused  Wolfe  to  give  up  the  attack  and  withdraw  his  troops. 

The  situation  of  the  English  was  now  critical,  and  indeed 
desperate.  More  than  a  month  after  this  failure,0  Wolfe  in 
a  letter  to  Pitt,  confessed  that  he  was  driven  to  the  extremity  a  ep 
of  calling  a  council  of  war ;  and  after  saying  that  he  had  suffered 
by  a  fever,  he  adds — "  I  found  myself  so  ill,  and  am  still  so  weak, 
that  I  begged  the  General  officers  to  consult  together  for  the  general 
safety.  .  .  .  We  have  almost  the  whole  force  of  Canada  to  oppose 
us  In  tins  situation,  there  is  such  a  choice  of  difficulties,  that  I 
own  myself  at  a  loss  how  to  determine.     The  affairs  of  Great  Britain 


44  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [chap.  j. 

Wolfe's  despondency.  Scaling  the  heights  of  Abraham. 

require  the  most  vigorous  measures  ;  but  then  the  courage  of  a  hand- 
ful of  brave  men  should  be  exerted  only  where  there  is  some  hope 
of  a  favorable  event."  When  this  letter  reached  England  it  excited 
consternation  and  anger.  Pitt  feared  that  he  had  been  mistaken  in 
his  favorite  general,  and  that  the  next  news  would  be  either  that  he 
had  been  destroyed,  or  had  capitulated.  But  in  the  conclusion  of 
his  melancholy  epistle,  Wolfe  had  said  he  would  do  his  best ;  and 
that  best  turned  out  a  miracle  of  war.  He  declared  that  he  would 
rather  die  than  be  brought  to  a  court-martial  for  miscarrying,  and 
in  conjunction  with  Admiral  Saunders,  he  concerted  a  plan  for  scal- 
ing the  heights  of  Abraham,  and  gaining  possession  of  the  elevated 
plateau  at  the  back  of  Quebec,  on  the  side  where  the  fortifications 
were  the  weakest,  as  the  French  engineers  had  trusted  to  the  preci- 
pices and  the  river  beneath.* 

The  camp  at  Montmorenci  was  broken  up,  and  the  troops  and 
artillery  were  conveyed  to  Point  Levi  ;  and  very  soon  after,  the  fleet 
sailed  to  some  distance  above  the  city.  This  movement  deceived 
Montcalm  into  a  belief  that  an  attack  from  that  quarter  was  medi- 
tated. On  the  night  of  the  12th  of  September,  the  troops  in  boats 
glided  silently  down  the  river,  and  all  the  French  sentinels  were 
passed  without  being  alarmed.  They  landed  within  a  mile  and  a 
half  of  the  city,  and  immediately  commenced  the  ascension  of  the 
precipice.  There  was  a  French  guard  over  their  heads,  and  hearing 
a  rustling  noise,  but  seeing  nothing,  they  fired  at  random  down  the 
declivity,  while  the  British  fired  upward  also  at  random.  Terrified 
at  so  strange  and  unexpected  an  attempt,  the  French  piquet  fled,  all 
but  the  captain,  who  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  The  poor 
fellow  begged  the  British  officers  to  sign  a  certificate  of  his  courage 
and  fidelity,  lest  he  should  be  punished  for  bribery,  believing  that 
Wolfe's  bold  enterprise  would  be  deemed  impossible  without  corrup- 
tion. When  morning  dawned,  Wolfe  with  his  little  army,  now 
reduced  to  less  than  five  thousand  men,  stood  upon  the  heights  of 
Abraham,  in  bold  defiance  of  Montcalm  and  his  overwhelming  force. 

The  French  General  at  first  could  hardly  credit  his  own  senses, 
so  impossible  did  it  seem  for  an  army  to  ascend  those  dangerous 
cliffs.  He  perceived  that,  unless  the  English  could  be  driven  from 
their  position,  Quebec  was  lost.  "  I  see  them,"  said  he,  "  where 
they  ought  not  to  be  ;  but  since  we  must  fight,  I  will  go  and  crush 
them  !"  and  immediately,  with  his  whole  army,  he  crossed  the  St- 
Charles  and  advanced  to  the  attack.  The  English  reserved  their 
fire  until  the  enemy  were  within  a  few  yards  of  the  front,  and  thea 

•  Pictorial  History  of  England,  vol.  iv.,  page  609. 


chap,  i.]  COLONIAL  WARS— TO  1763.  45 

Death  ck  Wolfe  and  Montcalm,  and  surrender  of  Quebec. 

poured  in  a  terrible  discharge,  which  compelled  them  to  recoil  with 
great  confusion.  But  as  Wolfe  stood  conspicuous  in  the  front  rank, 
cheering  his  men,  a  musket  ball  struck  his  wrist.  He  wrapped  a 
handkerchief  around  the  wounded  limb,  continued  giving  his  orders, 
and  soon  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  grenadiers,  who  had  fixed 
their  bayonets  for  the  charge,  when  he  was  hit  by  a  ball  in  the 
upper  part  of  the  abdomen.  He  seemed  scarcely  to  heed  this 
serious  wound,  and  was  giving  his  orders  and  encouraging  his  men, 
when  a  musket  ball  struck  him  in  the  breast  and  brought  him  to  the 
ground.  General  Monckton,  the  second  in  command,  was  danger- 
ously wounded  by  his  side,  and  the  command  devolved  on  General 
Townshend.  "Wolfe  was  immediately  conveyed  to  the  rear  by  his 
grieved  men,  and  while  the  agonies  of  death  were  upon  him,  his 
mind  was  intently  fixed  upon  the  battle.  As  his  life-blood  ebbed 
fast,  and  his  eyes  grewr  dim,  he  heard  a  wounded  officer  near  him 
exclaim,  "  See  how  they  run  !"  The  drooping  head  of  the  hero 
raised,  and  wTith  eyes  sparkling  with  new  lustre,  he  eagerly  inquired, 
11  Who  runs  ?"  "  The  French,"  replied  the  officer  ;  "  they  give 
wray  in  all  directions."  "  Then,"  said  he,  "  I  die  content ;"  and 
after  giving  an  order  for  Webb's  regiment  to  move  down  to  the  St. 
Charles  and  secure  the  bridge  there,  in  order  to  cut  off  the  enemy's 
retreat,  he  expired.  Montcalm  received  a  mortal  wound,  and  his 
second  in  command  was  made  prisoner  and  conveyed  on  board  an 
English  ship.  Five  days  after  the  battle,"  the  city  of  Que- 
bec capitulated,  and  the  disheartened  remnant  of  the  grand 
army  of  the  French  retired  to  Montreal.  The  same  despatch  con- 
veyed to  England,  the  intelligence  of  the  unexpected  victory  on  the 
heights  of  Abraham,  the  death  of  Wolfe,  and  the  surrender  of 
Quebec. 

General  Murray,  a  brave  and  adventurous  soldier,  was  left  to 
defend  the  half-ruined  town  of  Quebec,  and  the  British  fleet  retired 
to  escape  being  frozen  up  in  the  St.  Lawrence.  M.  Levi,  who  had 
succeeded  Montcalm,  spent  the  winter  in  making  preparations  for  a 
desperate  effort  to  recover  all  that  the  French  had  lost,  and  early  in 
the  spring  of  1760,  he  took  the  field  with  a  mixed  body  of  French, 
Canadians,  and  Indians,  exceeding  in  all,  ten  thousand  men.  He 
marched  from  Montreal,  and  in  April,  when  the  weather  was  still 
inclement,  he  appeared  before  Quebec.  General  Murray,  with 
scarcely  seven  thousand  men,  disdaining  to  wait  a  regular  siege, 
marched  out  and  attacked  the  enemy  ;*  but  he  was  defeated, 
lost  most  of  the  guns  he  had  taken  out  with  him,  was  nearly  pn 
cut  off  in  his  retreat,  and  got  back  to  the  city  with  great  difficulty. 
As  the  ice  cleared  away,  Levi  brought  up  six  French  frigates,  and 


46    .  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [chap.  i. 

Capture  and  Surrender  of  Montreal.  Treaty  of  Paris. 

began  to  form  the  siege  by  land  and  water.  But  on  the  16th  of  May, 
Lord  Colville,  with  two  good  frigates,  outsailing  the  rest  of  the 
squadron,  ascended  the  river  and  destroyed  the  French  ships,  under 
the  eyes  of  Levi,  who  stood  on  the  heights  on  the  other  side,  but 
who  presently  decamped,  and  with  such  precipitation  that  he  left  his 
artillery  and  stores  behind  him. 

Nothing  now  remained  to  the  French  in  Canada  except  Montreal, 
and  that  last  stronghold,  wherein  the  Marquis  de  Vandreuil,  the 
Governor-general,  had  collected  all  his  magazines,  was  soon  invested 
by  Generals  Amherst  and  Murray,  and  Colonel  Haviland  ;  and  des- 
pairing of  any  succor  from  France,  which  could  scarcely  put  a  ship 
to  sea,  or  spare  a  man  from  her  wars  in  Europe,  Vandreuil  capitu- 
lated on  the  8th  of  September.  Thus  were  the  Canadas  won,  and 
the  conquest  cost  Great  Britain  but  comparatively  few  men.  This 
encouraged  Pitt  to  call  it  a  "  bloodless  war  ;"  but  as  he  was  con- 
quering America  through  Germany,*  the  blood  spilt  there  was 
assuredly,  in  some  measure,  to  be  taken  into  the  account ;  and  there 
the  carnage  was,  and  continued  to  be,  unprecedented  in  modern 
war.f 

The  conflict  between  England  and  France  continued  upon  the 
ocean  and  among  the  West  India  Islands,  with  almost  constant  suc- 
cess to  England,  until  1763.  On  the  10th  day  of  February  of  that 
year,  a  treaty  of  peace  between  the  two  countries  was  concluded  and 
signed  at  Paris  ;  by  which  France  surrendered  to  Great  Britain  all 
her  possessions  in  North  America  eastward  of  the  Mississippi  River 
from  its  source  to  the  River  Iberville,  and'  thence  through  Lakes 
Maurepas  and  Ponchartrain  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Spain  at  the 
same  time  ceded  to  Great  Britain,  her  possessions  of  East  and  West 
Florida.  Thus  ended  the  famous  "  Seven  Years'  War,"  which  had 
cost  a  million  of  lives,  devastated  no  inconsiderable  part  of  Europe, 
and  carried  carnage  into  all  the  four  quarters  of  the  globe.  England 
was  the  greatest  winner,  and  her  noblest  acquisitions  were  in 
America.  Here  she  saw,  not  only  her  domain  vastly  expanded,  and 
invaluable  sources  of  wealth  opened  to  her  avaricious  desires, 
but  she  rejoiced  in  the  loyal  adhesion  to  her  throne  of  nearly  three 
millions  of  people,  ready  to  pour  into  her  lap  the  treasures  of  peace- 
ful industry,  or  to  lend  willing  hearts  and  strong  arms  in  the  defence 
of  her  territory  and  her  fame.  And  well  would  it  have  been  for  her 
if  she  had  rightly  appreciated  this  noble    possession,  and  wisely 

*  George  II.  was,  by  inheritance  from  his  father,  Elector  of  Hanover,  a  petty 
sovereignty  of  Germany,  and  to  maintain  his  right  to  this  domain,  cost  an  awful 
sacrifice  of  blood  and  treasure. 

f  Pictorial  History  of  England,  vol.  iv.,  page  614. 


chap,  l]  COLONIAL  WARS— TO  1763.  49 


General  condition  of  the  Colonies. 


cemented  by  generous  kindness  the  bond  of  union  between  herself 
and  her  Colonies.  But  an  all-wise  Providence  had  otherwise  decreed ; 
and  the  strange  infatuation  that  subsequently  caused  British  states- 
men to  disregard  the  just  rights  of  her  colonial  subjects,  and  to 
kindle  a  flame  of  discontent  and  rebellion  in  the  hearts  of  her 
children,  was  the  instrumentality  that  produced  the  conception  and 
birth  of  this  great  Republic,  the  pride  and  glory  of  the  earth. 

We  have  thus  taken  a  cursory  view  of  the  most  prominent  events 
that  transpired  during  nearly  a  century  and  a  half,  in  a  struggle  for 
empire  and  territory  in  America,  by  the  two  leading  powers  of 
Europe.  Our  narrative  has  been  necessarily  very  brief;  a  little 
more  than  a  general  outline  ;  yet  sufficient  to  develope  the  pro- 
gressive steps  toward  that  point  of  self-sustaining  confidence  in  their 
moral  and  physical  resources,  which  distinguished  the  Colonies 
when  they  hurled  the  gauntlet  of  defiance  at  the  feet  of  England, 
and  proclaimed  to  the  world  the  self-evident  truth,  that  "  All  men 
were  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  with  certain  inalienable 
rights  ;  that  among  these  is  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness." 

At  the  period  now  under  consideration,  the  Colonies  were  in  a 
state  of  unexampled  prosperity.  In  population  and  wealth,  their 
increase  was  without  a  parallel  in  past  history,  nearly  doubling  in 
both  in  twenty  years.  They  possessed  a  vast  agricultural  domain  ; 
fertile,  and  yielding  such  returns  to  moderate  labor,  that  none  but 
the  idle  and  vicious  were  companions  of  want.  Those  restrictions  upon 
marriage,  imposed  both  by  law  and  necessity  in  the  empires  of  the 
Old  World,  were  here  unknown,  and  youthful  marriages  were 
universal.  This  social  condition,  together  with  the  influx  of 
European  emigrants,  attracted  hither  by  the  freedom  of  the  institu- 
tions and  the  easy  acquirement  of  a  competence  for  themselves  and 
their  children,  were  the  springs  of  this  rapid  increase. 

In  commerce,  the  progress  of  the  Colonies  was  equally  rapid,  and 
excited  the  astonishment  of  Europe,  and,  in  some  degree,  the 
jealousy  of  the  mother  country  ;  especially  when  the  wings  of  that 
commerce  sped  to  the  ports  of  other  nations.  Yet  the  agricultural 
wealth  which  the  Colonies  poured  into  the  lap  of  Great  Britain  in 
exchange  for  her  fabrics,  was  grateful  to  her  people,  and  when 
interest  swayed  her  actions,  she  lent  a  helping  hand  in  their  pro- 
gressive career.  But  her  avarice  and  ambition  too  often  filmed  her 
vision  to  her  true  interests  ;  and  this  political  blindness  led  her  into 
the  monstrous  error  of  oppressing  her  children ;  children  who 
regarded  her  with  affection  and  reverence,  and  who  never  dreamed 
of  leaving  the  paternal  roof,  until  the  unholy  chastisements   of  a 


50 


THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


[chap.  I 


Franklin's  testimony  concerning  the  feelings  of  the  Colonies. 


parent's  hand  alienated  their  love,  expelled  them  from  the  threshold, 
and  compelled  them  to  seek  shelter  and  security  behind  the  bulwarks 
of  a  righteous  rebellion.* 

*  "  Q.  What  was  the  temper  of  America  toward  Great  Britain  before  the  year 
17G3  ?" 

"  A.  The  very  best  in  the  world.  They  submitted  willingly  to  the  government  of 
the  crown,  and  paid  in  their  courts,  obedience  to  acts  of  Parliament.  Numerous  as 
the  people  are  in  the  several  old  provinces,  they  cost  you  nothing  in  forts,  citadels, 
garrisons,  or  armies,  to  keep  them  in  subjection.  They  were  governed  by  this 
country,  at  the  expense  only  of  a  little  pen,  ink,  and  paper  ;  they  were  led  by  a 
thread.  They  had  not  only  a  respect,  but  an  affection  for  Great  Britain  ;  for  its 
laws,  its  customs  and  manners,  and  even  a  fondness  for  its  fashions,  that  greatly 
increased  the  commerce.  Natives  of  Britain  were  always  treated  with  particu- 
lar regard ;  to  be  an  Old  England  man,  was,  of  itself,  a  character  of  some  respect, 
and  gave  a  kind  of  rank  among  us. 

"  Q.  And  what  is  their  temper  now  ? 

"A.  Oh,  very  much  altered."— Examination  of  Dr.  Franklin  before  the  British 
Htust  of  Commons,  relative  to  the  repeal  of  the  American  Stamp  Act. 


EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770. 


Benjamin  Franklin— George  Grenville— Patrick  Henry. 


CHAPTER  II. 


E  now  enter  upon  the  consideration  of 
a  period  in  the  history  of  the  world,  of 
intense  interest — a  period  to  which  the 
annalists  of  the  Past  pointed  prospectively 
with  hopeful  aspirations ;  and  towards 
which  the  chroniclers  of  the  Future  wiL 
look  retrospectively  with  grateful  bene- 
dictions upon  their  lips.  It  was  a  pe- 
riod dimly  seen  in  the  vista  of  the  then  future,  of  Plato  and  all 
succeeding  political  seers  and  sages,  down  to  "  Eutopian  More  ;" 
and  it  will  ever  be  a  period  to  which  the  enlightened  statesman  of 


52        •  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1763. 

Principles  for  which  the  Colonists  contended. 

the  world  will  point  the  sceptic  and  the  prophet  of  evil,  bid  him 
gaze  upon  the  dawn  of  the  New  Era,  and  in  its  glorious  light  read  the 
creed  of  faith  in  Human  Progress,  and  believe  in  the  mundane  re- 
generation of  man. 

Although  amid  the  wild  labyrinths  of  American  forests,  and  along 
the  stormy  coasts  of  the  Atlantic,  the  problem  of  political  and  social 
equality  was  patiently  solved  and  demonstrated ;  although  the  con- 
ception and  birth  of  those  mighty  truths — taxation  and  equitable 

REPRESENTATION     ARE    INSEPARABLE GOVERNMENTS    DERIVE    THEIR 

JUST    POWERS    FROM    THE    CONSENT    OF    THE  GOVERNED that    had    SO 

long  reposed  in  the  womb  of  Time,  were  brought  forth  ;  although 
these,  the  Romulus  and  Remus  of  a  new  empire,  were  cherished  by 
what  the  Iranian  refinement  of  Europe  would  have  defined  the  Wolf 
of  the  western  world,  yet  the  beneficent  effects  of  that  event  are  con- 
fined to  no  particular  region  ;  they  are  the  birth-right  of  humanity — 
their  glory  is  the  pride  of  the  earth.  The  pure  and  fervent  Spirit  of  Lib- 
erty gave  vitality  to  these  new  manifestations  of  truth — it  stood  spon- 
sor at  their  baptism  in  blood — it  rocked  their  cradle  even  at  the  foot 
of  the  throne — it  panoplied  them  for  the  conflicts  in  which  they  are 
now  engaged,  and  it  will  be  chief  mourner  at  their  grave  when  the 
finger  of  Decay  shall  write  their  epitaph. 

In  the  preceding  chapter  we  have  noted  the  rapid  progress  of  the 
English  Colonies  in  the  attainment  of  every  constituent  of  national 
greatness,  yet  loyally  expending  blood  and  treasure  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  power  and  dignity  of  the  British  crown.  We  have 
seen  them  rushing  to  the  battle-field  and  enduring  every  hardship, 
when  the  home  government  demanded  their  aid,  and  then  patiently 
submitting  to  manifest  wrong  from  the  very  hand  their  loyalty  and 
prowess  had  strengthened.  But  there  is  a  point  beyond  which 
endurance  becomes  no  longer  a  virtue,  and  to  that  point  the  Colonies 
were  at  length  driven.  The  British  king,  like  Rehoboam,  "  forsook 
the  counsel  which  the  old  men  gave  him,  and  took  counsel  with  the 
young  men  that  were  brought  up  with  him,  that  stood  before  him  ;"* 
and  in  effect  said  to  the  Colonies,  "  whereas  my  father  put  a  heavy 
yoke  upon  you,  I  will  put  more  to  your  yoke  :  my  father  chastised 
you  with  whips,  but  I  will  chastise  you  with  scorpions."!  And 
"  when  the  people  saw  that  the  king  would  not  hearken  unto  them," 
they  took  counsel  among  themselves,  and  a  shout  went  up  from  every 
hill  and  valley,  city  and  hamlet,  mountain  and  plain  from  the  rock  of 
Plymouth  to  the  lagoons  of  Florida,  "  To  your  tents,  Oh  Israel.":): 

For  a  long  period  the  colonists  had  endured,  almost  without  a 

*  2  Chronicles  x.,2.  f  Verse  11.  J  Verse  16. 


CHAP.    II.] 

EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770. 

53 

Navigation  Act. 

Writs  of  Assistance 

murmur,  various  acts  of  oppression,  neglect  and  insult,  from  the 
supreme  government ;  but  as  they  were  chiefly  of  a  character  that 
affected  them  commercially,  they  were  easily  kept  from  open  oppo 
sition  by  the  example  of  the  narrow  policy  of  commercial  nations, 
which  at  that  time  prevailed.  And  yet  it  is  surprising  that  they  sub- 
mitted patiently  so  long ;  for  they  were  so  far  separated  from  Europe 
and  the  influence  of  its  society,  and  had  been  so  long  accustomed  to 
act  with  almost  unrestrained  wills  in  matters  of  legislation,  regarding 
the  assumption  of  the  "  divine  right  of  kings"  as  preposterous  and 
logically  untenable,  that  we  would  naturally  look  npon  them  as  the 
readiest  to  repel  encroachments  upon  their  political  and  civil  rights. 

As  early  as  1651  the  enactments  of  parliament,  in  reference  to  the 
commercial  policy  of  the  Colonies  (and  particularly  the  colony  of 
Virginia,  that  had  at  times  evinced  a  refractory  spirit),  were  really 
oppressive  and  unjust  in  the  extreme.  The  Navigation  Act  adopted 
and  put  in  force  that  year,  and  confirmed  and  extended  in  1660,  struck 
a  paralysing  blow  at  the  infant  commercial  navy  of  the  Colonies.  It 
declared  that  no  merchandise  of  the  English  plantations  should  be 
imported  into  England  in  any  other  than  English  vessels,  thus  bene- 
fiting English  shipping  ;  and,  for  the  benefit  of  English  manufactur- 
ers, it  prohibited  exportation  from  the  Colonies,  and  the  introduction 
from  one  colony  into  another,  of  hats,  and  woollens  of  domestic 
manufacture  ;  forbade  hatters  to  have  at  one  time  more  than  two 
apprentices ;  prohibited  the  importation  of  sugar,  rum,  and  molasses, 
without  the  payment  of  exorbitant  duties  ;  forbade  the  erection  of 
certain  iron  works,  and  the  manufacture  of  steel  ;  and  prohibited  the 
felling  of  pitch  and  white-pine  trees,  not  comprehended  within  inclo- 
sures.* 

In  1733,  parliament  enacted  laws  imposing  duties  upon  sugar, 
molasses,  &c. ;  yet,  these  revenue  laws  were  administered  with  so 
much  laxity,  that  the  payment  of  the  duties  was  for  many  years 
evaded,  and  the  statute  openly  violated,  without  incurring  the  serious 
displeasure  of  the  home  government.  To  a  certain  extent,  the  British 
monopoly  of  the  commerce  of  the  Colonies  was  nominal ;  and,  so 
long  as  the  latter  were  allowed  to  carry  on  a  lucrative  contraband 
trade  unmolested,  they  were  of  course  disposed  to  regard  the  statute 
as  a  very  harmless  thing.  But  British  cupidity  at  length  aroused 
British  jealousy  on  this  point,  and,  in  1761,  attempts  were  made  to 
enforce  the  tariff  act,  by  the  requisition,  from  the  colonial  courts,  of 
general  search-warrants,  entitled  "  writs  of  assistance."  These 
writs  authorized  the  officers  of  the  king  to   search  for  articles  sus- 

•  Willson'fl  United  States,  page  195. 


54  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1763. 

Excitements  in  Boston.  Grenville  marie  Premier. 

pected  of  having  been  introduced  into  the  Colonies  without  the  pay- 
ment of  the  required  duties.  The  merchants  generally  did  not  dispute 
the  right  of  parliament  to  enact  these  revenue  laws  affecting  the 
Colonies,  but  they  justly  complained  of  the  violent  and  illegal  manner 
in  which  they  were  frequently  enforced  by  the  government  servants. 

These  oppressive  measures  increased,  and  at  length  became  so 
onerous,  that  open  resistance  was  resolved  upon.  In  Boston,  violent 
excitements  prevailed  ;a  applications  for  writs  were  met  by 
the  bold  opposition  of  the  people,  encouraged  by  the  fearless 
voice  of  Otis,  and  others,  who  denounced  these  oppressions  as  un- 
worthy of  a  civilized  nation,  and  especially  of  a  nation  holding  the 
relation  that  Great  Britain  did  to  her  Colonies.  Respectful  remon- 
strances were  unnoticed  by  the  king  and  his  ministers,  or,  if  noticed 
at  all,  called  forth  more  stringent  measures.  The  entire  subservience 
of  the  Colonies,  and  the  unqualified  right  of  the  government  to  legis- 
late for,  and  to  tax  them,  was  so  much  the  universal  sentiment  in 
Great  Britain,  that,  according  to  Pitt,  "  even  the  chimney  sweepers 
on  the  streets  talked  boastingly  of  their  subjects  in  America  !"*  The 
admiralty  undertook  the  labor  of  enforcing  the  laws,  in  strict  accord- 
ance with  the  letter,  and  intrusted  the  execution  thereof  to  the  com- 
manders of  vessels,  whose  authoritative  habits  made  them  the  most 
unfit  agents  for  such  a  service,  and  against  such  a  people.  Vessels 
engaged  in  the  contraband  trade  were  seized  and  confiscated,  and  the 
colonial  commerce  with  the  West  Indies  was  nearly  annihilated. 
These  events  caused  the  colonists  to  ponder  seriously  ;  and  their 
minds  wore  opened,  perhaps  for  the  first  time,  to  the  importance  of  a 
state  of  Independence. 

By  successive  changes  in  the  British  ministry,  George  Grenville, 
who  for  some  time  fought  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  Pitt  in  the  par- 
liament, but  had  forsaken  him  to  hold  office  under  Bute,  succeeded 
to  the  premiership,  becoming  at  once  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury  and 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer.  Grenville  is  represented  as  "  an 
honest  statesman,  of  great  political  knowledge  and  indefatigable  ap- 
plication ;  but  his  mind,  according  to  Burke,  could  not  extend  beyond 
the  circle  of  official  routine,  and  was  unable  to  estimate  the  result 
of  untried  measures."!  He  found  an  empty  treasury — drained  by 
the  vampire  appetite  of  War ;  and  his  first  care  was  to  devise  means 
to  replenish  it.J     The  English  people  were  seriously  complaining  of 

*  Parliamentary  Debates.  f  Murray. 

X  The  budget,  of  1764  exhibited  an  expenditure  hitherto  unprecedented,  having 
a  deficiency  of  about  three  millions  sterling,  which  was  with  difficulty  supplied  by 
temporary  resources  and  by  encroachments  on  the  sinking  fund. — JLdolphu&'s  Ri»~ 
iory  of  England,  vol.  i.,  p.  159. 


chjlp.  n.] 

EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770.                                55 

Proposed  Stamp  Tax. 

The  bill  presented  and  postponed. 

the  heavy  burden  of  taxation  resting  upon  them,  and  he  feared  to 
increase  its  weight.  Influenced  by  what  to  him  appeared  an  unques- 
tionable right,  he  resolved  to  tax  the  American  Colonies  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  government.  He  knew  their  capacity  to  pay  a  certain 
revenue,  he  believed  it  right  that  they  should  pay  it,  and,  in  the  face 
of  all  the  hostility  then  manifested  by  the  Colonies  to  the  oppressive 
enactments  of  parliament,  he  introduced  into  the  House  a  series  of 
resolutions0  respecting  new  duties  to  be  laid  on  foreign  goods  a  Mardx 
imported  by  the  Americans.  These  resolutions  passed  with  10>  17&L 
little  notice,  General  Conway  being  the  only  member  who  opposed 
them,  and  on  the  5th  of  April  the  bill  received  the  royal  assent.  He 
also  proposed  raising  a  direct  revenue  from  the  Colonies  in  the  shape 
of  a  stamp-tax,  but  that  scheme  was  at  the  time  withdrawn,  with  the 
intimation  that  it  wrould  be  again  brought  forward  at  the  earliest 
opportunity.  On  the  19th  of  April,  the  king  prorogued  parliament, 
and  expressed  his  hearty  approval  of  the  measures  proposed ;  deno- 
minated them  wise  regulations,  calculated  to  augment  the  public 
revenues,  to  unite  the  interests  of  his  most  distant  possessions,  and 
to  encourage  and  to  secure  their  commerce  with  Great  Britain.  The 
country  gentlemen  congratulated  themselves  on  the  pleasing  prospect 
of  a  diminution  of  the  land-tax,  and  no  class  seemed  aware  of  the 
mighty  mischief  set  in  motion  by  these  measures.* 

On  the  5th  of  May,  Mr.  Grenville  proceeded  to  bring  in  an  act 
for  imposing  the  proposed  stamp-duty,  but  assured  the  agents  of  the 
Colonies,  with  whom  he  conferred  on  the  matter,  that  it  was  not  his 
intention  to  push  the  measure  through  that  session,  but  to  give  them 
an  opportunity  to  reflect  upon  it  and  adopt  that,  or  any  other  mode 
of  raising  the  required  sum  of  £\ 00,000. t  The  strange  apathy 
which  prevailed  in  England  upon  this  subject,  caused  the  adoption 
of  the  resolutions  in  the  House  of  Commons  with  scarcely  a  dissent- 
ing voice.  It  wras  then  postponed,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  mover, 
until  the  next  session. 

But  it  was  an  inauspicious  moment  for  the  "gentle  Shepherd "{ 
to  bring  forward  his  bold  proposition  for  shearing  the  great  flock  on 

*  Pictorial  History  of  England,  vol.  v.,  p.  34. 

t  Pitkin,  vol.  i.,  p.  163. 

%  In  the  famous  debate  on  the  "  Cider  Bill,"  George  Grenville  contended  that  the 
money  was  wanted,  that  government  did  not  know  where  to  lay  another  tax ;  and, 
addressing  Mr.  Pitt,  he  said,  "  Why  does  he  not  tell  us  where  we  can  levy  anotner 
tax  ?"  repeating,  with  emphasis,  "  Let  him  tell  me  where — only  tell  me  where  !" 
Pitt,  though  not  much  given  to  joking,  hummed  in  the  words  of  a  favorite  song, — 
"  Gentle  Shepherd,  tell  me  where !"  The  House  burst  into  a  roar  of  laughter,  and 
christened  George  Grenville  the  Gentle  Shepherd. — Pictorial  History  of  tfu 
Reign  of  George  HI.,  vol.  i.,  p.  34. 


56  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1764. 

Indian  Depredations.  Discontent  of  the  Colonies. 

this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  In  addition  to  the  manifest  injustice  of 
this  measure,  the  Colonies  were  suffering  severely  from  the  recent 
cruelties  of  the  Indians  on  the  frontier.  On  quitting  Canada,  the 
French  government  had  not  broken  off  all  connexion  with  the  In- 
dians ;  and  partly  through  the  encouragements  of  their  agents,  and 
partly  through  some  encroachments  made  by  the  English  upon  their 
hunting  grounds,  the  Indian  nations  or  tribes  flew  to  arms  with  the 
intention  of  making  a  combined  attack  on  all  the  settlements,  in 
harvest-time.  In  some  places  their  secret  was  betrayed,  and  their 
movement  anticipated ;  but  they  fell  like  a  flight  of  locusts  upon 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  plundering,  burning,  and 
destroying,  till  the  frontiers  of  those  three  provinces  were  left  bare 
and  void  of  inhabitants.  The  Indians  also  surprised  and  captured 
several  British  forts  in  Canada,  and  massacred  the  weak  and  unsus- 
pecting garrisons  they  found  in  them.  Their  flying  parties  also 
intercepted  and  butchered  detachments  of  troops  that  were  marching 
from  place  to  place,  plundered  and  murdered  the  traders  who  were 
up  the  country,  and  cut  off  the  communication  between  the  interior 
and  the  sea-port  towns.  When  attacked  by  small  bodies  of  English 
troops,  who  trusted  to  their  discipline  for  an  easy  victory,  they  dis- 
played, not  only  courage,  but  considerable  military  skill,  which  seems 
to  prove  that  French  officers  or  soldiers  had  been  among  them. 
They  defeated  Captain  Dalzel  near  Fort  Detroit,  and  killed  that 
unfortunate  officer  ;  they  attacked  Colonel  Bogart,  and  forced  him 
to  abandon  his  baggage  and  the  supplies  he  was  carrying  to  Fort 
Pitt  (late  Fort  Du  Quesne) ;  and,  near  the  Falls  of  Niagara,  they 
surrounded  an  escort  and  slew  about  eighty  men  and  officers.  For- 
tunately, Sir  William  Johnson  wats  able  to  detach  the  tribes  of  the 
Six  Nations  of  Indians  from  the  confederacy,  and  induce  them  to 
join  the  British  against  the  other  Indians.  After  various  skirmishes 
and  surprises,  the  savages  submitted  to  conditions,  or  retired  further 
into  the  depths  of  their  native  forests. 

The  greater  part  of  these  calamities  had  befallen  the  Colonies  in 
the  summer  and  autumn  of  the  preceding  year  (1763);  but  the 
recollection  of  them  was  recent,  and  the  losses  that  had  been  sus- 
tained were  making  themselves  more  and  more  painfully  felt,  when  the 
Grenville  propositions  arrived.  Every  citizen,  moreover,  was  armed 
in  defence  of  his  home  and  his  property  against  the  Indians  ;  and 
when  men  have  muskets  in  their  hands,  and  in  their  hearts  the 
certainty  that  their  quarrel  will  become  a  general  one,  they  are  not 
likely  to  limit  themselves  to  murmur  and  complaints,  petitions  and 
remonstrances.  The  colonists  loudly  proclaimed  that  to  interrupt 
their  trade,  such  as  it  was,  with  the  Spanish  Main,  would  be  depriv- 


chap,  ii.]  EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770.  57 

Action  of  the  Colonial  Assemblies.  Franklin  appointed  Colonial  Agent. 

ing  them  of  their  best  resources ;  that  it  was  unreasonable  for  the 
king  and  parliament  of  Great  Britain  to  convert  themselves  into 
guardians  and  protectors  of  the  jealous,  exclusive,  anti-commercial 
system  of  Old  Spain  ;  and  that  it  was  monstrously  unjust  for  them 
to  impose  taxes  upon  a  people  who  were  not,  and  could  not,  be  repre- 
sented in  parliament.* 

In  all  the  colonial  assemblies  wherein  the  subject  was  acted  upon, 
they  asserted  the  claim  to  the  sole  right  of  imposing  taxes  upon  their 
fellow  citizens.  They  maintained,  that  recent  duties  on  goods  had 
materially  encroached  on  this  right ;  that  if  they  once  submitted  to 
the  right  of  the  mother  country  to  tax  them,  there  was  no  possibility 
of  fixing  the  limit  to  the  exercise  of  it  in  relieving  the  British  subject 
at  home  by  casting  the  burden  upon  the  Americans.  New  England 
passed  strong  resolutions  of  remonstrance,  and  forwarded  earnest 
petitions  to  the  king  to  pause  ;  and  several  of  the  other  States,  par- 
ticularly Virginia  and  New  York,  adopted  the  same  course  in  firm 
but  respectful  language,  and  placed  foremost  in  their  catalogue  of 
just  causes  for  complaint,  the  violation  of  that  fundamental  principle 

"  TAXATION  AND  REPRESENTATION   ARE   INSEPARABLE."   They 

demonstrated  that  the  Colonies  were  neither  actually  nor  virtually 
represented  in  the  British  parliament ;  they  declared  that  they  had 
hitherto  supposed  that  the  assistance  which  Great  Britain  had  given 
them  was  offered  from  motives  of  humanity,  and  not  as  the  price  of 
their  liberty  ;  and  if  she  now  wished  a  remuneration,  she  must  make 
allowance  for  all  the  assistance  she  had  received  from  the  Colonies 
during  the  late  war,  and  for  the  oppressive  restrictions  she  had  im- 
posed upon  American  commerce.  They  plainly  told  Great  Britain, 
that,  as  for  her  protection,  they  had  full  confidence  in  their  own  ability 
to  protect  themselves  against  any  foreign  enemy. 

These  remonstrances  and  petitions  were  transmitted  by  the  Colo- 
nies to  their  agents  in  London,  with  full  instructions  to  oppose  to  the 
utmost  as  far  as  opportunity  should  offer,  the  adoption  of  any  and  all 
of  these  oppressive  measures.  Pennsylvania  appointed  a  new  agent, 
and  chose  for  that  responsible  duty,  Benjamin  Franklin,  who  at  that 
time  possessed  more  influence  in  America  than  any  other  man.  A 
better  choice  could  not  well  have  been  made.  He  was  well  known 
in  England  as  a  man  of  great  sagacity  and  sound  common  sense,  and 
he  was  almost  as  popular  there  as  at  home.  The  ability  with  which, 
on  a  former  occasion,  as  agent  for  several  of  the  Colonies,  he  had 
managed  a  difficult  case  before  the  Privy  Council,  gained  for  him 
the  respect  and  confidence  of  ministers,  and  politicians  of  every  party  ; 

*  Pictorial  History  of  the  Pveign  of  George  III.,  pp.  35-6. 


58  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1765. 

The  Stamp  Act  submitted  to  Parliament.  Opposition  of  Colonial  Agents. 

so  that  when  he  appeared  in  London,  with  full  instructions  to  oppose 
every  scheme  for  taxing  the  colonies  without  their  consent,  he  was 
consulted  by  Grenville  ;  and  his  opinion  of  the  hopelessness  of  the 
Americans  ever  submitting  to  the  arbitrary  mode  of  taxation  proposed 
by  that  minister,  was  received  with  great  deference,  and  doubtless 
stayed  for  a  time  the  execution  of  the  plan. 

Notwithstanding  the  murmuring  of  the  Colonies,  and  the  strong 
opposition  they  had  already  manifested,  when  parliament  was 
assembled  early  in  1765,a  the  king,  in  his  opening  speech, 
alluded  to  the  subject  of  American  taxation  and  American  discon- 
tents ;  and,  regardless  of  the  tangible  portents  of  a  gathering  storm, 
recommended  the  carrying  out  of  Grenville's  scheme,  and  the  en- 
forcing obedience  in  the  Colonies.  Encouraged  by  this  recommend- 
ation, Mr.  Grenville  in  February**  brought  his  Stamp  Act  be- 
'  fore  parliament ;  and  then  attempted  to  conciliate  the  Ameri- 
cans through  their  agents,  by  offering  to  drop  the  proposed  stamp 
tax,  if  they,  on  their  part,  would  contribute  about  an  equal  sum  in 
any  other  way  more  acceptable  to  themselves.  To  this  offer,  Frank- 
lin and  the  other  agents  replied,  as  they  had  done  the  previous  year, 
that  they  were  instructed  to  oppose  that  act,  and  any  other  that 
assumed  as  a  principle,  the  right  to  tax  the  Colonies  without  their 
own  consent.  They  contended  that  "  in  the  course  of  the  last  me- 
morable contest  large  sums  had  been  repeatedly  voted  by  parliament 
as  an  indemnification  to  the  Colonies  for  exertions  which  were  allowed 
to  be  disproportionate  to  their  means  and  resources  ;*  that  the  proper 
compensation  to  Britain  for  the  expense  of  rearing  and  protecting  her 
Colonies  was  the  monopoly  of  their  trade,  the  absolute  direction  and 
regulation  of  which  was  universally  acknowledged  to  be  inherent  in 
the  British  crown."t  But  the  king  and  his  cabinet  determined  not  to 
yield  an  iota  of  assumed  right ;  and  the  British  Legislature,  by  its 
vote  on  the  resolutions  of  Grenville,  evinced  that  it  either  considered 
the  right  indisputable,  or  of  little  moment.  Even  Pitt,  the  professed 
friend  of  the  Colonies,  who  had  been  known  to  harangue  the  house 
in  flannels  and  upon  crutches,  in  defiance  of  gout  and  fever,  upon  a 
subject  of  far  less  importance  than  this,  was  absent  when  the  debate 
and  vote  upon  the  resolutions  of  Grenville  and  others  took  place 4       ! 

*  In  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  George  III.  the  sum  of  one  million  of  dollars 
was  voted  to  the  Colonies  ;  and  a  similar  vote  passed  subsequently,  but  the  money 
was  never  paid. 

f  History  of  the  Reign  of  George  III.,  vol.  i.,  page  36. 

%  His  excuse  was,  an  attack  of  the  gout,  but  his  enemies  accuse  him,  and  with 
Borne  show  of  justice,  of  purposely  withholding  his  warning  and  potential  voice,  in 
order  that  his  political  adversaries  might  take  the  fatal  step, — he  not  caring  for  the 
humiliation  of  his  country,  nor  for  the  miseries  to  be  inflicted  on  humanity,  provided 


chap,  n.]  EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770.  59 

Apathy  of  Parliament.  Speech  of  Colonel  Barrel 

Fifty-five  resolutions  were  agreed  to  by  the  Commons  and  incor- 
porated into  an  act  for  laying  nearly  the  same  stamp-duties  on  the 
American  Colonies  as  were  payable  at  the  time  in  England.  Strange 
to  say,  that  this  measure,  destined  to  be  the  entering  wedge  for  the 
dismemberment  of  the  British  empire,  called  forth  in  parliament  what 
Burke  termed  "  the  most  languid  debate"  he  ever  heard.  A  fatal 
delusion,  or  rather  a  fatal  ignorance  of  American  affairs,  seemed  to 
pervade  both  the  parliament  and  the  cabinet.  Even  the  intelligent 
Horace  Walpole,  who  was  in  the  House  reporting  everything  of 
moment  to  the  Earl  of  Hertford,  devoted  but  a  single  paragraph  of  a 
few  lines,  to  the  debate  that  day  on  American  affairs.  Indeed,  Wal- 
pole confessed  his  total  ignorance  of  American  affairs.  Yet  there 
teas  a  voice  lifted  up  in  defence  of  the  colonies  on  that  day 
that  proved  awfully  prophetic — there  was  a  mind  in  that  Legis- 
lature that  comprehended  the  magnitude  of  the  subject  before  them 
— there  was  a  heart  that  beat  in  unison  with  the  strong  pulsations  of 
the  oppressed ;  and  that  voice,  and  mind,  and  heart,  belonged  to 
Colonel  Barre,  who  had  served  his  king  in  the  armies  of  America, 
and  who  well  knew  the  country  and  the  people.  When  Charles 
Townshend,  the  most  eloquent  man  in  the  Commons,  in  the  absence 
of  Pitt,  ventured,  in  support  of  the  Stamp  Act,  to  declare  that  the 
Americans  were  very  ungrateful,  being  "  children  planted  by  our 
care,  and  nourished  by  our  indulgence,"  Barre  indignantly  burst 
forth  ; — "  They  planted  by  your  care  !  No  !  your  oppression  planted 
them  in  America — they  fled  from  your  tyranny  to  a  then  uncultivated 
and  inhospitable  wilderness,  exposed  to  all  the  hardships  to  which 
human  nature  is  liable.  They  nourished  by  your  indulgence  !  No  | 
they  grew  by  your  neglect  of  them  ;  your  care  of  them  was  displayed, 
as  soon  as  you  began  to  care  about  them,  in  sending  persons  to  rule 
over  them  who  were  the  deputies  of  deputies  of  ministers — men 
whose  behavior  on  many  occasions  has  caused  the  blood  of  those 
sons  of  liberty  to  recoil  within  them — men  who  have  been  promoted 
to  the  highest  seats  of  justice  in  that  country,  in  order  to  escape  being 
brought  to  the  bar  of  a  court  of  justice  in  their  own.  I  have  been 
conversant  with  the  Americans,  and  I  know  them  to  be  loyal  indeed, 
but  a  people  jealous  of  their  liberties,  and  who  will  vindicate  them  if 
ever  they  should  be  violated ;  and  let  my  prediction  of  this  day  be 
remembered,  that  the  same  spirit  of  freedom  which  actuated  that 
people  at  first,  will  accompany  them  still  /"  But  this  prediction, 
uttered  with  all  the  earnestness  of  truth,  was  unheeded,  and  fell  upon 
the  ears  of  British   statesmen  like  the  feeble  intonating  of  distant 

the  hostile  administration  were  rent  in  pieces,  and  the  powers  of  the  crown  thrown 
again  at  his  feet. 


60  .  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1765. 

Royal  Signature  to  the  Stamp  Act.  Virginia  Resolutions. 

thunder,  fearful  in  its  character  but  harmless  in  present  effect.  Pe- 
titions presented  by  English  merchants  trading  with  the  Colonies,  as 
well  as  those  from  the  Colonies  themselves,  and  their  agents  resident 
in  London,  were  treated  with  contempt ;  and  the  parliament  seemed 
to  verify  the  ancient  heathen  maxim,  that  "whomsoever  the  gods  decree 
that  they  will  destroy,  they  first  deprive  of  reason."  In  the  House, 
there  was  only  one  division,  and  the  act  passed  by  a  majority  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty  to  fifty  ;  and  in  the  Lords  with  scarcely  any  oppo- 
sition.* » On  the  22d  of  March  the  king  joyfully  gave  his  assent,  and 
the  Stamp  Act — the  ever  memorable  Stamp  Act  became  law.t 

Franklin  had  repeatedly  warned  ministers  and  members  of  parlia- 
ment to  beware  how  they  multiplied  causes  for  discontent  in  the 
Colonies.:):  He  now  told  them  again  that  the  Americans  would 
never  submit  to  the  operations  of  the  Stamp  Act ;  and  events  that 
immediately  transpired  proved  the  truth  of  his  assertions.  When 
the  news  reached  America,  it  excited  indignation  and  general  alarm. 
Bold  patriots  denounced  it  as  an  iniquitous  scheme  to  enslave  the 
Colonies,  while  timid  men  viewed  it  with  trembling  presentiments  of 
long  years  of  trouble  and  desolation.  The  tone  of  feeling  manifested 
in  the  provincial  assemblies,  and  in  primary  meetings  of  the  people, 
portended  the  gathering  storm  of  opposition,  and  it  was  not  long 
before  it  became  a  perfect  hurricane.  Virginia,  which  had  ever  been 
a  loyal  Colony,  yet  always  jealous  of  her  liberty,  took  the  lead  in  the 
demonstrations  of  defiance,  and  in  a  series  of  resolutions  introduced 
into  the  House  of  Burgesses  on  the  30th  of  May  by  Patrick  Henry, 
first  hurled  the  gauntlet  at  the  feet  of  the  British  king.§  The  first 
of  these  resolutions  declared  that1  the  original  settlers  of  the  Colonies 
brought  with  them  and  transmitted  to  their  posterity,  all  the  privileges, 
franchises,  and  immunities,  enjoyed  by  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 
The  second  affirmed  that  these  privileges,  &c.,  had  been  secured  to 

*  Mr.  Grenville,  at  a  subsequent  period,  said,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  "  I  did 
propose  the  Stamp  Act,  and  shall  have  no  objections  to  have  it  christened  by  my 
name.  There  was  only  one  division  in  the  committee  against  it,  and  not  a  single 
negative  in  the  House  of  Lords.  It  is  easy  to  give  an  ex  post  facto  judgment,  but 
of  all  who  acted  with  me  in  the  government,  I  never  heard  any  one  prophecy  that 
the  measure  would  be  opposed.  After  the  event  prophecy  is  very  safe.  The 
Honorable  Colonel  Barre  did  indeed  say,  that  he  knew  not  what  anger  it  might 
cause  in  America." — Cavendishes  Debates. 

t  See  note  I.,  Appendix. 

%  On  the  very  night  the  Act  was  passed,  Doctor  Franklin  wrote  to  Charles  Thom- 
son, who  was  afterwards  Secretary  to  Congress,  "  The  Sun  of  Liberty  is  set ;  the 
Americans  must  light  the  lamps  of  Industry  and  Economy."  To  which  Mr.  Thom- 
son replied,  "  Be  assured  we  shall  light  torches  of  another  sort,"  thus  predicting 
the  convulsions  that  would  follow. 

.  §  They  were  drawn  up  on  the  blank  leaf  of  an  old  volume  of  "  Coke  upon  Little- 
ton."— Wirt 


A(-i 


chap,  ii.]  EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770.  63 

Debate  in  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses. 

the  aforesaid  colonists  by  two  royal  charters  granted  by  King  James, 
The  third  asserted  that  taxation  of  the  people  by  themselves,  or  by 
persons  chosen  by  themselves,  was  the  distinguishing  characteristic 
of  British  freedom,  and  without  which  the  ancient  constitution  could 
not  subsist.  The  fourth  maintained  that  the  people  of  Virginia  had 
always  enjoyed  the  right  of  being  governed  by  their  own  Assembly 
in  the  article  of  taxes,  and  that  this  right  had  been  constantly  recog- 
nised by  the  king  and  people  of  Great  Britain.  The  fifth  resolution, 
in  which  was  summed  up  the  essentials  of  the  preceding  ones,  de- 
clared "  That  the  General  Assembly  of  this  Colony  have  the  sole 
right  and  power  to  levy  taxes  and  imposition  upon  the  inhabitants  of 
this  Colony  ;  and  that  every  attempt  to  vest  such  power  in  any  other 
person  or  persons  whatsoever,  other  than  the  General  Assembly 
aforesaid,  has  a  manifest  tendency  to  destroy,  British,  as  well  as 
American,  freedom." 

The  introduction  of  these  resolutions  was  like  the  fall  of  a  thun- 
derbolt within  that  Assembly  ;  and  when  the  first  shock  had  subsided, 
many  who  afterwards  were  distinguished  patriots,  sprang  to  their 
feet  in  opposition  to  them  ;  and  all  the  eloquence  of  such  men  as 
Randolph,  Pendleton,  Bland,  Wythe,  &c,  was  employed  to  crush 
them  ;  not  because  they  were  not  in  unison  with  their  sentiments, 
but  they  felt  them  to  be  premature  and  too  bold.  Yet,  after  a  stormy 
debate,  in  which  the  eloquence  of  Henry  was  most  powerfully 
brought  forth,*  they  were  carried;  the  latter  by  a  majority  of  one. 
The  impulse  here  given,  went  through  the  Colonies  like  an  electric 
spark — the  whole  country  was  aroused  to  action — timid  spirits 
became  bolder — similar  resolutions  were  generally  adopted,  and 
the  great  point  of  resistance  to  British  assumption  of  power  to  tax 
the  Colonies  without  their  consent,  was  everywhere  established.  Ex- 
pressions of  sentiments  of  high  regard  were  everywhere  heard, 
coupled  with  the  names  of  Pitt,  Conway,  Barre,  and  other  members 
of  the  British  House  of  Commons,  who  had  boldly  lifted  their  voices 
in   defence   of  American   Rights ;    and   the   freeholders  of  Boston 

*  "  It  was  in  the  midst  of  this  magnificent  debate,  while  he  was  descanting  on 
the  tyranny  of  the  obnoxious  Act,  that  he  exclaimed,  in  a  voice  of  thunder,  and 
with  the  look  of  a  god :  '  Caesar  had  his  Brutus — Charles  the  First  his  Cromwell — 
and  George  the  Third' — [Treason!  cried  the  Speaker] — treason,  treason,  echoed 
from  every  part  of  the  House.  It  was  one  of  those  trying  moments  which  is  deci- 
sive of  character.  Henry  faltered  not  for  an  instant ;  but,  rising  to  a  loftier  alti- 
tude, and  fixing  on  the  Speaker  an  eye  of  the  most  determined  fire,  he  finished  the 
sentence  with  the  firmest  emphasis — '  and  George  the  Third — may  profit  by  their 
example.  If  that  be  treason,  make  the  most  of  it.' " —  Wirt's  Life  of  Patrick 
Henry. 


64  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1765. 

Massachusetts  Circular  Letter,  proposing  a  Congress. 

passed  a  formal  vote  of  thanks  to  the  two  latter  gentlemen,  and 
ordered  their  portraits  for  Faneuil  Hall. 

Early  in  1765,  the  Corresponding  Committee  of  the  New  York 

Assembly  (appointed  in  October,  1764)  proposed  the  holding  of  a 

Congress  of  Delegates  from  the  several  Colonies,  in  the  city  of  New 

York.     This  proposition  was  repeatedly  agitated,  until  at  length  the 

June  7  Assembly  of  Massachusetts  addressed  the  following  circular 

65-  letter*  to  the  Speakers  of  all  the  provincial  assemblies  : —        i 


17 


"  Boston,  June,  1765. 

"  Sir  :  The  House  of  Representatives  of  this  Province,  in  the 
present  session  of  general  court,  have  unanimously  agreed  to  pro- 
pose a  meeting,  as  soon  as  may  be,  of  committees  from  the  House 
of  Representatives  or  Burgesses,  of  the  several  British  Colonies  on 
this  continent,  to  consult  together  on  the  present  circumstances  of 
the  Colonies,  and  the  difficulties  to  which  they  are  and  must  be  re- 
duced by  the  operation  of  the  Acts  of  Parliament,  for  levying  duties 
and  taxes  on  the  Colonies  ;  and  to  consider  of  a  general  and  united, 
dutiful,  loyal  and  humble,  representation  of  their  condition  to  his 
Majesty  and  to  the  Parliament,  and  to  implore  relief. 

"  The  House  of  Representatives  of  this  Province  have  also  voted 
to  propose  that  such  meeting  be  at  the  city  of  New  York,  in  the 
Province  of  New  York,  on  the  first  Tuesday  in  October  next,  and 
have  appointed  a  committee  of  three  of  their  members  to  attend 
that  service,  with  such  as  the  other  Houses  of  Representatives  or 
Burgesses,  in  the  several  Colonies,  may  think  fit  to  appoint  to  meet 
them  ;  and  the  Committee  of  the,  House  of  Representatives  of  this 
Province,  are  directed  to  repair  to  the  said  New  York,  on  the  first 
Tuesday  in  October  next,  accordingly  ;  if,  therefore,  your  honorable 
House  should  agree  to  this  proposal,  it  would  be  acceptable  that  as 
early  notice  of  it  as  possible  might  be  transmitted  to  the  Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  this  Province." 

This  circular  was  received  by  the  several  representative  bodies  to 
whom  it  was  addressed,  with  tokens  of  unqualified  approbation,  and 
its  suggestions  were  speedily  acted  upon  by  the  appointment  of  dele- 
gates. Meanwhile,  the  excitement  against  the  Stamp  Act,  which 
was  to  go  into  operation  on  the  first  of  November  ensuing,  became 
universal.  True,  there  were  some  men — men  of  sterling  worth, 
who  viewed  the  matter  in  the  same  light  as  did  the  British  parliament, 
and  endeavored  to  quiet  the  turbulence  and  discontent  by  appeals  to 
loyalty  ;  but  such  men  were  comparatively  few,  and  daily  decreasing 
in  numbers.  Popular  speakers — men  of  wealth,  reputation,  and 
commanding  talents,  were  daily  pouring  patriotic  eloquence  into  the 


csap.  n.]  EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770.  65 

Meeting  of  the  first  Colonial  Congress. 

ears  of  excited  throngs  in  every  part  of  the  country ;  at  town-gather- 
ings and  other  assemblies,  resolutions  were  adopted  expressive  of  the 
strongest  feelings  of  indignation ;  and  in  view  of  the  oppressive 
operation  of  the  Stamp  Act  when  practically  in  force,  the  hearts  of 
the  American  people  seemed  to  beat  as  one  with  deep  pulsations  of 
patriotic  resistance. 

In  the  midst  of  this  general  popular  ferment,  the  First  Colonial 
Congress  assembled  at  New  York  on  the  first  Monday  in 
October.*  This  being  somewhat  earlier  than  the  meeting  of 
some  of  the  Colonial  Assemblies,  thereby  preventing  them  from 
appointing  delegates,  it  was  agreed,  by  the  adoption  of  a  rule,  to 
admit  as  delegates  several  committees  of  the  Members  of  Assembly 
from  such  Colonies.  Under  this  rule  New  York  was  represented 
by  the  corresponding  committees,  at  whose  suggestion,  some  months 
previous,  Massachusetts  sent  forth  her  circular  letter.  Nine  of  the 
thirteen  Colonies  were  represented  ;  and  the  Assemblies  of  New 
Hampshire,  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  Georgia,  who  did  not  send 
delegates,  wrote  that  they  would  agree  to  whatever  was  done  by  the 
Congress. 

What  a  sublime  moral  spectacle  was  that  meeting  of  the  first 
Colonial  Congress  !  There  were  convened  the  representatives  of 
many  distinct  communities — as  politically  distinct  as  were  the  Gre- 
cian Republics,  yet  actuated  by  one  sentiment — the  assertion  of 
human  equality — the  maintenance  of  the  glorious  franchisements  of 
freedom — positive  and  uncompromising  resistance  to  wrong  and 
oppression.  "  The  more  this  subject  is  investigated,  the  more  obvi- 
ous will  become  the  fact,  that  the  American  Revolution  was  essen- 
tially a  wider  diffused,  a  more  general  impulse,  enlisting  not  only  a 
greater  number  of  distinct  communities,  independent  of  each  other,  than 
had  hardly  ever  been  associated  before,  but  that  the  proportion  of 
individual,  personal  participation,  a  participation  in  which  individual 
judgment  was  called  into  requisition,  and  individual  responsibility 
incurred,  had  seldom  been  equalled.  It  was  no  momentary  impulse 
— no  burst  of  passion."*  This  incipient  step  was  not  the  reckless 
leap  of  hot-headed  fanaticism  into  the  arena  of  an  aimless  contest, 
but  it  was  the  result  of  cool  deliberation,  and  its  object  was  the  high- 
est political  destiny  of  man.  This  first  Congress,  although  so  remote 
from  the  stirring  scenes  of  the  Revolution  proper,  may  be  considered 
the  fountain  spring  of  that  convulsion — the  "  ovum  reipublic^ 
—truly  the  egg  of  our  republic. 

The  Congress  was  organized  by  the  election,  by  ballot,  of  Timothy 

•  Niles's  Register. 


66 


THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


[1765. 


Doings  of  the  Congress. 


Riot  in  Boston. 


Ruggles  of  Massachusetts,  Chairman,  and  the  appointment  of  John 
Cotton,  Clerk.*  It  continued  in  session  fourteen  consecutive  days, 
and  adopted  a  Declaration  of  Rights  ;*  a  Petition  to  the  King, 
and  a  Memorial  to  both  Houses  of  Parliament.! 

At  the  close  of  the  session,  all  the  delegates  except  Mr.  Ruggles 
of  Massachusetts,  and  Mr.  Ogden  of  New  Jersey,  affixed  their  sig- 
natures of  approval  to  the  proceedings.  The  deputies  from  three  of 
the  Colonies,  not  having  been  authorized  by  their  respective  assem- 
blies to  apply  to  the  King  and  Parliament,  did  not  sign  the  petition 
and  memorial ;  but  subsequently  all  the  Colonies,  by  the  votes  of 
their  respective  assemblies,  approved  of  the  measures  then  adopted. 
On  the  arrival  of  the  first  cargo  of  stamps  and  stamped  paper, 
prompt  and  energetic  action  succeeded  threats,  and  in  the  various 
cities  where  they  were  landed,  popular  tumults  ensued.  Boston 
seemed  to  be  the  grand  centre  of  these  convulsions.  The  mob 
formed  an  effigy  of  Mr.  Oliver,  the  Stamp-Master,  and  hung 
it  up  on  a  tree,a  and  the  sheriff,  who  was  ordered  to  take  it 
down,  declared  that  the  sacrifice  of  life  would  be  the  price  of  the 
undertaking.  At  evening  twilight  it  was  carried  to  the  town  house, 
where  the  government  council  was  assembled,  and  in  bold  defiance 
of  their  authority,  the  mob  raised  three  loud  huzzas.  They  then 
took  the  effigy  to  the  front  of  Oliver's  house,  where,  after  having  cut 
off  its  head,  they  burst  open  his  door,  declaring  their  intention  to 
murder  him.     But  Mr.  Oliver  had  escaped,  and  was  obliged  to  keep 


a  Aug.  15.. 


On  the  opening  of  the  session  the  following  delegates  appeared  with  their  ere- 


dentials  and  took  their  seats : 

: — From 

Massachusetts, 

Rhode  Island, 

Connecticut, 

James  Otis, 

Metcalf  Bowler, 

Eliphalet  Dyer, 

Oliver  Partridge, 

Henry  Ward. 

David  Rowland, 

Timothy  Ruggles. 

William  S.  Johnson. 

New  York, 

Pennsylvania, 

Maryland, 

Robert  R.  Livingston, 

John  Dickenson, 

William  Murdock, 

John  Cruger, 

John  Morton, 

Edward  Tilghman, 

Philip  Livingston, 

George  Bryan. 

Thomas  Ringgold. 

William  Bayard, 

Leonard  Lispenard. 

New  Jersey, 

Delaware, 

South  Carolina, 

Robert  Ogden, 

Thomas  McKean, 

Thomas  Lynch, 

Hendrick  Fisher, 

Caesar  Rodney. 

Christopher  Gadsden, 

Joseph  Borden.  John  Rutledge. 

t  The  Declaration  of  Rights  was  penned  by  John  Cruger,  delegate  from  New 
York.  He  was  at  that  time  Speaker  of  the  Provincial  Assembly,  and  Mayor  of  the 
city  of  New  York.  The  Petition  to  the  King  was  written  by  Robert  R.  Livingston, 
also  a  member  from  New  York. 

X  See  note  II.,  Appendix. 


CHAI\  II.] 

EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770. 

67 

Farther  Riots  in  Boston. 

Tumults  in  other  \. 

laces. 

concealed  to  avoid  the  ire  of  the  populace.  The  next  morning,  to 
save  his  life,  lie  resigned  his  office  ;  and  to  prevent  a  successor, 
whenever  any  one  was  named  as  such,  a  day  was  fixed  for  burning 
his  house  ;  and  a  bonfire  was  lighted  in  front  of  it  amid  cries  of 
"  liberty  and  property." 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  August,  the  mob  proceeded  to  still  greater 
extremities,  demolishing  the  dwellings  of  the  Registrar-deputy  and 
Comptroller  of  the  Customs,  and  attacking  the  residence  of  the 
Governor.  He  would  doubtless  have  been  murdered  by  them,  had 
he  not  escaped  after  much  persuasion  by  his  family.  The  populace 
rushed  in  with  furious  threats  of  murder,  and  at  once  began  the  de- 
struction of  everything  that  came  within  their  reach.  The  Governor 
had  a  fine  library,  containing  many  important  manuscripts  illustrative 
of  the  early  history  of  the  Colony  from  its  first  settlement.  This  was 
not  spared,  but  was  totally  destroyed.  Plate,  rings,  money,  and 
other  valuable  articles  bestrewed  the  street  the  next  morning,  show- 
ing that  a  desire  for  plunder  had  no  share  in  the  motives  that  impelled 
the  people.  These  acts  were  disgraceful  in  the  extreme,  when 
viewed  superficially  ;  but  when  we  consider  the  intense  feeling  of  an 
uneducated  mass,  as  were  the  majority  of  the  actors  in  these  scenes, 
aroused  by  appeal  after  appeal  to  their  passions  by  men  eminent  for 
virtue  and  patriotism,  we  ought  to  view  their  conduct  with  much 
charitable  allowance. 

On  the  morning  after  the  proceedings  at  the  Governor's  house, 
the  mob  seemed  to  have  fresh  energy  for  further  outrages  ;  and  the 
principal  inhabitants,  seeing  the  entire  city  threatened  with  destruc- 
tion, proceeded  to  the  Governor,  and  offered  to  restore  order  and  the 
dominion  of  law,  provided  no  penal  proceedings  should  be  held  on 
account  of  the  first  tumult,  which  was  directed  solely  against  the 
stamps.  These  conditions  were  very  humiliating  to  the  haughty 
Governor,  but  he  was  forced  to  make  a  virtue  of  necessity,  and 
yielded. 

In  New  York  and  Philadelphia  similar  tumults  prevailed,  although 
less  violent.  In  the  former  city  the  people  armed,  attacked  the  fort, 
where  the  stamps  were  lodged,  and  the  commander,  to  preserve 
them,  placed  them  in  the  hands  of  the  magistrates,  who  in  their  turn 
were  obliged  to  yield  to  popular  indignation,  and  allow  the  obnoxious 
articles  to  be  destroyed. 

Although  these  lawless  proceedings  were  chiefly  confined  to  the 
lower  class  of  the  population,  yet  the  more  enlightened  and  influen- 
tial class  of  citizens  were  pressing  forward  to  the  same  righteous 
goal,  but  in  a  different,  a  more  dignified  way.  The  Virginia  resolu- 
tions fired  the  eastern  leaders  with  renewed  zeal,  and  in  several 
5 


63    •  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1765. 

The  sons  of  Liberty.  Popular  commotions. 

places  societies  were  formed  whose  members  styled  themselves 
"  Sons  of  Liberty."  They  at  length  formed  a  powerful  combination 
throughout  the  Colonies.  They  denounced  the  Stamp  Act  as  a 
flagrant  outrage  on  the  British  constitution  ;  resolved  to  defend  the 
liberty  of  the  press  at  all  hazards  ;  and  solemnly  pledged  their  lives, 
fortune  and  honor  in  defence  of  those  who,  in  the  exercise  and  main- 
tenance of  their  rights  as  freemen,  should  become  the  objects  of 
British  tyranny  and  injustice. 

The  merchants  of  the  sea-port  towns  entered  into  engagements 
with  each  other  not  to  import  goods  from  Great  Britain  until  the 
Stamp  Act  should  be  repealed.  Patriotic  individuals  and  families 
ceased  the  use  of  foreign  luxuries  ;  articles  of  domestic  manufacture 
came  into  general  use,  and  the  trade  with  Great  Britain  was  almost 
entirely  suspended.* 

When  the  first  of  November  arrived  (the  day  on  which  the  obnox- 
ious act  was  to  go  into  operation),  a  strange  spectacle  was  presented 
to  the  world.  According  to  the  terms  of  the  Act,  no  legal  business 
could  be  transacted  without  the  use  of  the  stamped  paper  ;  and  as  the 
people  had  solemnly  resolved  not  to  use  it,  business  was  for  a  time 
entirely  suspended.  "  The  courts  were  closed  ;  marriages  ceased  ; 
vessels  were  delayed  in  the  harbors  ;  and  all  the  social  and  mercan- 
tile affairs  of  a  Continent  stagnated  at  once."t 

At  Boston  the  colors  of  the  shipping  were  hoisted  half-mast ;  the 
bells  tolled,  the  shops  were  shut,  effigies  of  the  royalists  were  carried 
about  in  derision  and  torn  in  pieces.  At  Portsmouth  the  bells  tolled, 
a  coffin  was  made,  on  the  lid  was  inscribed  "  Liberty,  aged  145," 
and  with  unbraced  drums,  and  minute  guns,  a  procession  followed  it 
to  the  grave.  At  the  close  of  an  oration,  the  coffin  was  taken  up, 
signs  of  life  appeared  in  the  corpse,  "  Liberty  revived,"  was  sub- 
stituted, the  bells  rung  merrily,  and  joy  lighted  every  countenance. 
At  Philadelphia,  the  people  spiked  the  guns  on  the  ramparts  of  their 
defences  ;  and  at  New  York  the  obnoxious  act  was  printed  with  a 

*  In  17G9,  when  similar  agreements  were  entered  into,  Washington,  alluding  to 
the  subject  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  remarked  ;  "  We  have  already,  it  is  said,  proved 
the  inefficiency  of  addresses  to  the  throne,  and  remonstrances  to  Parliament.  How 
far,  then,  their  attention  to  our  rights  and  privileges  is  to  be  awakened  or  alarmed, 
by  starving  their  trade  and  manufactures,  remains  to  be  tried.  The  northern  Colo- 
nies, it  appears,  are  endeavoring  to  adopt  this  scheme.  In  my  opinion  it  is  a  good 
one,  and  must  be  attended  with  salutary  effects,  provided  it  can  be  pretty  generally 
carried  into  execution."  Washington  subsequently  entered  into  such  an  agreement, 
and  was  scrupulous  in  observing  it.  When  he  sent  his  customary  annual  orders  to 
London  for  goods  to  be  used  in  his  family,  he  strictly  enjoined  his  correspondents  to 
forward  none  of  the  enumerated  articles,  unless  the  offensive  acts  of  Parliament 
should  in  the  meantime  be  repealed. — Sparks's  Life  of  Washington,  pp.  109-10. 

t  Willson,  p.  199. 


Parade  of  the  Stamp  Act,  in  Xg.v  York.     I'.  71 


chap,  n.]                      EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770. 

71 

Tumults  in  New  York  and  other  placet. 

Rockingham  Mini  try. 

skull  and  cross-bones  instead  of  the  royal  arms,  and  contemptuously 
paraded  through  the  streets  under  the  title  of  "  England's  Folly  and 
America's  Ruin."  A  tumult  occurred  in  Newport,  R.  I.,  and  seve- 
ral obnoxious  citizens  were  hung  in  effigy.  At  Providence  also, 
similar  acts  prevailed ;  and  a  gazette  extraordinary  was  published 
there,  with  the  words  "  Vox  populi,  vox  Dei,"  in  large  letters  at  its 
head,  and  underneath,  "  Where  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  is,  there  is 
liberty. — St.  Paul."  In  Connecticut,  Ingersoll,  the  principal  Stamp 
officer,  was  ordered  to  relinquish  his  office  or  suffer  consequences 
which  he  could  very  well  anticipate.  Similar  instructions  were 
given  to  the  Stamp  officers  in  New  Hampshire,  Maryland  and  Caro- 
lina. A  paper  published  in  Boston,  called  "  The  Constitutional 
Courant ;  containing  matters  interesting  to  Liberty,  and  nowise 
repugnant  to  Loyalty,"  had  for  its  frontispiece  the  representation  of  a 
serpent,  cut  into  eight  pieces  ;  on  the  part  of  the  head,  were  the 
initials  of  New  England  ;  and  on  that  of  the  body,  the  initials  of  the 
other  Colonies  as  far  as  South  Carolina ;  and  over  it  "  Join  or  Dje," 
in  large  letters.  In  Virginia,  the  notaries,  attorneys,  and  justices  of 
the  peace  declared  that  their  functions  had  ceased  ;  that  they  were 
unwilling  to  use  the  stamps,  and  thus  be  instrumental  in  inflicting  a 
wrong  upon  the  people.  Firm,  but  respectful  resistance  on  the  part 
of  the  better  class  of  the  citizens,  and  wild  and  tumultuous  defiance 
on  the  part  of  the  uneducated  populace,  spoke  plainly  the  universal 
sentiment  against  the  Stamp  Act  and  its  practical  results,  and  through- 
out the  entire  domain  of  the  English  provinces  this  ferment  was 
visible. 

In  the  meanwhile  a  change  of  ministry  occurred,  and  the  Marquis 
of  Rockingham,  an  honorable  and  liberal  statesman,  took  the  place 
of  Grenville.  General  Conway  was  one  of  the  Cabinet,  and  Edmund 
Burke  was  the  Premier's  private  secretary.  Other  men  of  liberal 
views  were  his  counsellors,  and  a  faint  hope  of  better  things  under 
the  new  administration  shed  its  light  upon  the  Colonies,  and,  for  a 
time,  in  a  measure  allayed  the  general  excitement.  But  the  king, 
doubtless  really  ignorant  of  the  temper  and  true  character  of  the 
Americans,  was  not  easily  conciliated  in  their  favor,  and  hence  the 
new  ministry  found  it  difficult  to  depart  from  the  course  marked  out 
by  Grenville  towards  the  Colonies.  In  fact  the  subject  still  appeared 
too  unimportant  to  call  forth  extraordinary  exertions,  notwithstanding 
the  voice  of  popular  tumult  and  discontent  was  borne  to  England 
upon  every  breeze  from  America.  Parliament  did  not  meet  until  the 
17th  of  December,  and  then  was  almost  immediately  adjourned  un- 
til after  the  Christmas  holidays.     In  his  speech,  the  King  mentioned 


72  '  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1766. 


Debates  in  Parliament  on  the  Stamp  Act. 


incidentally,  that  something  had  occurred  in  America  which  might 
demand  the  serious  attention  of  the  legislature. 

Parliament  re-assembled  on  the  14th  of  January*  and  the 
King  informed  the  Houses  that  no  time  had  been  lost  on  the 
first  advice  of  disturbance  in  America,  to  issue  orders  to  the  Govern- 
ors of  the  provinces,  and  to  the  commanders  of  the  forces  there,  to 
use  all  the  powers  of  the  government  in  suppressing  riots  and  tumults, 
and  in  the  effectual  support  of  British  authority.  When  the  debates 
upon  American  affairs  occurred,  Pitt  was  in  his  place,  and  nobly  did 
he  use  his  eloquence  in  defence  of  the  Colonies,  and  the  position  they 
assumed  on  the  subject  of  legal  taxation.  After  expressing  his  re- 
gret that  sickness  compelled  him  to  be  absent  when  Grenville's  reso- 
lutions were  adopted,  and  censuring  ministers  for  delay  in  giving 
notice  of  the  disturbances,  he  proceeded  to  vindicate  the  Americans. 
"The  Colonists,"  said  he,  "are  subjects  of  this  kingdom,  equally 
entitled  with  yourselves  to  all  the  natural  rights  of  mankind,  and  the 
peculiar  privileges  of  Englishmen  ;  equally  bound  by  its  laws  and 
equally  participating  in  the  constitution  of  this  free  country.  The 
Americans  are  the  sons,  not  the  bastards  of  England.  Taxation  is 
no  part  of  the  governing  or  legislative  power.  Taxes  are  the  volun- 
tary gift  or  grant  of  the  Commons  alone.  ....  When,  therefore,  in 
this  House  we  give  and  grant,  we  give  and  grant  what  is  our  own. 
But  in  an  American  tax,  what  do  we  do  ?  We,  your  Majesty's 
Commons  for  Great  Britain,  give  and  grant  to  your  Majesty,  what  ? 
our  own  property  ?  No  ;  we  give  and  grant  to  your  Majesty  the 
property  of  your  Majesty's  Commons  of  America.  It  is  an  absurdity 
in  terms." 

Mr.  Grenville,  with  whom  the  fatal  Stamp  Act  originated,  attempt- 
ed to  show  that  there  was  nothing  wrong  in  the  act  itself,  but  that 
all  the  difficulty  had  occurred  through  the  mismanagement  of  those 
who  had  succeeded  him  in  office.  He  agreed  with  Pitt  in  censuring 
ministers  for  delay  in  noticing  the  disturbances  in  America.  "  They 
began,"  said  he,  "  in  July,  and  now  we  are  in  the  middle  of  Janua- 
ry ;  lately  they  were  only  occurrences,  they  are  now  grown  to  dis- 
turbances, to  tumults  and  riots.  I  doubt  they  border  on  open  rebel- 
lion ;  and  if  the  doctrines  of  this  day  be  confirmed,  that  name  will  be 
lost  in  revolution."  Expressing  his  inability  to  perceive  the  distinction 
attempted  to  be  made  by  Mr.  Pitt,  he  said,  "  When  I  proposed  to  tax 
America,  I  repeatedly  asked  this  House  if  any  objection  would  be 
made  to  the  right ;  but  no  one  attempted  to  deny  that  right.  Pro- 
tection and  obedience  are  reciprocal.  Great  Britain  protects  Ame- 
rica :  America  is  bound  to  yield  obedience.  If  not,  tell  me  when  the 
Americans  were  emancipated  ?     When  they  want  the  protection  of 


chap,  il]  EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770.  73 

Speech  of  Mr.  Pitt.  His  proposition  to  repeal  the  act. 

this  kingdom  they  are  always  ready  to  ask  for  it :  that  protection  has 
always  been  afforded  them  in  the  most  full  and  ample  manner.  The 
nation  has  run  itself  into  an  immense  debt  to  give  them  protection ; 
and  now,  they  are  called  upon  to  contribute  a  small  share  towards  the 
public  expense — an  expense  arising  from  themselves — they  renounce 
your  authority  ;  insult  your  officers,  and  break  out,  I  might  almost 
say,  into  open  rebellion."  Fixing  his  eyes  intently  upon  Pitt,  he 
exclaimed  with  great  emphasis,  "  The  seditious  spirit  of  the  Colonies 
owes  its  birth  to  factions  in  this  House.  Gentlemen  are  careless  of 
the  consequences  of  what  they  say,  provided  it  answers  the  purposes 
of  opposition" 

When  Grenville  ceased  speaking,  several  members  sprang  to  their 
feet,  and  among  them  was  Pitt.  There  was  a  loud  cry  of  "  Mr.  Pitt, 
Mr.  Pitt,"  and  all  but  he  sat  down.  He  immediately  fell  upon 
Grenville,  and  told  him  that  since  he  had  challenged  him  to  the  field, 
he  would  fight  him  on  every  foot  of  it.  "  The  gentleman  tells  us," 
said  he,  "  that  America  is  obstinate,  America  is  almost  in  open 
rebellion.  I  rejoice  that  America  has  resisted.  Three  millions  of 
people  so  dead  to  all  the  feelings  of  liberty  as  voluntarily  to  submit 
to  be  slaves,  would  have  been  fit  instruments  to  make  slaves  of  the 
rest."  Alluding  to  the  alleged  strength  of  Great  Britain  and  the 
weakness  of  America,  he  said,  "  It  is  true,  that  in  a  good  cause,  on 
a  good  ground,  the  force  of  this  country  could  crush  America  to 
atoms  ;  but  on  this  ground,  on  this  Stamp  Act,  many  here  will  think 
it  a  crying  injustice,  and  I  am  one  who  will  lift  up  my  hands  against 
it.  In  such  a  cause,  your  success  would  be  hazardous.  America, 
if  she  fall,  would  fall  like  the  strong  man :  she  would  embrace  the 
pillars  of  the  State  and  pul  ldown  the  Constitution  along  with  her."* 
The  orator  concluded  with  an  appeal  to  the  House  to  exercise  wis- 
dom and  moderation  in  their  dealings  with  America,  and  in  the 
words  of  Prior  begged  them — 

"  Be  to  her  faults  a  little  blind : 
Be  to  her  virtues  very  kind." 

He  then  proposed  an  absolute,  total,  and  immediate  repeal  of  the 
Stamp  Act ;  but  recommended  at  the  same  time  to  accompany  the 
repeal  by  the  strongest  declaration  of  the  sovereign  authority  of 
Great  Britain  over  her  Colonics.  His  views  were  seconded  by 
Rockingham,  Conway,  Burke,  and  nearly  all  the  rest  of  the  admi- 
nistration ;  and  the  petitions  of  the  mercantile  classes  and  others 
against  the   Stamp  Act,  which  had  been  so  haughtily  rejected  by 

*  History,  Debates,  Sec,  of  the  British  Parliament,  vol.  iv.,pp.  292-7. 


74  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1766. 

i , 

Repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act.  Mr.  Pitt's  Declaratory  Act' 

Grenville,  were  now  welcomed  and  honored.     In  a  short  time  a  re- 
pealing bill  was  presented  by  ministers. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  genius  of  Edmund  Burke  was  first 
developed  ;  and  it  is  asserted  by  Dr.  Johnson  that  his  two  speeches 
on  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  "  were  publicly  commended  by  Mr. 
Pitt,  and  filled  the  town  with  wonder."  Pitt,  Conway,  Barre  and. 
Burke,  were  the  chief  advocates  of  the  repeal  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, and  Lord  Camden  in  the  House  of  Peers.  After  being  six 
weeks  in  committee,  the  repeal  bill  was  passed*  by  a  large 

aMarchlS.  ...,  f       ,  r  i      i      r 

majority  ot  the  very  men  who,  but  a  tew  months  belore,  were 
almost  unanimous  in  favor  of  the  Stamp  Act.*  As  a  sort  of  salvo  to 
the  national  honor,  the  bill,  pursuant  to  Pitt's  recommendation,  was 
accompanied  by  a  declaratory  act,  which  affirmed  that  parliament 
had  power  to  bind  the  Colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever.  This  de- 
claration seemed  to  imply  the  right  of  taxation  ;  and,  in  a  great 
measure,  destroyed  the  intended  effect  of  the  repeal  bill.  Yet,  with- 
out this  appendage  to  soothe  and  conciliate  the  opposite  party,  the 
repeal  bill  could  not  have  received  a  constitutional  majority  ;  but  with 
this  suffix,  many  were  content  to  support  the  measure  as  a  matter  of 
expediency  ;  and  the  majority  in  both  Houses  was  considerable — in 
the  Commons  one  hundred  and  eight,  and  in  the  Lords,  thirty-four. 
Thirty-three  peers  entered  a  strong  protest,  stating  therein,  that  after 
the  declaration  of  power  and  authority  already  made,  "  such  a  sub- 
mission of  King,  Lords  and  Commons,  in  so  strange  and  unheard-of 
a  contest"  would  amount  to  an  entire  surrender  of  British  supremacy.! 

Yet  it  was  done — the  royal  assent  was  reluctantly  given,  and 

a  March  18.  .  r  .  ,  J.  J  °  ■        ' 

the  act  of  repeal  became  law.° 

The  passage  of  this  act  was  the  source  of  great  joy  both  in  Eng- 
land and  America.  The  manufacturers,  and  the  friends  of  America 
in  London,  made  great  demonstrations  of  gratification.  Many  houses 
were  splendidly  illuminated,  and  the  shipping  in  the  Thames  dis- 
played their  colors. 

When  the  news  of  the  repeal  reached  America,  a  thrill  of  joy  and 
satisfaction  pervaded  the  whole  population  ;  the  ominous  mutterings 
of  the  suppressed  volcano  of  defiance  and  rebellion  ceased,  and 
everywhere  were  heard  the  plaudits  of  a  truly  grateful  people.  Bu- 
siness at  once  resumed  its  wonted  activity  ;  the  importation  of  British 

*  It  was  during  these  debates  that  the  celebrated  examination  of  Dr.  Franklin 
before  the  British  Parliament  took  place.  His  celebrity  as  a  philosopher,  states- 
man, and  man  of  candor,  roused  the  attention  of  every  mind.  The  galleries  were 
crowded  with  spectators  eager  to  hear  so  distinguished  an  individual  speak  upon  a 
subject  of  so  much  moment. 

f  History,  Debates,  &c,  vol.  iv.,  343. 


chap,  ii.]  EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770.  75 

Rejoicings  in  the  Colonies.  New  causes  of  discontent 

goods  was  revived  ;  the  sails  of  commerce  were  unfurled,  and  the 
whole  social  and  political  horizon  became  radiant  with  light.  The 
House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  voted  an  appropriation  to  erect  a 
statue  to  the  King  ;  the  Assembly  of  Massachusetts  addressed  a 
memorial  of  thanks  to  Parliament  ;  public  thanksgivings  were  held, 
and  the  furious  storm  that  had  raged  for  months,  and  threatened  to 
uproot  the  British  constitution,  was  succeeded  by  a  profound  calm 
which  might  have  been  permanent,  had  no  subsequent  acts  of 
oppression  excited  to  action  the  energies  of  a  righteous  resistance. 

But  this  calm  was  of  short  duration.  The  declaratory  act,  re- 
garded as  harmless,  contained  the  germ  of  other  oppressions  no  less 
serious  and  unjust,  and  it  was  not  long  before  the  Colonies  perceived 
the  development  of  the  bud,  and  they  at  once  resorted  to  measures  to 
prevent  its  expansion.  They  were  soon  convinced  that  the  repeal 
bill  was  but  a  truce  in  the  war  upon  American  freedom ;  and  they 
speedily  began  to  erect  defences  and  prepare  for  another  conflict. 

Considerable  trouble  arose  in  the  adjustment  of  the  claims  of  the 
sufferers  by  the  late  disturbances.  Compensation  was  demanded  by- 
General  Conway  in  mild  but  firm  language  ;  but  the  people,  while 
they  did  not  absolutely  refuse  to  adjust  these  claims,  were  very  back- 
ward in  the  liquidation  of  them.  They  were  offended  at  the  haughty 
manner  in  which,  in  many  instances,  these  claims  were  demanded. 
In  Massachusetts  in  particular,  the  requisitions  of  Governor  Bernard 
were  made  so  peremptorily,  that  the  people,  irritated,  refused  to  pay, 
and  tumult  was  threatened.  After  a  long  delay,  the  measure  of 
compensation  was  agreed  to  by  the  Assembly  of  Massachusetts,  and 
also  of  New  York,  but  it  was  accompanied  by  a  general  pardon  of 
all  concerned  in  the  riots. 

Another  cause  of  discontent  and  alarm  was  a  new  clause  in  the 
Mutiny  Act,*  which  the  Colonies  viewed  as  disguised  taxation  in  the 
form  of  a  relief  of  burden  from  the  shoulders  of  the  home  govern- 
ment. The  clause  provided  that  the  troops  sent  out  from  England 
should  be  furnished  with  quarters,  beer,  salt,  and  vinegar,  at  the 
expense  of  the  Colonies.  This  tax  the  people  could  easily  have 
paid,  and  it  would  have  been  but  a  comparatively  light  burden,  but 
the  same  principle  was  involved  in  this  as  in  the  Stamp  Act.  Be- 
sides, the  soldiers  were  insolent  and  overbearing  toward  the  citizens ; 
they  were  known  to  be  quartered  here  for  the  purpose  of  abridging 
and  subduing  the  independent  action  of  the  people,  and  the  supplies 

*  The  Mutiny  Act  granted  power  to  every  officer,  upon  obtaining  a  warrant  from 
any  justice,  to  break  into  any  house,  by  day  or  by  night,  in  search  of  deserters. 
This  ostensible  purpose  was  often  used  by  unprincipled  officers  for  the  consumma- 
tion  of  designs  not  contemplated  by  the  Act. 


76  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1766. 

Dissolution  of  the  Rockingham  Ministry.  Charles  Townshend. 

demanded  were  to  be  drawn  from  the  very  men  whom  they  came  to 
injure  and  oppress.  In  New  York,  where  the  Act  first  came  into 
operation,  the  Assembly  refused  to  issue  orders  for  its  enforcement.* 
In  other  Colonies  likewise,  a  spirit  of  resistance  was  again  aroused, 
as  strong  and  formidable  as  was  evinced  against  the  Stamp  Act. 

In  the  month  of  July,  the  Rockingham  ministry,  which,  at  its 
formation,  seemed  so  united  and  promised  such  beneficial  results 
from  its  labors,  both  to  England  and  America,  as  to  attract  the 
anxious  scrutiny  of  the  friends  and  foes  of  popular  freedom,  was 
suddenly  dissolved,  and  a  new  one  formed  under  the  direction  and 
control  of  Mr.  Pitt,  who,  by  an  act  of  special  favor  of  the  King  was 
elevated  to  the  peerage, a  with  the  title  of  Earl  of  Chatham. 
The  King  intrusted  to  him  the  absolute  privilege  of  choosing 
a  cabinet  agreeable  to  his  own  inclinations,  the  result  of  which  was 
to  the  surprise  of  all,  a  most  curious  medley  of  discordant  elements, 
in  which  neither  party  could  place  confidence.  "  He  made  an  ad- 
ministration so  chequered  and  speckled,"  said  Burke  ;  "  he  put 
together  a  piece  of  joinery  so  crossly  indented  and  whimsically  dove- 
tailed ;  a  cabinet  so  variously  inlaid  ;  such  a  piece  of  diversified 
mosaic  ;  such  a  tesselatcd  pavement  without  cement ;  here  a  bit  of 
black  stone,  and  there  a  bit  of  white  ;  patriots  and  courtiers,  King's 
friends  and  republicans  ;  whigs  and  tories  ;  treacherous  friends  and 
open  enemies  ;  that  it  was  indeed  a  very  curious  show,  but  utterly  un- 
safe to  touch,  and  unsure  to  stand  on.  The  colleagues  whom  he  had 
assorted  at  the  same  boards,  stared  at  each  other,  and  were  obliged  to 
ask,  Sir,  your  name  ? — Sir,  you  have  the  advantage  of  me — Mr. 
Such-a-one,  I  beg  a  thousand  pardons.  I  venture  to  say  it  did  so 
happen,  that  persons  had  a  single  office  divided  between  them,  who 
had  never  spoken  to  each  other  in  their  lives,  until  they  found  them- 
selves they  knew  not  how,  pigging  together,  heads  and  points,  in  the 
same  truckle-bed. "t  Indeed  all  parties  were  astonished  at  the  want 
of  sound  judgment  displayed  by  Pitt  in  the  formation  of  his  cabinet, 
and  forebodings  of  evil  agitated  the  minds  of  men  both  friendly  and 
inimical  to  him.  The  attacks  of  gout,  which  so  frequently  incapa- 
citated him  for  public  business,  rendered  it  quite  certain  that  to  a 
great  extent,  the  cabinet  would  be  ruled  by  other  minds,  of  less 
strength  and  necessary  forecast  than  his  own. 

Nor  were  these  presentiments  vain  speculations.  While  the  Earl 
of  Chatham  was  confined  at  Hayes,  his  country-seat,  by  sickness, 
Charles  Townshend,  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  who,  in  the 
absence  of  his  Lordship,  assumed  to  be  the  head  of  the  administration, 

*  Speech  on  American  Taxation.  f  Pitkin,  vol.  i.,  p  215. 


chap,  ii.]  EVENTS  FROM  17G3  TO  1770.  77 

Duties  levied  on  Glass,  Paper,  Painters1  Colors,  and  Tea.  Board  of  Trade 

coalesced  with  Grcnvillc,  the  former  Premier,  and  father  of  the  Stamp 
Act,  in  the  production  of  another  scheme  for  taxing  America. 
Townshend  introduced  a  bill  into  Parliament,"  imposing  du-  a  M 
ties  on  glass,  paper,  painters'  colors,  and  tea.  A  similar  17GT- 
proposition,  by  which  the  Colonies  were  to  be  taxed  to  the  amount 
of  four  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling  per  annum,  had  been  sub- 
mitted by  Grenville  as  early  as  January  ;  but  at  that  time,  Mr.  Towns- 
hend considered  the  measure  impolitic,  in  consequence  of  the 
excited  state  of  the  Colonies.  But  now,  impelled  by  inordinate 
vanity,  he  made  the  hopeless  attempt  of  pleasing  the  most  opposite 
parties,  and  pledged  himself  to  the  House  to  find  a  revenue  in  the 
Colonies  sufficient  to  meet  the  wants  of  government.  During  the 
brief  discussion  of  Townshend's  bill,  Mr.  Pitt  was  absent,  and  there 
appeared  the  same  apathy,  the  same  profound  ignorance  of  American 
character  that  was  exhibited  when  the  Stamp  Act  was  submitted 
to  the  Legislature,  and  it  passed  rapidly  through  both  Houses,  with 
only  here  and  there  a  voice  of  opposition.  There  were,  however,  a 
few  who  regarded  the  matter  in  its  true  light,  and  calculated  the 
chances  of  a  general  insurrection  in  the  Colonies,  if  anymore  attempts 
should  be  made  to  tax  them  without  their  consent.  "  In  the  Massa- 
chusetts government  in  particular,"  wrote  Gerard  Hamilton  to  Mr. 
Colcraft,  "  there  is  an  express  law,  by  which  every  man  is  obliged 
to  have  a  musket,  a  pound  of  powder  and  a  pound  of  bullets  always 
by  him  ;  so  there  is  nothing  wanting  but  knapsacks  (or  old  stock- 
ings, which  will  do  as  well)  to  equip  an  army  for  marching,  and 
nothing  more  than  a  Sartorius  or  Spartacus  at  their  head,  requisite  to 
beat  your  troops,  and  your  custom-house  officers,  out  of  the  country, 
and  set  your  laws  at  defiance."  Lord  Shelburne  warned  ministers 
to  have  a  care  how  they  proceeded  in  the  matter,  and  endeavored  to 
impress  Parliament  with  the  deep  consideration  with  which  the 
subject  should  be  viewed.  But  these  notes  of  warning  fell  powerless 
upon  prejudiced  ears, — the  bill  received  a  large  majority  vote,  and  on 
the  twenty-ninth  of  June  the  royal  signature  was  affixed. 

This  act  was  immediately  succeeded  by  another,  establishing  a 
Board  of  Trade  in  the  Colonies,  independent  of  Colonial  legislation, 
and  creating  resident  Commissioners  of  Customs  to  enforce  strictly 
the  revenue  laws.  And  still  another  act  was  passed,  prohibiting  the 
Governor,  Council,  and  Assembly  of  New  York  from  passing  any 
legislative  act  for  any  purpose  whatsoever,  and  totally  suspending  the 
legislative  power  till  satisfaction  should  be  given  as  to  the  treatment 
of  the  King's  commissioners,  and  full  obedience  rendered  to  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Mutiny  Act,  by  furnishing  the  royal  troops  with  cer- 
tain supplies,  at  the  expense  of  the  Colony. 


78  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1767. 

Letters  of  a  Pennsylvania  Farmer.  Massachusetts  Circular. 

When  intelligence  of  the  passage  of  these  acts  reached  America, 
all  the  powerful  elements  of  opposition  so  strongly  manifested  two 
years  before  when  the  Stamp  Act  received  the  royal  sanction,  were 
again  aroused  ;  and  to  unqualified  denunciations  were  added  bold 
denials  of  any  legislative  authority  of  Parliament  over  the  Colonies. 
Everywhere  the  voice  of  oratory  aroused  the  people  to  action  ;  whilst 
the  silent,  yet  powerful  appeals  of  printed  addresses  scattered  the 
seeds  of  rebellion  within  almost  every  household  in  America.  Among 
the  most  powerful  of  these  were  the  "  Letters  of  a  Pennsylvania  Farm- 
er," from  the  pen  of  John  Dickenson,  of  Philadelphia.  These  letters, 
twelve  in  number,  were  published  during  the  summer  and  autumn  of 
1767,  and  their  effect  upon  the  destinies  of  our  country  is  incalculable. 
Like  the  "  Crisis  "  of  Paine,  they  formed  and  controlled  the  will  of 
the  people,  and  gave  efficiency  to  the  right  arm  of  action.  The 
object  of  the  letters  was,  to  arouse  the  attention  of  the  country  to  the 
illegality  of  British  taxation,  and  to  the  necessity  of  adopting  vigorous 
measures  to  induce  the  mother  country  to  retrace  her  steps  of  op- 
pression. In  a  style  of  great  vigor,  animation  and  simplicity,  he 
portrayed  the  unconstitutionality  of  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain,  the 
imminent  peril  to  American  liberty  which  existed,  and  the  fatal  con- 
sequences of  a  supine  acquiescence  in  ministerial  measures,  more 
fatal  as  precedents,  than  by  the  immediate  calamities  they  were  cal- 
culated to  produce.  The  Farmer's  Letters  were  read  with  in;cnse 
interest,  and  produced  the  effect  not  merely  of  enlightening  the  pub- 
lic mind,  but  of  exciting  the  feelings  of  the  people  to  a  determination 
not  to  submit  to  the  oppressive  exactions  of  the  mother  country.* 

Spirited  resolutions  were  promptly  adopted  by  the  Colonial  As- 
semblies, denouncing  the  acts  of  Parliament  in  unqualified  terms  of 
disapprobation.  New  associations,  pledged  to  support  domestic 
manufactures,  and  to  cease  the  use  of  British  goods,  were  formed, 
and  commerce  with  the  mother  country  was  almost  entirely  suspended. 

Early  in  January,  1768,  the  general  Assembly  of  Massachusetts 
convened,  and  one  of  its  first  acts  was  to  draw  up  a  petition  to  the 
King,  asserting  in  decided  yet  mild  and  courteous  terms  the  right  of 
not  being  taxed  without  their  own  consent.  They  then  took  a 
bolder  step,  one  that  most  of  all  displeased  the  British  ministry ; 
they  addressed  a  circular  to  all  the  other  Colonies, «  embodying 
the  same  sentiments  expressed  in  the  petition  to  the  King, 
and  inviting  the  co-operation  of  their  several  respective  Assemblies. 
As  soon  as  intelligence  of  this  measure  reached  England,  Lord  Hills- 
borough sent  instructions  to  Bernard,  then  Governor  of  the  Massa- 

*  American  Portrait  Gallery,  vol.  iii. 


chap,  ii.]  EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770.  79 

Resistance  of  the  Massachusetts  Assembly.  Arrival  of  the  Sloop  Liberty. 

chusetts  Colony,  to  call  upon  the  general  Assembly  to  rescind  its 
resolutions,  and,  in  case  of  non-compliance  with  the  demand,  to  dis- 
solve them. 

But  these  instructions,  instead  of  intimidating  the  Assembly,  gave 
fresh  grounds  for  complaint,  and  additional  cause  for  discontent ;  and 
in  June,  that  body,  by  a  vote  of  ninety-two  to  seventeen,  refused  to 
rescind,*  adhered  strenuously  to  their  past  proceedings,  and  passed 
resolutions  denouncing  these  very  instructions  as  another  attempt  to 
restrain  the  right  of  free  deliberation,  guaranteed  by  th'  constitution. 
The  Governor,  finding  the  threat  of  ministers  of  no  *vail,  proceeded 
to  dissolve  the  Assembly;  but  before  the  act  was  accomplished,  that 
body  had  prepared  a  list  of  serious  accusation^  against  him,  and  a 
petition  to  the  King  for  his  removal. 

Counter  circulars  were  sent  by  governm'nt  t0  the  several  Colonies, 
warning  them  to  beware  of  imitating  tb-  factious  and  rebellious  con- 
duct of  Massachusetts ;  but  they  er^rely  failed  to  produce  the  in- 
tended effect.  On  the  contrary,  tAe  sympathies  of  the  other  Colonies 
were  awakened  for  proscribed  Massachusetts,  and  nearly  all  cordially 
approved  of  the  proceedings  ^ad  in  her  general  Assembly  ;  and  some 
indignantly  repelled  this  --fresh  attempt  to  dictate  to  them  and  influ- 
ence their  proceedings  oy  the  overshadowing  of  government  power. 
At  Boston,  the  chief  point  of  resistance  to  British  tyranny,  causes  for 
discontent  and  inc^ased  irritation  of  feeling  were  almost  daily  de- 
veloped. 

In  May,  tne  Commissioners  of  Customs  arrived,  and  at  once 
proceeded  co  the  execution  of  their  duties — duties  as  odious  in  the 
eyes  of  the  people  as  were  those  of  the  Roman  tax-gatherers  of 
Judea  in  the  days  of  Claudius  Caesar. 

Early  in  June"  the  sloop  Liberty,  belonging  to  John  Han- 

r       i  !  l  l  ■  riv-  a  June  10- 

cock,  one  of  the  most  zealons  and  popular  patriots  of  i\ew 
England,  arrived  at  Boston  with  a  cargo  of  Madeira  wine.  The 
Commissioners  sent  an  excise  officer  on  board,  but  the  skipper  con- 
fined him  below  deck,  and  landed  the  wine  on  the  dock,  without 
entering  it  at  the  custom  house,  or  the  use  of  any  other  formula. 
The  officer  was  then  released  and  sent  ashore.  The  next  morning 
the  Commissioners  ordered  a  Comptroller  to  seize  the  sloop  and  clap 
the  King's  broad  arrow  upon  her.  A  c-owd  immediately  assembled 
at  the  wharf,  and  the  Commissioners,  fearing  violence,  made  signals 

*  The  following  was  the  answer  the  Tiouse  sent  the  Governor  : — "  If  the  votes  of 
this  House  are  to  be  controlled  by  the  direction  of  a  minister,  we  have  left  us  but  a 
vain  semblance  of  liberty.  We  hate  now  only  to  inform  you  that  this  House  have 
voted  not  to  rescind,  and  that  on  a  division  on  the  question,  there  were  ninety-two 
yeas  and  seventeen  nays." 


80  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1767. 

Seizure  of  the  Liberty.  Tnmult  in  Boston, 

to  the  Romney  man-of-war,  then  lying  at  anchor  at  Boston,  and  the 
captain  manned  his  boats  and  sent  them  to  assist  the  excise  officer. 
Malcolm,  a  bold  smuggler,  at  the  head  of  a  mob  of  boys  and  negroes, 
attempted  to  prevent  the  seizure  of  the  sloop,  and  pelted  the  exciseman 
and  the  sailors  with  stones  and  dirt ;  but  the  crews  of  the  boats  soon 
cut  the  sloop  from  her  moorings  and  towed  her  under  the  guns  of  the 
Romney.  The  mob  on  shore  became  very  violent ;  attacked  the 
houses  of  ftie  Commissioners,  beat  several  of  the  officers  severely, 
and  burned  a  custom  house  boat.  The  Commissioners  applied  to 
the  Governor  fo-  protection,  but  he  was  obliged  to  tell  them  that  he 
had  no  force  whatever  to  defend  them  ;  and  they,  becoming  alarmed 
for  the  safety  of  thei:  lives,  fled  on  board  the  Romney,  and  subse- 
quently took  quarters  ]*  Castle  William,  a  fortress  on  an  island  of 
that  name  nearly  three  l^iles  south-east  from  Boston,  and  at  the 
entrance  of  the  harbor. 

These  lawless  proceedings  were  strongly  condemned  by  the 
Assemblies  (although  their  feeling  and  sympathies  were  with  the 
cause  which  the  mob  espoused),  ana  they  even  invited  the  govern- 
ment to  prosecute  the  ringleaders.  S]Ch  a  proceeding,  however, 
would  have  had  no  beneficial  result,  for  it  would  have  been  next  to 
impossible  to  have  found  a  jury  to  convict,  SUch  was  the  general 
excitement  of  the  people  against  the  government  officers. 

Governor  Bernard,  alarmed  at  these  bold,  tumultuous  acts,  and 
determined  to  uphold  the  authority  of  the  British  crown,  right  or 
wrong,  took  the  greatly  unwise  step  of  introducing  British  troops  into 
Boston  to  overawe  the  inhabitants  and  to  protect  the  Commissioners 
of  Customs  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties.  At  the  request  of  the 
Governor,*  General  Gage,  then  Commander-in-chief  of  all  the  British 
forces  in  America,  ordered  two  regiments,  amounting  to  about  seven 
hundred  mer^  from  Halifax,  to  be  quartered  at  Boston.  The  first 
rumor  of  this  contemplated  outrage  raised  an  extraordinary  ferment, 
not  only  in  Massachusetts,  but  throughout  all  the  Colonies.  At  Bos- 
ton a  town  meeting  was  immediately  called,  and  when  convened,  a 
committee  was  appointed,!  who  waited  upon  the  Govornor  to 
ascertain  the  truth  of  t\e  report,  and  request  him  to  convene  the 
Assembly.  The  Governor  did  not  deny  the  fact,  that  troops  were 
about  to  be  thrown  into  Boston,  but  declared  that  he  was  unable 

*  Previously,  however,  to  this  requesl being  made,  and  even  a  month  or  six  weeks 
before  the  news  of  these  Boston  riots  couid  have  reached  London,  ministers  had  re- 
solved to  use  force ;  and  Lord  Hillsborough,  in  a  secret  and  confidential  letter,  had 
told  General  Gage  that  it  was  his  Majesty's  pleasure  that  he  should  forthwith  send 
from  Halifax  one  regiment  or  more  to  Boston,  to  be  quartered  in  that  town-,  to 
the  civil  magistrates  and  the  officers  of  revenue. 

f  James  Otis,  John  Hancock,  John  Adams  and  Samuel  Adams, 


chap.il]  EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770.  81 

Attempts  to  bribe  the  Patriots.  Convention  at  Boston. 

to  comply  with  their  request  without  instructions  from  home.  The 
tone  of  the  Governor  was  more  pacific  ;  he  was  evidently  alarmed. 
He  feared  the  talent  and  popularity  of  several  of  the  leaders,  and 
attempted  to  gain  their  support,  or  at  least  to  separate  them  from  the 
cause  they  had  espoused.  He  gave  to  Hancock  a  commission  honoring 
him  with  a  seat  in  the  Council — the  patriot  tore  up  his  commission 
in  the  presence  of  the  people.  He  approached  John  Adams  with  an 
offer  of  the  lucrative  office  of  Advocate-General  in  the  Court  of 
Admiralty,  but  the  unwavering  patriot  received  his  overtures  with 
disdain,  as  an  insidious  attempt  to  corrupt  his  principles,  and  indig- 
nantly spurned  the  proffered  boon.  Samuel  Adao^,  also,  was 
tempted  by  the  wily  functionary,  but  he  found  h><n,  as  Governor 
Hutchinson  subsequently  did,  "  of  such  an  obpa'nate  and  inflexible 
disposition  that  he  could  never  be  conciliate^  by  any  office  or  gift 
whatsoever."  And  the  people,  like  their  leaders,  were  "  obstinate 
and  inflexible." 

Finding  the  Governor  unwilling  *>  comply  with  their  solicitation 
to  convene  the  Assembly,  the  people  determined  to  find  a  substitute 
therefor,  by  inviting  the  other  towns  to  nominate  deputies,  and  form 
a  convention  possessing  m*  tempore  legislative  powers.  They  made 
the  anticipation  of  a  w**'  with  France  a  plausible  pretence  for  calling 
upon  the  people  to  aCt  m  accordance  with  a  law  of  the  Colony,  au- 
thorizing each  r*ie  to  provide  himself  with  a  musket,  and  the  requi- 
site ammun*10n-  All  the  towns,  except  one,  sent  deputies,  who 
assemble^  early  in  September.  Their  first  act  was  to  despatch  a 
comn?Atec  of  three  to  the  Governor,  with  a  petition,  disclaiming  any 
joVa  of  assuming  any  authoritative  character,  but  professing  merely  to 
have  met  "  in  this  dark  and  distressing  time  to  consult  and  advise  as 
to  the  best  means  of  preserving  peace  and  good  order,"  and  conclud- 
ed with  a  request  again  to  call  the  Assembly.  The  Governor 
positively  refused  to  receive  the  message, — would  not  recognise  the 
meeting  as  a  lawful  assemblage,  and  on  the  following  day  wrote  a 
letter,  warning  them  to  desist  from  further  proceedings,  and  admo- 
nishing them  to  separate  without  delay.  His  admonition  passed 
unheeded  for  a  time,  but,  unlike  the  excited  citizens,  they  were 
desirous  of  using  pacific  measures  of  resistance ;  and  they  merely 
prepared  a  petition  to  the  King,  unfolding  to  him  their  grievances,  but 
professing  (as  they  really  felt,  aside  from  present  oppressions)  the 
most  decided  loyalty,  and  a  desire  to  cultivate  harmony  with  Great 
Britain.  They  also  submitted  an  address  to  the  people,  which,  in 
temperate  language,  set  forth  the  alarming  state  of  the  country,  yet 
earnestly  inculcated  submission  to  legal  authority,  and  abstinence 


82  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1768. 

Arrival  of  troops  from  Halifax.  Non-importation  agreements. 

from  all  acts  of  violence  and  tumult.     They  then  quietly  separated, 
after  a  session  of  five  days. 

Late  in  September,  the  troops  arrived,  and  on  the  first  of  October, 
under  cover  of  the  cannon  of  the  ships,  landed  in  Boston,  with 
charged  muskets,  fixed  bayonets,  colors  flying,  drums  beating,  and 
every  other  military  parade  usual  on  entering  the  domain  of  an  ene- 
my. The  selectmen,  or  municipal  authorities  of  Boston,  perempto- 
rily infused  to  provide  quarters  for  the  soldiers,  and  they  were 
obliged  to  encamp,  part  on  the  Common,  and  part  in  the  State  House, 
which  the  Governor  ordered  to  be  opened  to  them.  This  imposing 
military  display  exasperated  the  people  to  the  highest  pitch  ;  and 
mutual  hatred,  deep  and  abiding,  was  engendered  between  the 
soldiers  and  the  lr-habitants,  and  "  rebel "  and  "  tyrant "  were  con- 
stantly bandied  betwt^n  them. 

The  Colonies  now  er.t,ered  into  general  agreements  against  the 
importation  of  British  goocu  This  was  a  step  that  developed  the 
true  patriotism  of  the  people,  Specially  of  the  wealthier  class,  who 
were  deprived  of  most  of  their  luxaries  and  many  of  their  comforts, 
by  the  act.  Yet  associations  for  this  purpose  became  general  and 
active  in  the  several  Colonies,  under  the  ^nction  of  the  Assemblies. 
As  usual,  Massachusetts  took  the  lead,  and  T;rginia  -was  the  first  to 
follow.  In  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  the  latte*  Colony,  Washing- 
ton presented  a  series  of  articles  in  the  form  of  an  a^ociat;ion,  drawn 
up  by  Mr.  Mason.  The  House  also  passed  several  baa  an(j  pointed 
resolves,  denying  the  authority  of  Parliament  to  impose  *axes  and 
enact  laws  hostile  to  the  ancient  liberties  of  the  Colonies.  Lord 
Botetourt,  the  Governor,  whose  sympathies  were  with  the  ColonV>s 
could  not,  however,  in  justice  tohis  position  and  the  duty  he  owed 
to  his  sovereign,  witness  these  proceedings  in  silence,  and  accord- 
ingly he  went  the  next  day  to  the  Capitol,  summoned  the  Burgesses 
to  meet  him  in  the  council  chamber,  and  there  dissolved  the  Assem- 
bly. This  exercise  of  official  prerogative,  although  a  virtual  repri- 
mand, did  not  at  all  intimidate  them,  and  they  forthwith  repaired  in 
a  body  to  a  private  house,  and  unanimously  adopted  the  non-impor- 
tation agreement  presented  by  Washington.  Every  member  signed 
it,  and  it  was  then  printed  and  sent  into  the  country  for  the  signatures 
of  the  people.     Other  Colonies  followed  the  example.5* 

*  The  non-importation  agreement  of  the  people  of  Boston  was  as  follows  :— * 
"  We  will  not  send  for,  or  import  from  Great  Britain,  either  upon  our  own  account, 
or  upon  commission,  this  fall,  any  other  goods  than  what  are  already  ordered  for 
the  fall  supply.  We  will  not  send  for  or  import,  any  kind  of  goods  or  merchandise 
from  Great  Britain,  from  the  first  of  January,  1769,  to  the  first  of  January,  1770, 
except  salt,  coals,  fish-hooks  and  lines,  hemp  and  duck,  bar  lead  and  shot,  wool 


chap,  n.]  EVENTS  FROM  17G3  TO  1770.  83 

Proposition  to  take  Americans  to  England  fur  trial. 

Parliament  assembled  on  the  8th  of  November.  Pitt,  ill  at  his 
country-seat,  and  Townshend  dead,  the  Duke  of  Grafton  was  at 
the  head  of  the  unpopular  ministry.  The  speech  from  the  throne 
alluded  to  fresh  troubles  in  America,  and  denounced  in  strong  terms 
the  rebellious  spirit  which  prevailed  in  Massachusetts  Bay.  The 
address  proposed  by  ministers,  alluded  to  the  Americans  in  very 
harsh  language,  and  assured  the  King  of  their  determination  to  main- 
tain  his  relative  position  to  the  Colonies,  and  to  preserve  inviolate 
"  the  supreme  authority  of  the  Legislature  of  Great  Britain  over 
every  part  of  the  British  empire."  The  address  was  adopted  in  the 
House  of  Lords  without  opposition  ;  but  the  Commons  offered  many 
objections,  as  it  contained  language  and  inferences  not  warranted  by 
fact.  They  severely  yet  justly  criticised  the  oppressive  conduct  of 
government  toward  America,  as  well  as  in  its  continental  operations 
generally  ;  and  it  was  with  extreme  difficulty,  after  much  angry  de- 
bate and  mutual  criminations,  that  it  was  finally  adopted  by 

.        .  TT  L  J   a  Jan.  1769. 

the  lower  House.3 

Early  in  January  Parliament  proceeded  to  the  consideration  of 
measures  towards  America,  exceeding  in  rigor  all  that  had  pre- 
ceded. A  petition  from  the  people  of  Boston,  couched  in  the  most 
loyal  and  respectful  language,  was  contemptuously  rejected  ;  and  the 
Lords  alleged,  in  a  series  of  resolutions,  that  the  people  and  Legisla- 
ture of  Massachusetts  had  been  guilty  of  various  illegal  and  treason- 
able acts,  and  that  there  was  no  probability  of  these  crimes  being 
properly  punished  in  the  country  by  native  courts  and  juries  ;  and 
recommended,  in  an  address  to  the  King,  that  the  criminals  should  be 
taken  over  to  England,  and  tried  by  a  special  commission,  according 
to  a  statute  of  35th  of  Henry  VIII.  The  resolutions  and  address  were 
sent  to  the  Commons  for  concurrence,  but,  like  their  predecessor, 
they  met  there  with  a  powerful  opposition.  Mr.  Dodswell  de- 
nounced the  measure  as  "  unfit  to  remedy  the  disorders,"  and  as 
11  cruel  to  the  Americans,  and  injurious  to  England."  He  strongly 
censured  the  Secretary  of  State  for  taking  the  responsibility,  during 
the  recess  of  Parliament,  of  ordering  the  Colonial  governors  to  dissolve 
the  Assemblies. 

Burke  characterized  all  the  preceding  measures  of  government  as 
rash,  raw,  indigested  measures,   which  had  inflamed  America  from 

cards  and  card  wires.  We  will  not  purchase  of  any  factor  or  others,  any  kind  of 
goods  imported  from  Great  Britain,  from  January,  17(3'.),  to  January,  1770.  We  will 
not  import,  on  our  own  account,  or  on  commission,  or  purchase  from  any  who  shall 
import,  from  any  other  Colony  in  America,  from  January,  17G9,  to  January,  1770, 
any  tea,  paper,  glass,  or  painters'  colors,  until  the  act  imposing  duties  on  those  arti- 
cles shall  be  absolutely  repealed." 


84                          THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

[1769. 

Proceedings  of  Parliament. 

Speech  of  Pownall. 

one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other.  "  At  the  desire  of  an  exaspe- 
rated Governor,"*  he  exclaimed,  "  we  are  called  upon  to  agree  to  an 
address  advising  the  King  to  put  in  force  against  the  Americans  the 
act  of  Henry  VIII.  And  why  1  Because  you  cannot  trust  the 
juries  of  that  country.  Sir,  that  word  must  convey  horror  to  every 
feeling  mind.  If  you  have  not  a  party  among  two  millions  of  people, 
you  must  either  change  your  plan  of  government,  or  renounce  the 
Colonies  for  ever."  Even  Grenville,  the  father  of  the  Stamp  Act, 
strenuously  opposed  the  measure  as  not  only  futile,  but  unjust  to  the 
Americans.  Many  others, — some  who  had  heretofore  seemed  almost 
indifferent  upon  this  subject,  lifted  up  their  voices  against  it ;  yet, 
upon  a  division,  the  resolutions  and  address  of  the  Lords  were 
concurred  in a  by  a  majority  of  one  hundred  and  fifty-five 
against  eighty-nine. t 

On  the  eighth  of  February,  Mr.  Rose  Fuller  moved  to  recommit 
the  address,  and  supported  his  motion  by  a  masterly  speech  against 
the  proposed  measure  of  taking  Americans  to  England  for  trial ;  and 
in  reference  to  the  proposed  tax,  he  asserted  ;  "  As  for  the  money, 
all  that  sum  might  be  collected  in  London  at  less  than  half  the  ex- 
pense."J  He  was  warmly  supported  by  Pownall,  formerly  Govern- 
or of  Massachusetts,  who,  after  referring  to  the  history  of  the  Colo- 
nies, the  privations  of  the  first  settlers,  their  heroism,  their  virtues, 
their  indomitable  perseverance  and  enterprising  spirit,  remarked, 
"  But  now,  that  spirit,  equally  strong,  and  equally  inflamed,  has  but 
a  slight  and  trifling  sacrifice  to  make  ;  the  Americans  have  not  a 
country  to  leave,  but  a  country  to  defend  ;  they  have  not  friends  and 
relations  to  leave  and  forsake,  but  friends  and  relations  to  unite  with 
and  stand  by,  in  one  common  union."  He  closed  his  speech  with  a 
solemn  warning  to  ministers  to  stop  short,  retrace  their  steps,  con- 
ciliate the  Colonies  by  justice  and  kindness,  or  bear  the  fearful 
responsibility  of  driving  loyal  subjects  to  open  rebellion.  But  the 
motion  of  Mr.  Fuller  was,  upon  a  division,  negatived  by  a  majority 
of  one  hundred  and  sixty-nine  against  sixty-five.^  This  law,  how- 
ever, became  a  dead  letter,  and  was  never  put  into  execution. 

On  the  14th  of  March,  a  petition  or  remonstrance  from  the  people 
of  New  York  was  offered,  denying  the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax 
them  in  any  way.     Lord  North,  who  had  just  begun  his  long  and 

*  Bernard.  f  Cavendish's  Debates. 

%  It  has  been  said  that  when  Mr.  Charles  Townshend's  project  of  taxation  was  in 
agitation,  the  English  merchants  offered  to  pay  the  taxes,  or  an  equivalent  for  them, 
rather  than  run  the  risk  of  provoking  the  Americans  and  losing  their  trade. — Pic. 
His.  of  the  Reign  of  George  III.,  note  page  72. 

§  Cavendish's  Debates. 


chap,  ii.]  EVENTS  FROxM  1763  TO  1770.  85 

Dissolution  of  Colonial  Assemblies.  Governor  Bernard  superseded  by  Hutchinson. 

eventful  career,  offered  a  resolution  (which  prevailed)  that  the  paper 
should  not  be  received.  Upon  this,  Colonel  Barre  arose  and  reminded 
the  House,  that  he  had  predicted  all  that  would  happen  on  passing 
the  Stamp  Act,  and  he  said  that  he  could  now  prophesy  other  and 
inevitable  evils  ;  and  with  his  usual  boldness  and  energy  of  manner, 
he  plainly  told  ministers,  that,  if  they  persevered  in  their  present 
course,  the  whole  continent  of  North  America  would  rise  in  arms, 
and  those  Colonies,  perhaps,  be  lost  to  England  for  ever.  The 
events  of  a  few  subsequent  years  produced  a  fulfilment  of  this  pre  ■ 
diction. 

These  parliamentary  proceedings  fearfully  augmented  the  excite- 
ment, indignation  and  alarm,  which  agitated  the  Colonies  ;  and  the 
most  hopeful  advocate  of  conciliation  and  peaceful  measures,  now 
saw  little  else  for  the  future  to  develope,  but  physical  resistance. 
And  yet  those  who  most  obstinately  resisted  the  oppressions  of  the 
home  government,  still  loyally  refrained  from  a  resort  to  arms,  and 
tendered  the  olive  branch  of  peace  while  strongly  denouncing  their 
oppressors.  The  Colonial  Assemblies  reiterated  by  resolutions,  their 
oft-repeated  political  postulate,  the  exclusive  right  of  the  people  to  tax 
themselves,  and  boldly  denied  the  right  of  the  King  to  remove  the 
offender  out  of  the  country  for  trial.  For  these,  and  similar  resolves, 
the  Assemblies  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  were  dissolved  by 
their  respective  Governors,  who,  like  the  Governor  of  Massachu- 
setts, were  royal  favorites. 

Governor  Bernard  demanded  of  the  Massachusetts  Assembly  to 
provide  funds  for  the  payment  of  the  troops  quartered  in  Boston,  but 
they  not  only  refused  to  comply  with  this  requisition,  but  would  not 
transact  business  at  all,  while  surrounded  by  soldiery  sent  to  intimi- 
date them.  They  demanded  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops,  which 
the  Governor  objected  to ;  and  they  at  once  adjourned  to 

^         i     •  i  i  r  •  i       ■  i-i    « May,  1769. 

Cambridge,*  where,  alter  passing  some  resolutions,  which 
were  offensive  to  the  Governor,*  the  Assembly  were  dissolved,  and 
their  proceedings  pronounced  illegal,  and  even  treasonable.      The 
King,  to  testify  his  approbation,  created  Governor  Bernard  a  Baronet, 
and  took  upon  himself  the  whole  expense  of  passing  the 
patent.     He  was  soon  after  succeeded  in  office*  by  Hutchin- 
son, his  lieutenant,  and  returned  to  England,  leaving  behind  him  but 
few  friends,  and  slight  regrets  at  his  departure. 

*  They  voted,  "  That  the  establishment  of  a  standing  army  in  this  Colony  in  time 
of  peace,  is  an  invasion  of  natural  rights ;  that  a  standing  army  is  not  known  as  a 
part  of  the  British  Constitution  ;  that  sending  an  armed  force  into  the  Colony,  un- 
der a  pretence  of  assisting  the  civil  authority,  is  highly  dangerous  to  the  people, 
unprecedented  and  unconstitutional." 


86  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1769. 

1 ■ 

Letter  of  Lord  Hillsborough.  Recapitulation  of  Acts  of  Parliament. 

The  effects  of  the  non-importation  agreements  of  the  Colonies 
began  to  be  severely  felt  by  the  English  merchants,*  and  they  added 
their  respectful  petitions  and  remonstrance  to  the  voice  of  Ame- 
rican discontent,  and  urged  ministers  to  present  a  bill  in  Parliament 
to  repeal  the  obnoxious  acts.  Lord  Hillsborough  had,  by  direction 
of  Lord  North,  previously  written  a  circular  letter  to  the  Colonies, 
intimating  that  the  duties  upon  glass,  paper,  and  painters'  colors, 
would  be  taken  off,  as  contrary  to  the  true  principles  of  commerce — 
in  other  words,  as  inexpedient.  But  the  duty  would  still  be  left  upon 
tea,  of  which  the  Colonists  complained  ;  and  moreover,  expediency 
and  not  principle  being  the  controlling  motive  for  the  proposed  re- 
peal, it  was  considered  by  the  Americans  as  no  concession  to  them 
whatever,  in  point  of  principle  ;  therefore  the  letter  of  Lord  Hills- 
borough failed  of  producing  any  tranquillizing  effect.  The  ocean  of 
popular  feeling  had  been  lashed  into  a  commotion  too  fearful  to  be 
calmed  by  such  a  stinted  portion  of  oil  poured  upon  its  angry  bil- 
lows ;  and  the  year  1769  closed  without  any  apparent  approximation 
of  Great  Britain  and  her  American  Colonies  towards  reconciliation. 

As  before  stated,  when  the  Treaty  of  Paris  in  1763  produced 
peace  between  Great  Britain  and  France,  the  American  Colonies  were 
enjoying  a  state  of  unexampled  prosperity  ;  and  loyalty  to  the  mother 
country  was  a  predominant  feeling,  inculcated  by  instruction  in  in- 
fancy, and  made  a  fixed  principle  in  youth  and  maturity.  But,  in  an 
evil  hour,  Britain  needlessly  and  heedlessly  raised  the  arm  of  oppres- 
sion against  her  faithful  children.  The  enactment  of  certain  revenue 
laws  aroused  their  suspicions  of  impending  danger,  for  they  well 
knew  the  force  and  the  rapacity  of  British  cupidity.  The  Sugar 
Act,  re-enacted,  and  accompanied  by  a  declaration  on  the  part  of 
Parliament  of  a  design  to  tax  the  Colonies,  engendered  from  amid 
the  agitations  of  just  alarm,  a  bold  spirit  of  resistance  ;  and  Boston 
first  lifted  up  the  voice  of  remonstrance  and  warning.  Her  remon- 
strance was  unheard,  her  warning  was  unheeded,  and  a  more  pow- 
erful instrument  of  wrong  and  oppression  was  brought  into  being, — 
the  infamous  Stamp  Act  was  framed  and  became  a  law.  In  this  act, 
British  tyranny,  before  obscured  by  the  haze  of  acknowledged  law 
and  musty  precedent,  assumed  a  tangible  form  ;  and  in  proportion  as 
its  true  interest  became  developed,  did  the  spirit  of  Colonial  opposi- 
tion increase  in  strength  and  fervor,  until  ministers,  discovering  their 
fatal   error,   repealed  the   act.     Then   came   the  Declaratory  Act, 


*  The  exports,  which  in  1768  had  amounted  to  $11,890,000,  of  which  $600,000 
was  in  tea,  had  fallen  in  1769  to  $8,170,000,  the  tea  being  only  $220,000. — Murray's 
U  S  ,  vol.  i.,  p.  352. 


CHAP,  n.] 


EVENTS  FROM  1763  TO  1770. 


87 


Effect  of  various  oppressive  measures. 


assuming  a  right  to  levy  taxes  upon  the  Colonies,  which  they  in  turn 
denied.  This  again  aroused  Colonial  jealousy — the  Mutiny  Act,  and 
the  establishment  of  a  Board  of  Trade  in  the  Colonies,  awakened 
systematic  resistance  ;  and  the  suspension  of  the  legislative  powers 
of  the  New  York  Assembly,  until  they  should  furnish  certain  supplies 
to  the  English  troops,  fanned  the  flame  of  open  rebellion.  Finally, 
ministers,  untaught  by  the  experience  of  the  past,  and  willing  rather 
to  use  the  strong  arm  of  power,  instead  of  the  more  potent  influence 
of  kindness  based  upon  justice,  crowned  their  career  of  folly  and 
wickedness  by  sending  English  mercenary  troops  to  awe  into  sub- 
mission an  injured  and  oppressed  people.  This  act,  so  unnecessary 
and  unjust,  almost  severed  the  last  ligament  of  loyalty  that  bound 
the  Colonies  to  the  British  throne — almost  extinguished  the  last 
feeble  ray  of  hope  for  a  reconciliation — affiliated  in  a  sacred  commu- 
nity of  interest  the  entire  thirteen  Colonies — and  created  in  the 
hearts  and  minds  of  the  American  people  irrepressible  aspirations 
for  Social  Freedom  and  Political  Independence. 


Faneuil  Eall,  Bctton. 


EVENTS  FROM  1770  TO  1774 


Samuel  Adams — Colonel    Barre— Lord  North. 


CHAPTER  III. 


HE  year  1770  dawned  upon  America  with 
gloomy  portents  for  the  future.  Too  deeply 
was  the  principle  of  resistance  to  unjust 
taxation  implanted  in  the  hearts  of  the  peo- 
ple to  be  easily  eradicated  ;  and  too  surely 
did  the  past  acts  of  the  British  ministry 
foreshadow  an  obstinate  adherence  of  the 
home  government  to  its  broad  proposition 
of  positive  and  unqualified  right  to  tax  her  Colonies,  nolens  volens,  to 
give  the  people  a  single  ray  of  hope  that  that  proposition  wTould  be 
abandoned.     Hence,  reconciliation  seemed  hardly  possible — a  resort 


90  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1770. 

Patriotism  of  American  Females.  General  Gage  and  Boston  Boys. 

to  arms  seemed  inevitable.  True,  they  had  been  told  that  the  duty 
upon  several  articles  would  be  taken  off;  yet  they  clearly  foresaw 
the  evident  intent  of  continuing  it  upon  one  or  more,  in  order  to  main- 
tain by  practice  the  assumed  right  to  tax  the  Colonies  ;  and  because 
of  this,  they  determined  to  resist.  Everywhere  the  spirit  of  opposi- 
tion was  almost  a  living  principle  ;  nor  were  patriotic  sentiments  and 
action  confined  to  the  sterner  sex.  The  warm,  impulsive  nature 
of  woman  was  aroused,  and  directed  towards  the  execution  of 
patriotic  behests  ;  and  even  the  children  seemed  to  draw  the  same 
impress  of  character  from  the  mother's  breast,  and  boldly  bearded  the 
British  Hon.*  Early  in  February  the  females  of  Boston  publicly 
leagued  in  a  pledge  of  total  abstinence  from  tea,  as  a  practical  execu- 
tion of  the  non-importation  agreements  of  their  fathers,  husbands  and 
a  Feb  9  brothers.  "  We  are  credibly  informed,"  says  the  Boston 
177°-  Gazette,*1  the  leading  "  rebel  newspaper,"  in  the  Colonics, 
"  that  upwards  of  one  hundred  ladies,  at  the  north  part  of  town,  have, 
of  their  own  free  will  and  accord,  come  into,  and  signed  an  agree- 
ment, not  to  drink  any  tea  till  the  Revenue  Acts  are  repealed."  At 
that  date,  the  mistresses  of  three  hundred  families  had  subscribed  to 
the  league  ;  and  when  it  was  published  the  following  week,  it  was 
accompanied  by  a  declaration  of  intentions  of  joining  the  citizens  at 
large,  who  had,  in  January,  resolved  unanimously,  at  a  meeting  m 
Faneuil  Hall,  "  totally  to  abstain  from  the  use  of  tea."  The  "  Young 
Ladies  "  very  soon  afterwards  b  followed  this  patriotic  exam- 
ple, and  multitudes  subscribed  their  names  to  a  document  in 

*  While  the  King's  troops  were  in  Boston,  an  incident  occurred  that  evinced  the 
bold  spirit  of  even  the  little  boys.  In  the  winter  the  boys  were  in  the  habit  of 
building  little  hills  of  snow,  and  sliding  down  them  on  to  the  pond  on  the  Common,  for 
amusement.  The  English  soldiers,  to  provoke  them,  would  often  beat  down  these 
hills.  On  one  occasion,  having  rebuilt  their  hills,  and  finding  on  their  return  from 
school  that  they  were  again  demolished  by  the  soldiers,  several  of  the  boys  deter- 
mined to  wait  upon  the  captain  and  complain  of  his  soldiers.  The  captain  made 
light  of  it,  and  the  soldiers  became  more  troublesome  than  ever.  At  last  they  called 
a  meeting  of  the  larger  boys,  and  sent  them  to  General  Gage,  the  Commander-in- 
chief.  He  asked  why  so  many  children  had  called  upon  him.  "  We  come,  sir,"  said 
the  tallest  boy,  "  to  demand  satisfaction."  "  What !"  said  the  General,  "  have  your 
fathers  been  teaching  you  rebellion,  and  sent  you  to  exhibit  it  here  ?"  "  Nobody 
sent  us,  sir,"  replied  the  boy,  while  his  eyes  flashed  and  cheek  reddened  at  the  im- 
putation of  rebellion,  "  we  have  never  injured  nor  insulted  your  troops ;  but  they 
have  trodden  down  our  snow-hills,  and  broken  the  ice  on  our  skating-grounds. 
We  complained,  and  they  called  us  young  rebels,  and  told  us  to  help  ourselves  if 
we  could.  We  told  the  captain  of  this,  and  he  laughed  at  us.  Yesterday  our  works 
were  destroyed  the  third  time,  and  we  will  bear  it  no  longer."  The  nobler  feelings 
of  the  General's  heart  were  awakened,  and  after  gazing  upon  them  in  silent  admira- 
tion for  a  moment,  he  turned  to  an  officer  by  his  side,  and  said,  "  The  very  children 
here  draw  in  a  love  of  liberty  with  the  air  they  breathe.  You  may  go,  my  brave 
boys,  and  be  assured,  if  my  troops  trouble  you  again,  they  shall  be  punished." 


ckap.  m.]                     EVENTS  FROM  1770  TO  1774. 

91 

Unpopularity  of  Importers  of  Tea. 

A  Boy  shot. 

the  following  terms  : — "  We,  the  daughters  of  those  patriots  who 
have,  and  do  now,  appear  for  the  public  interest,  and  in  that,  princi- 
pally regard  their  posterity, — as  such  do  with  pleasure  engage  writh 
them  in  denying  ourselves  the  drinking  of  foreign  tea,  in  hopes  to 
frustrate  a  plan  which  tends  to  deprive  the  whole  community  of  all 
that  is  valuable  in  life"  Similar  movements  were  made  in  New 
York  and  Virginia  among  the  females  ;  and  so  cordial  and  universal 
became  the  opposition  to  the  Revenue  Acts,  that  very  few  persons 
had  the  hardihood  to  allow  their  love  of  gain  to  be  paramount  to 
love  of  country,  and  sell  and  use  the  proscribed  article.  Yet  there 
were  a  few  who  dared  to  act  in  bold  defiance  of  public  sentiment,  in 
the  importation  and  sale  of  tea  ;  among  whom  was  one  Theophilus 
Lillie,  of  Boston,  who  was  instrumental  in  the  production  of  incipient 
steps  towards  a  popular  tumult,  exceeding  in  violence  anything  pre- 
ceding it.  He,  in  connexion  with  three  or  four  others,  continued  to 
sell  imported  goods  in  defiance  of  public  feeling  on  this  point.  Nor 
did  he  confine  himself  to  the  act  of  sale  solely,  but  he  publicly  de- 
clared his  intention  to  continue  trade,  let  the  non-importation  associ- 
ations do  as  they  pleased.  This  conduct  very  much  excited  the 
populace,  and  on  the  22d  of  February  they  manifested  their  strong 
disapprobation  by  placing  a  rude  wooden  head  upon  a  pole  near 
Lillie's  door,  having  upon  it  the  names  of  the  other  importers  ;  and 
attached  a  wooden  hand  thereto,  whose  finger  pointed  directly  towards 
the  offending  tradesman's  premises.  A  mob  of  noisy  boys  soon  col- 
lected, and  by  their  remarks  greatly  irritated  Lillie  and  his  friends, 
among  whom  was  a  rough  man  named  Richardson,  who  tried  to  in- 
duce a  countryman  to  run  his  wagon  against  the  pole  and  prostrate 
it.  He  was  a  patriot  and  refused  ;  and  in  Richardson's  attempt  to 
do  it  himself,  he  was  pelted  with  dirt  and  stones,  and  driven  into  his 
house.  Much  exasperated,  he  brought  out  his  musket,  loaded  with 
swan  shot,  and  discharged  it  into  the  crowd,  slightly  wounding  a  lad 
named  Christopher  Gore  (afterwards  Governor  of  the  Common- 
wealth), and  mortally  wounding  another  named  Snyder.  The  people 
were  furious  at  this  outrage  ;  seized  Richardson  and  an  associate, 
named  Wilmot,  carried  them  to  Faneuil  Hall,  had  them  examined, 
and  committed  them  for  trial.* 

This  event  produced  a  deep  sensation  throughout  the  country. 
The  newspapers  teemed  with  the  accounts  of  the  funeral  of  young 
Snyder,  and  he  was  spoken  of  everywhere  as  the  first  martyr  to  the 


*  Richardson  was,  at  the  April  assize,  found  guilty  of  murder,  but  the  Lieutenant 
Governor  refused  to  sign  his  death  warrant,  and  after  two  years'  confinement,  he 
was  pardoned  by  the  King. 


92  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1770. 

Funeral  of  the  boy  Snyder.  Excitement  against  the  Soldiers. 

cause  of  American  Liberty.*  His  funeral  ceremonies  were  attended 
in  a  manner  before  unexampled.  His  coffin,  covered  with  inscrip- 
tions— "  Innocence  itself  not  safe,"  and  similar  ones — was  placed 
under  Liberty  Tree.  In  the  procession  to  the  grave,  between  four 
and  five  hundred  school-boys  took  the  lead.  Six  of  Snyder's  play- 
fellows supported  the  coffin.  After  these  came  the  relatives  and 
nearly  fifteen  hundred  of  the  inhabitants.  The  scene  was  one  of 
deep  and  abiding  impress — it  was  the  initial  life  of  the  hecatombs 
subsequently  sacrificed  upon  the  altar  of  the  Moloch  of  War  during 
the  struggle  for  American  Liberty. 

On  the  second  of  March,  a  soldier  passing  by  the  rope-walk  of  Mr. 
John  Grey,  got  into  a  quarrel  with  the  workmen,  and  wTas  severely 
beaten.  He  repaired  to  the  barracks,  and  returning  with  several  of 
his  comrades,  they  in  turn  beat  the  rope-makers,  and  pursued  them 
through  the  streets.  The  excitable  portion  of  the  inhabitants  were 
soon  assembled,  but  the  next  day  being  Saturday,  and  so  near  the 
Sabbath,  they  deferred  vengeance  until  Monday,  the  fifth. 

Between  seven  and  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  the  fifth,  about 
seven  hundred  of  them,  armed  with  clubs  and  other  missiles,  pro- 
ceeded towards  King  (now  State)  street,  shouting  u  Let  us  drive  out 
these  rascals  !  they  have  no  business  here — drive  them  out  !"  Fresh 
parties  with  sticks  and  clubs  reinforced  them,  and  an  attack  was 
made  in  Dock  Square,  upon  some  soldiers.  In  the  meanwhile,  the 
fearful  cry  of  "  Fire  !  fire  !"  echoed  through  the  town,  and  the  alarm 
bells  vehemently  rang  out  their  peals  of  dismay  and  terror,  as  if  a 
great  conflagration  was  raging.  The  whole  town  presented  a  scene 
of  tumult  and  confusion.  About  nine  o'clock,  the  mob,  constantly 
augmenting,  began  to  tear  up  the  stalls  of  the  market-place  in  Dock 
Square,  and  prepared  for  an  attack  upon  the  soldiers.  Two  or  three 
leading  citizens  used  every  persuasion  to  induce  them  to  disperse,  and 
had  in  a  measure  gained  the  respectful  attention  of  the  populace,  when 
a  tall  man  dressed  in  a  scarlet  cloak  and  with  a  white  wig,  suddenly 
appeared  among  them,  and  commenced  a  most  violent  harangue  against 
the  government  officers  and  the  soldiers,  and  concluded  by  a  loud 

*  The  following  curious  communication  appeared  in  the  Boston  Gazette  :— 
"  Messrs.  Eddes  and  Gill : — The  general  sympathy  and  concern  for  the  murder 
of  the  lad  by  the  base  and  infamous  Richardson,  on  the  23d,  will  be  a  sufficient  rea- 
son for  your  notifying  the  public  that  he  will  be  buried  from  his  house  in  Frog 
Lane,  opposite  to  Liberty  Tree,  on  Monday,  when  all  the  friends  of  Liberty  may 
have  an  opportunity  of  paying  their  last  respects  to  the  remains  of  this  little  Hero 
and  first  martyr  to  the  noble  cause,  whose  manly  spirit  (after  this  accident  happen- 
ed) appeared  in  his  discreet  answers  to  his  doctor,  and  thanks  to  the  clergyman  who 
prayed  with  him,  and  the  firmness  of  mind  he  showed  when  lie  first  saw  his  parents, 
and  while  he  underwent  the  greatest  distress  of  bodily  pain ;  and  with  which  he 
met  the  King  of  Terrors.  A  Mourner." 


chap,  in.]  EVF.XTS  FROM  1770  TO  1774.  93 

Attack  upon  a  Sentinel.  Custom-house  Guard  assailed. 

shout,  "  To  the  main  guard  !  to  the  main  guard  !"  A  hundred  voices 
echoed  the  shout  with  fearful  vehemence.  The  mob,  by  a  precon- 
certed movement,  then  separated  into  three  divisions,  taking  each  a 
different  road  towards  the  quarters  of  the  main  guard. 

As  one  of  the  divisions  was  passing  the  custom-house,  a  boy 
came  up,*  and  pointing  to  the  sentinel  upon  duty,  cried  out,  "  That's 
the  scoundrel  who  knocked  me  down."  Instantly  about  twenty 
voices  cried  out,  "  Let  us  knock  him  down — down  with  the  bloody- 
backs  !  Kill  him  !  kill  him  !"  The  sentry  loaded  his  gun,  when 
they  began  to  pelt  him  with  snow-balls,  pieces  of  ice  and 
every  other  missile  they  could  find  ;  and  with  oaths  and  insulting 
epithets,  dared  him  to  fire.  Emboldened  by  his  forbearance  to  fire, 
they  closed  upon  him  and  attempted  to  drag  him  into  the  street.  He 
ran  up  the  steps  of  the  custom-house  and  begged  for  admission  ;  but 
the  people  within  were  afraid  to  open  the  doors,  lest  the  mob  might 
rush  in.  He  then  shouted  to  the  main  guard  for  assistance,  which 
was  immediately  rendered.  Captain  Preston,  the  officer  of  the  day, 
detailed  a  corporal  and  six  privates,  and  sent  them  to  the  relief  and 
rescue  of  the  sentry,  and  the  protection  of  the  custom-house.  As 
they  approached,  they  found  the  mob  greatly  increased  and  con- 
stantly augmenting  in  number,  and  they  were  pelted  by  them  worse 
than  the  sentinel  had  been. 

One  of  the  chief  leaders  of  the  mob  was  a  mulatto  of  herculean  size 
and  strength,  named  Crispin  Attucks,  who  was  surrounded  by  a  party 
of  sailors,  vociferously  shouting,  "  Let  us  strike  at  the  root  !  Let 
us  fall  upon  the  nest  !  The  main  guard  !  the  main  guard  !'  The 
five  soldiers  sent  to  the  rescue  of  the  sentinel  were  assailed  with 
every  species  of  foul  epithet — they  were  challenged  to  fire,  and 
were  taunted  with  the  assertion  that  they  dared  not  fire  without  the 
order  of  the  civil  magistrate.  Meanwhile  the  soldiers  loaded  their 
guns  and  affixed  their  bayonets  thereto  ;  but  the  increasing  mob,  not 
at  all  intimidated,  pressed  so  closely  upon  them,  that  the  foremost 
were  against  the  points  of  the  bayonets.  The  soldiers,  well  knowing 
the  strictness  and  severity  of  military  discipline  and  law,  refrained 
from  discharging  their  muskets  without  orders,  stirred  not  a  step 
from  where  they  were  posted,  and  merely  used  their  weapons  to  keep 
off  the  mob. 

*  This  boy  was  an  apprentice  to  a  barber  named  Piemont,  at  whose  shop  some  of 
the  British  officers  were  in  the  habit  of  shaving.  One  of  them  had  come  there  some 
months  previous  to  dress  by  the  quarter,  whose  bill  Piemont  promised  to  allow  to 
the  boy  who  shaved  him,  if  he  behaved  well  The  quarter  had  expired,  but  the 
money  could  not  be  got,  although  frequently  asked  for.  The  last  application  was 
made  on  that  evening,  and,  as  the  boy  alleged,  the  officer  knocked  him  down  in  reply 
to  the  "  dun."     The  sentry  he  pointed  out  as  the  man  that  abused  him. —  Thatcher, 


94  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1770.. 

Attack  upon  the  soldiers  and  death  of  three  citizens. 

•Thoroughly  emboldened  by  this  apparent  fear  of  the  soldiers, 
Attucks  and  the  sailors  who  were  with  him  gave  three  loud  cheers, 
pressed  close  upon  the  troops,  and  with  clubs  beat  their  bayonets 
and  muskets,  and  cried  out  to  the  rest,  "  Come  on ;  don't  be  afraid 
of  'em,  they  dare  not  fire  ;  knock  'em  over  ;  kill  'em  !"  Presently 
Attucks  aimed  a  blow  at  Captain  Preston,  who  accompanied  the 
corporal  and  his  guard,  and  who  was  using  every  endeavor  to  ap- 
pease the  fury  of  the  populace.  The  blow  fell  upon  the  captain's 
arm  and  knocked  down  the  musket  of  one  of  his  men,  the  bayonet 
of  which  was  seized  by  the  mulatto.  At  that  moment  there  was  a 
confused  cry  proceeding  from  some  persons  behind  Captain  Preston, 
"  Why  don't  you  fire  !  why  don't  you  fire  ?"  Montgomery,  the  pri- 
vate whose  bayonet  was  seized  by  Attucks,  and  who,  in  the  struggle, 
was  thrown  down,  soon  rose  to  his  feet  in  possession  of  his  gun, 
and  immediately  fired.  Attucks  fell  dead.  A  few  seconds  after, 
another  soldier  fired,  and  then,  at  short  intervals,  to  allow  time  for 
reloading,  other  five  men  fired  one  by  one  from  left  to  right.  Three 
persons  were  killed,  five  dangerously  wounded,  and  a  few  more 
slightly.*  Those  who  were  slightly  injured  were  persons  passing 
by  or  quiet  spectators  of  the  scene.  The  populace  instantly  re- 
treated, leaving  the  three  killed  on  the  ground,  but  soon  returned  to 
carry  off  the  bodies. 

"  On  the  people's  assembling  again,"  says  Captain  Preston  in  his 
written  defence,  "  to  take  away  the  dead  bodies,  the  soldiers,  suppos- 
ing them  coming  to  attack  them,  were  making  ready  to  fire  again, 
which  I  prevented,  by  striking  up  their  firelocks  with  my  hand. 
Immediately  after,  a  townsman  came  and  told  me  that  four  or  five 
thousand  people  were  assembled  in  the  next  street,  and  had  sworn  to 
take  my  life,  and  every  man's  with  me  ;  on  which  I  judged  it 
unsafe  to  remain  there  longer,  and  therefore  sent  the  party  and  sen- 
try to  the  main  guard,  where  the  street  is  narrow  and  short ;  then 
telling  them  off  into  street  firings,  divided  and  planted  them  at  each 
end  of  the  street  to  secure  their  rear,  expecting  an  attack,  as  there 
was  a  constant  cry  of  the  inhabitants,  '  To  arms  !  to  arms  !  turn  out 
with  your  guns  !'  and  the  town  drums  beating  to  arms.  I  ordered 
my  drums  to  beat  to  arms,  and  being  soon  after  joined  by  the  several 
companies  of  the  twenty-ninth  regiment,  I  formed  them  as  a  guard 
into  street  firings.  The  fourteenth  regiment  also  got  under  arms, 
but  remained  at  their  barracks.  I  immediately  sent  a  sergeant  with 
a  party  to  Colonel.  Dalrymple,  the  commanding  officer,  to  acquaint 

*  Crispin  Attucks,  Samuel  Gray  and  James  Caldwell,  were  killed  on  the  spot; 
Samuel  Maverick  and  Patrick  Carr  received  mortal  wounds,  of  which  the  former 
died  the  next  morning,  and  Carr  on  Wednesday  of  the  next  week. 


chap,  in.]  EVENTS  FROM  1770  TO  1774.  95 

Arrest  of  .Captain  Preston.  Appointment  of  a  Committee  of  Citizens. 

him  with  every  particular.  Several  officers  going  to  join  the  regi- 
ment were  knocked  down  by  the  mob,  one  very  much  wounded,  and 
his  sword  taken  from  him.  The  Lieutenant  Governor*  and  Colonel 
Dalrymple  soon  after  met  at  the  head  of  the  twenty-ninth  regiment, 
and  agreed  that  the  regiment  should  retire  to  their  barracks,  and  the 
people  to  their  houses  :  but  I  kept  the  piquet  to  strengthen  the  guard. 
It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the  Lieutenant  Governor  prevailed 
on  the  people  to  be  quiet  and  retire  :  at  last  they  all  went  off  except 
about  a  hundred." 

This  tragic  scene  occurred  at  midnight — the  ground  was  covered 
with  snow  ;  the  air  was  clear  and  frosty  ;  and  the  moon,  then  in  its 
fust  quarter,  gave  but  a  faint  phosphorescent  illumination,  by  which 
the  features  of  the  people  were  made  barely  visible  to  each  other. 
It  was  indeed  a  dreadful  night  for  Boston — aye,  for  the  whole  coun- 
try. Foreign  soldiery  sent  to  intimidate  and  oppress  a  people  strug- 
gling to  be  free — a  people  still  loyal,  and  asking  freedom,  not  at  the 
price  of  political  independence,  but  the  mere  concession  to  them  of 
the  prerogatives  guaranteed  by  the  Great  Charter  of  England — had 
spilled  the  blood  of  soil-born  citizens,  whose  only  offence  was  a  re- 
sistance to  tyranny.  This  was  the  first  convulsive  throe  of  that 
earthquake  power  of  combined  moral  and  physical  energy  that  finally 
severed  the  chain  of  slavery,  and  dismembered  the  most  powerful 
empire  of  the  earth.  The  fifth  of  March,  1770,  was  the  first  dawning 
of  the  day  of  the  new  political  era  ;  and  significantly  may  we  paro- 
dy the  words  of  Cassius,  "  Remember  March,  the  calends  of 
March  remember  !" 

Captain  Preston  was  arrested  and  committed  to  prison  about  three 
o'clock  that  morning,  and  in  the  course  of  the  forenoon  the  eight  sol- 
diers were  also  arrested  and  committed  for  trial.  Early  in  the 
morning  the  "  Sons  of  Liberty"!  began  to  collect  in  vast  bodies.  The 
Lieutenant  Governor  summoned  a  Council,  and  the  magistrates  and 
chief  citizens  met  in  full  assembly  and  chose  a  committee  of  fifteen 
who  were  appointed  to  wait  upon  the  Lieutenant  Governor  and  Colo- 
nel Dalrymple,  to  express  to  them  the  sentiments  of  the  town,  that  it 
was  impossible  for  the  soldiers  and  inhabitants  to  live  in  safety 
together,  and  offer  their  fervent  prayer  for  the  immediate  removal  of  the 
former.  Mr.  Royal  Tyler,  one  of  the  committee,  assured  the  Go- 
vernor that  he  must  not  think  the  demands  for  the  removal  of  the 
troops  were  urged  merely  by  a  set  of  vagabonds  and  rioters  ;  that 
people  of  the   best  character,  men  of  estate,  men  of  religion,  had 

*  Hutchinson. 

f  This  appropriate  name  was  given  to  the  American  patriots  (who  afterwards 
assumed  it)  by  General  Conway,  on  the  floor  of  the  British  House  of  Commons. 

7 


96  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1770. 

Refusal  of  the  Governor  to  withdraw  the  troops.  Boldness  of  Samuel  Adams. 

made  up  their  hearts  and  minds,  and  had  formed  their  plan  for  re- 
moving the  troops  out  of  town  by  force,  if  they  would  not  go  volun- 
tarily. "  The  people,"  said  he,  "  will  come  in  to  us  from  all  the 
neighboring  towns  ;  we  shall  have  ten  thousand  men  at  our  backs  ; 
and  your  troops  will  probably  be  destroyed  by  the  people,  be  it  called 
rebellion  or  what  it  may." 

The  Governor  would  not  agree  to  accede  to  the  demands  of  the 
people,  and  his  answer  was  so  unsatisfactory,  that  in  the  afternoon, 
seven  of  the  first  committee  (viz.,  John  Hancock,  Samuel  Adams, 
"William  Molineux,  William  Phillips,  Joseph  Warren,  Joshua  Hen- 
shaw,  and  Samuel  Pemberton)  were  again  deputed  with  the  follow- 
ing message  :  "  It  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  the 
reply  made  to  a  vote  of  the  inhabitants  presented  his  Honor,  this 
morning,  is  by  no  means  satisfactory ;  and  that  nothing  else  will 
satisfy  them  than  a  total  and  immediate  removal  of  the  troops." 
Samuel  Adams  acted  as  chairman  of  this  delegation,  and  discharged 
its  duties  with  an  ability  commensurate  to  the  occasion.  Colonel 
Dalrymple  was  by  the  side  of  Hutchinson,  who,  at  the  head  of  the 
council,  received  them.  He  at  first  denied  that  he  had  power  to 
grant  their  request.  Adams  plainly,  in  few  words,  proved  to  him 
that  he  had  the  power  by  the  charter.  Hutchinson  then  consulted 
with  Dalrymple  in  a  whisper,  the  result  of  which  was  a  repetition  of 
an  offer  already  made,  to  remove  one  of  the  regiments  (the  four- 
teenth) which  had  had  no  part  in  the  massacre.  At  that  critical 
moment,  Adams  showed  the  most  admirable  presence  of  mind. 
Seeming  not  to  represent,  but  to  personify,  the  universal  feeling,  he 
stretched  forth  his  arm,  as  if  it  were  upheld  by  the  strength  of  thou- 
sands, and  with  unhesitating  promptness  and  dignified  firmness 
replied,  "  If  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  or  Colonel  Dalrymple,  or 
both  together,  have  authority  to  remove  one  regiment,  they  have  au- 
thority to  remove  two  ;  and  nothing  short  of  a  total  evacuation  of 
the  town,  by  all  the  regular  troops,  will  satisfy  the  public  mind  or 
preserve  the  peace  of  the  province."  The  officers,  civil  and  military, 
were  in  reality  abashed  before  this  plain  committee  of  a  democratic 
assembly.  They  knew  the  imminent  danger  that  impended  :  the 
very  air  was  filled  with  the  breathings  of  suppressed  indignation. 
They  shrunk,  fortunately  shrunk,  from  all  the  arrogance  which  they 
had  hitherto  maintained.  Their  reliance  on  a  standing  army  faltered 
before  the  undaunted,  irresistible  resolution  of  free,  unarmed  citi 
zens.* 

Hutchinson  again  consulted  his  council,  and  they  gave  him  their 

*  Snow's  History  of  Boston. 


chap,  m.]  EVENTS  FROM  1770  TO  1774.  97 

Funeral  of  Attacks,  Maverick,  and  Curr.  Trial  of  Captain  Preston  and  his  men. 

unqualified  advice  that  the  troops  should  be  sent  out  of  the  town.  It 
was  agreed  that  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  his  Council,  and  the  com- 
manding officer,  should  jointly  bear  the  responsibility  of  the  act ;  and 
the  latter  then  pledged  his  word  of  honor  that  the  demand  of  the 
town  should  be  complied  with  as  soon  as  practicable  ;  and 
on  the  Monday  following"  the  troops  were  all  removed  to 
Castle  William.* 

The  funeral  obsequies  of  the  persons  who  were  shot  on  the  night 
of  the  fifth  were  observed  on  the  eighth,  and  brought  together  a  larger 
concourse  of  people  than  had  ever  before  convened,  on  one  occasion, 
in  America.  Attucks,  the  mulatto,  who  had  no  relatives,  and  Cald- 
well, who  also  was  friendless  and  a  stranger,  were  borne  from 
Faneuil  Hall  ;  Maverick,  who  was  only  about  seventeen  years  old, 
from  the  house  of  his  mother,  in  Union  street,  and  Gray  from  the 
house  of  his  brother,  in  Royal  Exchange  lane.  The  three  hearses 
met  in  King  street,  in  front  of  the  custom-house,  where  the  massacre 
occurred,  and  from  thence  the  procession  marched  in  a  column,  with 
platoons  six  deep,  through  the  main  street  to  the  Middle  burial  ground, 
and  there  the  four  bodies  were  deposited  in  one  grave.  During  the 
procession  all  the  bells  of  Boston  and  adjacent  towns  tolled  a  solerrrn 
knell — a  knell  whose  reverberations  were  echoed  from  heart  to  heart 
to  the  remotest  settlement,  and  awakened  in  each  a  strong  pulsation 
of  determined  resistance  to  British  oppression  and  unmitigated 
wrong. 

After  some  delay,  Captain  Preston  and  eight  soldiers  were  put 
upon  their  trial  before  Judge  Lynde,  for  murder.  John  Adams,  one 
of  the  leading  patriots,  was  applied  to,  to  undertake  their  defence,  as 
their  counsellor  and  advocate  in  the  court.  This  was  indeed  a  try- 
ing situation  for  Mr.  Adams,  under  all  the  circumstances.  He  had 
taken  an  active  part  in  all  proceedings  aiming  at  the  removal  of  the 
troops  from  the  town  ;  he  had  united  with  the  militia  as  a  private, 
mounting  guard  and  patrolling  the  streets  for  the  security  of  the 
lives  and  property  of  the  inhabitants  ;  and  he  wras  emphatically  a 
man  of  the  people — a  people  whose  feelings  had  been  so  outraged 
by  the  very  men  now  asking  his  counsel  and  defence.  Firm  in  his  pa- 
triotism, and  conscious  of  his  integrity  of  purpose,  he  exhibited  a  manly 
independence,  and  at  the  hazard  of  losing  the  favor  and  esteem  of 
the  people,  he  stepped  forward  as  the  advocate  of  the  prisoners, 
having  for  his  colleague  Josiah    Quincy,   another   leading   patriot, 

*  Castle  William  was  on  Castle  Island,  nearly  three  miles  south-east  from  Boston, 
and  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbor.  It  was  visited  by  President  Adams,  the  elder,  on 
the  7th  of  December,  1799,  who  then  changed  its  r\\XL,t  to  Fort  Independence. — 
Willson. 


98  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774. 

Acquittal  of  all  the  soldiers  but  two.  Lord  North's  repealing  bill. 

whose  eloquence  had  frequently  called  forth  the  loudest  applause 
within  Faneuil  Hall,  the  "  Cradle  of  American  Liberty."  After  a 
fair  and  impartial  trial,  before  a  Boston  Jury,  Captain  Preston  was 
adjudged  "  Not  Guilty  ;"  and  their  verdict  also  was,  that  six  of  the 
soldiers  were  not  guilty ;  and  that  two — Montgomery,  who  killed 
Attucks,  and  Killroy,  who  was  proved  to  have  shot  another  man — ■ 
were  not  guilty  of  murder,  but  of  manslaughter  only.  It  was 
admitted  on  all  bands  that  only  seven  guns  were  fired,  and  there 
being  eight  soldiers,  there  must  consequently  be  one  innocent ;  and 
the  jury  chose  rather  to  let  the  guilty  go  free,  than  to  condemn  and 
punish  one  innocent  man.  This  trial,  the  advocates  engaged  in  it, 
and  the  verdict  of  the  jury,  under  all  the  circumstances,  exhibit  to 
the  world  an  instance  of  nobleness  of  feeling  and  righteousness  of 
purpose  unparalleled  in  history ;  and  form  one  of  those  luminous 
points  of  the  American  Revolution  which  ever  appear  like  culminat- 
ing stars. 

It  is  a  singular  coincidence  that  on  the  fifth  of  March,  the  very 
day  on  which  the  tumult  and  massacre  in  Boston  took  place,  Lord 
]%)rth  moved  for  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  repealing  the  act  imposing 
duties  upon  glass,  paper,  and  painters'  colors,  but  still  retaining  the 
duty  upon  tea,  for  the  purpose,  as  was  alleged  by  the  mover,  of 
"  saving  the  national  honor  "  in  this  extraordinary  concession  to  the 
Colonies.  This  movement  on  the  part  of  the  minister  was  impelled 
by  a  petition  presented  by  English  merchants,  representing  that,  in 
consequence  of  the  duties  and  taxes,  the  discontent  of  the  Americans, 
and  their  combinations  to  prevent  the  importation  of  British  goods, 
their  trade  had  gone  to  ruin.  Lord  North,  fearing  the  discontents  of 
America  might  infect  with  a  similar  feeling  the  commercial  classes 
of  England,  felt  it  expedient  to  introduce  his  half-and-half  resolu- 
tions. When  they  were  presented,  they  met  with  little  favor  by 
either  party.  Mr.  Grenville,  the  parent  of  the  Stamp  Act,  argued, 
as  he  had  done  before,  that  he,  at  least,  had  acted  systematically ; 
that  in  imposing  the  stamp  duties,  he  had  reason  to  think  that  they 
would  be  paid  ;  that  the  succeeding  ministry,  in  repealing  the  act, 
had  re-affirmed  the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  the  Colonies  ;  that  Mr. 
Charles  Townshend,  under  the  next  ministry,  had  laid  his  duties 
upon  unwise  and  anti-commercial  principles  ;  and  that  these  duties 
had  turned  out  far  more  odious  to  the  Colonies  than  the  Stamp  Act ; 
that  now  a  partial  repeal  would  not  do  ;  that  ministers  must  give  up 
the  whole,  the  duty  upon  tea,  as  well  as  upon  the  rest,  or  stand  by 
the  whole.  A  partial  repeal,  he  said,  would  do  no  good,  nor  would 
the  Americans  now  rest  satisfied  with  anything  short  of  tht  renunci- 


chap,  m.]  EVENTS  FROM  1770  TO  1774.  99 

Debate  in  the  British  Parliament.  Effect  of  the  Repeal  in  the  Coloniesi 

ation  by  Parliament  of  the  right  to  tax  them  in  any  way,  either 
externally  or  internally.     He  declined  giving  any  vote. 

Governor  Pownall  proposed,  as  an  amendment,  that  the  repeal 
should  be  extended  to  all  articles,  as  the  only  way  of  quieting  the 
Colonies.  Colonel  Barre,  General  Conway,  and  others,  supported 
this  amendment.  Lord  Barrington  and  others  opposed  alike  the 
original  motion  and  the  amendment,  declaring  their  conviction  that 
even  a  total  repeal  would  fail  in  satisfying  the  Americans,  and  that 
they  would  never  again  be  obedient  to  English  laws,  until  reduced 
to  submission  by  English  arms.  PownalPs  amendment  was  rejected 
by  a  vote  of  two  hundred  and  four  against  one  hundred  and  forty- 
two  ;  and  leave  was  given  to  bring  in  Lord  North's  bill.  A  subse- 
quent motion,  to  repeal  the  duty  on  tea,  was  lost.*  Lord  North's 
repealing  bill,  after  encountering  much  opposition  in  both  Houses, 
and  especially  in  the  Lords,  was  finally  carried,  and  received  the 
royal  sanction  on  the  twelfth  of  April. 

In  the  House  of  Commons  a  call  was  subsequently  made  a  Ma  L 
for  the  correspondence  with  the  American  Colonies  ;a  and  a 
few  days  afterwards,*  Mr.  Burke  moved  eight  resolutions  b  May  9- 
relating  to  the  Colonial  troubles,  and  censuring  the  plan,  or  rather 
no  plan,  ministers  were  pursuing.  A  sustained  call  for  the  previous 
question  cut  off  all  debate,  and  the  resolutions  were  negatived. 
Similar  resolutions  were  presented  in  the  House  of  Lords,  by  the 
Duke  of  Richmond,  so  altered  as  to  prevent  the  previous  question  ; 
but  they  too  were  negatived  by  a  majority  of  sixty  against  twenty- 
six,  and  the  subject  was  dropped  for  the  time. 

When  the  news  arrived  of  the  passage  by  the  British  Parliament 
of  Lord  North's  repealing  bill,  the  Colonists,  and  particularly  the 
Bostonians,  regarded  it  with  very  little  favor,  considering  that  the 
retention  of  the  duty  upon  tea  did  away  with  all  its  merits,  their 
opposition  to  this,  and  every  other  species  of  taxation,  not  being  be- 
cause of  the  amount,  but  the  principle  involved  in  it ;  and  this  prin- 
ciple was  as  tangible  in  the  imposition  of  a  duty  upon  a  single  arti- 
cle, as  if  imposed  upon  a  hundred  different  articles  of  commerce. 
The  New  Yorkers  in  the  meanwhile  had,  to  a  great  extent,  violated 
the  non-importation  agreements  ;  and  in  October,  at  a  meeting  of 
Boston  merchants,  it  was  resolved  to  follow  the  example  of  New 
York,  and  import  everything  but  tea.  The  Philadclphians  also  made 
similar  resolves,  and  that  strong  measure  of  coercion,  which  indeed, 
through  the  mercantile  interest,  had  brought  about  the  repeals  under 
consideration,  was  nearly  suspended,  much  to  the.  chagrin  and  dis- 

*  Cavendish's  Debates. 


100  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1770. 

General  disaffection  of  the  Colonies.  "  Liberty  Poles." 

appointment  of  the  leading  patriots,  who  justly  appreciated  the  con- 
cessions of  Great  Britain,  and  regarded  them  as  simply  a  temporary 
cessation  of  oppression,  speedily  to  be  renewed  when  circumstances 
should  seem  to  render  it  prudent  and  expedient. 

Notwithstanding  this  defection  of  New  York  and  the  partial  politi- 
cal backsliding  of  some  of  the  other  provinces — notwithstanding 
trade  with  Great  Britain  was  again  revived,  and  tranquillity  seemed 
to  rest  upon  the  surface  of  society,  there  was  still  visible  a  deep, 
resistless  under-current  of  patriotic  decision  and  determination  that 
ere  long  disturbed  the  placidity  of  the  scene  ;  and  in  every  direction 
the  surges  of  social  commotion  beat  heavily  and  incessantly  against 
the  strong  barriers  of  civil  and  military  power.  New  York  was  luke- 
warm, but  New  England  and  Virginia  had  lost  none  of  their  wonted 
zeal.  In  the  latter  Colony,  the  patriots  were  led  by  Patrick  Henry, 
the  wonderful  self-taught  orator — the  Demosthenes  of  America;  and 
by  Thomas  Jefferson,  then  a  young  lawyer,  who  was  not  only  dis- 
satisfied with  the  aristocratic  character  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
province,  and  the  dependence  of  the  people  upon  Great  Britain,  but 
was  firmly  imbued  with  a  sentiment  of  Freedom  which  could  brook 
no  restraint  short  of  Colonial  independence.  To  them,  the  "  Boston 
Massacre"  was  a  text  of  power,  and  the  popular  sympathy  was  strongly 
aroused  for  the  oppressed  and  abused  Bostonians.  Hitherto,  there 
existed  but  an  imperfect  bond  of  social  union  between  these  two 
Colonies,  owing  to  the  great  difference  in  their  habits  and  pursuits  ; 
but  the  atrocities  of  the  fifth  of  March  destroyed  these  antagonisms, 
and  awakened  the  bitterest  expressions  of  condemnation  of  the  con- 
duct of  the  British  troops  and  the  British  .ministry. 

The  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  adopted  an  address  to  the 
King  having  the  mixed  character  of  a  petition  and  a  remonstrance, 
in  which  they  expressed  strong  dissatisfaction  with  Lord  North's  im- 
perfect repeal  act,  and  at  seeing  the  mother  country  still  madly  pcr~ 
sisting  in  the  exercise  of  the  assumed  undoubted  right  to  tax  the 
Colonies,  as  exhibited  in  the  retention  of  a  duty  upon  tea.  They 
criticised  the  conduct  of  their  Governor,  Lord  Botetourt,  and  plainly 
told  his  Majesty  that  no  reliance  could  be  placed  upon  the  good  will 
or  moderation  of  those  who  were  sent  to  rule  over  them  and  execute 
the  laws  of  the  home  government.  In  every  part  of  the  Colonies 
men  of  the  first  standing  and  influence  were  actively  engaged  in 
correspondence,  by  which  they  kept  up  a  continual  interchange  of 
intelligence,  and  promoted  a  constant  and  strong  affiliation  in  senti- 
ment. In  various  parts  of  the  country,  the  "  May-poles  "  of  former 
times  were  christened  "  Liberty-poles ;"  travelling  agents  widely 
circulated  exciting  documents  among  the  people,  and  accompanied 


chap,  m.]  EVENTS  FROM  1770  TO  1774.  101 

Events  on  the  Southern  frontier.  Organization  of  tho  ••  Regulators." 

their  distribution  with  harangues — the  Houses  of  Assembly  that  were 
opened,  were  found  no  less  difficult  to  manage  than  they  had  been 
the  preceding  year,  and  were  speedily  closed  by  their  respective  Go- 
vernors, by  prorogation — and  the  year  1770  drew  near  its  close,  wit- 
nessing a  general  feeling  of  discontent  and  indignation  among  the 
Colonies  against  the  mother  country. 

During  the  years  1771  and  1772,  no  extensive  outbursts  of  public 
feeling  were  witnessed  at  the  north  ;  but  on  the  southern  frontier  of 
the  English  domain,  the  spirit  of  liberty  was  at  work,  and  a  bold- 
ness of  opposition  to  government  power,  equal  to  the  New  England 
demonstrations,  was  there  manifested.  The  tyrannical  character  and 
practices  of  Tryon,  the  Governor  of  North  Carolina,  had  done  much 
to  inflame  the  zeal  of  the  people  in  the  cause  of  freedom  ;  and  in 
proportion  to  their  detestation  of  the  Governor,  was  the  boldness  of 
the  people  in  their  measures  of  resistance.  Tryon  had  pursued  a 
course  well  calculated  to  excite  the  jealous  alarm  of  a  people  vigi- 
lant, and  distrustful.  He  had  made  the  courts  of  law  instruments  of 
injustice  and  oppression,  and  the  officers,  both  military  and  judicial, 
by  whom  he  was  surrounded  and  counselled,  were  men,  in  most 
cases,  of  like  character  with  himself.  So  insupportable  became 
his  rule,  that  a  large  number  of  citizens  formed  a  league,0  and  a  ApriI> 
signed  articles  of  covenant,  sealed  with  an  oath  or  affirmation,  I7W* 
whereby  they  bound  themselves  perpetually  to  use  all  just  means  in 
the  regulations  of  public  grievances  and  abuses  of  power  ;  to  pay 
no  more  taxes  until  satisfied  that  the  levying  was  in  accordance  with 
law  and  equity ;  to  pay  no  more  fees  to  public  officers  than  the  law 
allowed  ;  to  attend  meetings  of  conference  as  often  as  necessary  and 
convenient,  for  the  amendment  of  grievous  laws  ;  to  choose  suitable 
men  for  burgesses  and  vestrymen  ;  to  petition  the  House  of  Assem- 
bly, Governor,  Council,  King,  and  Parliament,  for  redress  of  griev- 
ances ;  to  interchange  opinions  and  intelligence,  and  enjoy  the  privi- 
leges guaranteed  to  them  by  the  Constitution  ;  to  contribute  money 
for  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  league  ;  and  in  all  cases,  to  sub- 
mit to  the  judgment  of  the  majority  of  the  body.  This  association 
of  men  was  termed  "  The  Regulation,"  or  "  the  Regulators,"  and  in 
a  short  time  they  were  spread  all  over  the  western  counties  of  the 
Carolinas,  and  were  potential  in  keeping  alive  and  augmenting  the 
spirit  of  resistance  to  the  oppressions  of  the  home  government  through 
her  executive  agents.  While  the  same  innate  love  of  liberty,  and 
the  same  spirit  of  independence  which  actuated  the  intelligent  patri- 
ots of  the  north,  were  the  motive  impulses  of  these  southern  free- 
men, yet  it  cannot  be  denied  that  acts  were  committed,  under  their 
passive  sanction,  highly  censurable.     At  the  same  time  there  were 


102  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1771. 

Tryon's  Expedition  against  the  Regulators.  Execution  of  young  Few. 

frequent  cases  of  most  foul  injustice  that  might  palliate,  where  they 
could  not  justify,  the  violence  committed,  and  the  prevailing  ignorance 
of  the  masses,  caused  a  powerful  torrent  of  misrule,  where  their 
passions  were  aroused.  "  The  most  sober  and  sedate  in  the  com- 
munity were  united  in  resisting  the  tyranny  of  unjust  and  exorbitant, 
taxes  ;  and  had  been  aroused  to  a  degree  of  violence  and  opposition, 
difficult  to  manage  and  hard  to  quell.  And  the  more  restless,  and 
turbulent,  and  unprincipled  parts  of  society,  equally  aggrieved  and 
more  ungovernable,  cast  themselves  in  as  a  part  of  the  resisting  mass 
of  the  population,  with  little  to  gain  but  greater  license  for  their 
unprincipled  passions,  and  little  to  lose,  could  they  escape  confine- 
ment and  personal  punishment."*  They  so  resisted  the  course  of 
law,  that  the  sheriffs  were  unable  to  collect  a  tax  or  levy  an  execu- 
tion, and  in  some  counties  the  courts  were  suspended  for  a  year. 

Matters  had  assumed  such  a  serious  aspect — so  much  like  positive 
rebellion,  that  in  the  Spring  of  1771,  Governor  Try  on  determined 
to  proceed  against  the  Regulators  with  an  armed  force.  They  had 
concentrated  on  the  banks  of  the  Alamance  river,  where,  within  six 
miles  of  them,  the  Governor's  troops  encamped  on  the  fourteenth 
of  May.  After  various  attempts  at  accommodation,  the  Governor 
demanded  from  the  Regulators  unconditional  submission,  and  gave 
an  hour  for  consideration.  Both  parties  advanced  to  within  three 
hundred  yards  of  each  other.  The  Regulators  did  not  expect  nor 
intend  to  fight,  believing  that  the  Governor,  seeing  their  numbers, 
would  grant  their  demands.  Tryon  ordered  them  to  disperse  within 
an  hour.  In  the  meanwhile,  a  man  by  the  name  of  Thompson,  who 
went  into  the  Governor's  camp  to  negotiate,  was  detained  a  prisoner, 
and  on  his  attempting  to  leave,  Tryon  seized  a  gun  and  shot  him  dead. 
This  greatly  exasperated  the  Regulators,  and  they  fired  on  a  flag  of 
truce  sent  out  by  the  Governor.  The  parties  drew  nearer  and  nearer 
to  each  other,  until  at  length  the  Governor  gave  the  word  "  Fire  !" 
His  men  hesitated,  and  the  Regulators  dared  them  to  fire  !  "  Fire  !" 
cried  the  Governor,  rising  in  his  stirrups,  "  fire  on  them  or  on  me  ;" 
and  immediately  the  cannon  and  the  small  arms  were  discharged. 
Nine  of  the  Regulators,  and  twenty-seven  of  the  militia  were  killed, 
and  a  great  number  on  both  sides  wounded.  Several  of  the  Regu- 
lators were  taken  prisoners,  and  were  most  cruelly  treated  by  the 
Governor.  On  the  evening  of  the  battle  he  hung  an  exemplary 
young  man,  named  James  Few,t  without  even  the  form  of  a  trial ; 

*  Sketches  of  North  Carolina,  p.  54 

t  This  young  man  had  been  severely  oppressed  by  the  exactions  of  Colonel  Fan- 
ning, the  most  odious  officer  in  the  Colony.  To  fill  the  measure  of  "his  iniquity 
and  of  wrong  to  young  Few,  he  had  violated  the  person  of  his  intended  bride ! 
This  drove  Few  to  madness  and  rebellion. 


chap,  in.]                     EVENTS  FROM  1770  TO  1771. 

10.3 

Execution  of  llewei  and  others. 

Duming  of  the  Gfl 

and  not  content  with  this  murderous  act,  he  barbarously  proceeded  to 
the  destruction  of  the  little  property  which  he  had  accumulated  for 
his  parents  in  their  helplessness  of  old  age  !  A  captain  Messer  was 
condemned  to  be  hung  the  next  day.  His  wife,  hearing  of  his  cap- 
tivity and  intended  fate,  came  with  her  oldest  child,  a  lad  about  ten 
years  of  age  to  intercede  for  her  husband.  Her  tears  had  no  effect 
upon  the  brutal  Tryon.  While  the  preparations  were  making  for  the 
execution  she  lay  upon  the  ground  weeping,  her  face  covered  with  her 
hands,  and  her  weeping  boy  by  her  side.  When  the  fatal  moment, 
as  he  supposed,  had  arrived,  the  boy,  stepping  up  to  Tryon,  said, 
"Sir,  hang  me,  and  let  my  father  live  !"  "Who  told  you  to  say 
that?"  said  the  Governor.  "  Nobody,"  replied  the  lad.  "  And  win- 
do  you  ask  that  ?"  said  the  Governor.  "  Because,"  replied  the  boy, 
"  If  you  hang  my  father,  my  mother  will  die,  and  the  children  will 
perish  !"  "  Well,"  said  the  Governor,  really  moved  by  the  words 
of  the  lad,  "  your  father  shall  not  be  hung  to-day."*  But  the  respite 
for  poor  Messer  was  brief.  He,  among  others,  was  exhibited  in 
chains  to  the  people  of  the  villages  through  which  the  Governor 
passed  on  his  way  to  Hillsborough,  and  on  the  nineteenth  of  June, 
Messer,  with  five  others,  was  executed  near  that  town. 

For  a  time  the  people  were  awed  by  these  atrocities  ;  but  they 
served  to  plant  still  deeper  in  the  hearts  of  Americans  the  seeds  of 
hatred  of  the  English  ;  and  when  at  length  the  signal  gun  of  Free- 
dom on  the  field  of  Lexington,  proclaimed  the  severance  of  the  bond 
of  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  the  people  of  the  extreme  south, 
eagerly  and  instantly  swelled  its  reverberations  with  a  simultaneous 
shout  to  arms  !  and  a  declaration  of  political  independence.! 

One  of  the  most  startling  events  of  this  period,  was  the  burning 
of  a  British  armed  schooner,  lying  near  Providence,  Rhode  Island. 
She  was  called  the  Gaspee,  and  was  stationed  there  for  the  purpose 
of  sustaining  and  enforcing  the  revenue  laws.  She  had  become 
odious  to  the  people  of  Providence  by  her  outrages  upon  vessels 
entering  the  harbor.  She  was  accustomed  to  require  the  Providence 
vessels  to  take  down  their  colors  when  they  came  into  port,  and  in 
case  of  refusal,  she  would  chase  them  and  fire  upon  them.  One 
day  a  packet  came  in  and  refused  to  make  the  customary  obeisance 
to  this  marine  Gesler.  The  Gaspee,  as  usual,  gave  chase,  and  the 
packet  so  manoeuvred  that  she  caused  the  schooner  to  run  aground. 
A  plan  was  immediately  concerted  in  Providence  to  destroy  her.  A 
volunteer  company  under  Captain  Whipple,  and  several  boats  with 
armed  men  proceeded  to  the  schooner,  and  about  two  o'clock  in  the 

*  Sketches  of  North  Carolina,  p.  62. 

f  See  account  of  the  Mecklenberg  Convention,  p. 


104  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1773, 

Ministerial  proposition  to  make  Governors,  &c,  independent  of  the  Colonies. 

morning  succeeded  in  boarding  her.  They  seized  all  on  board,  and 
after  sending  the  lieutenant  commanding  and  crew,  and  most  of  the 
valuable  effects  ashore,  they  set  fire  to  the  schooner,  and  she  was 
burnt  with  all  her  stores.  A  reward  of  five  hundred  pounds  sterling 
was  offered,  and  other  means  employed  to  discover  the  perpetrators 
of  the  act,  but  all  in  vain.  A  commission  was  also  appointed  to  try 
the  parties  when  discovered,  but  their  services  were  never  needed. 

Soon  after  this,  news  arrrived  of  a  proposition  submitted  to  Parlia- 
ment by  Lord  North,  to  make  the  Governors  and  judges  of  the  Colo- 
nies quite  independent  of  those  they  governed,  by  paying  their  sala- 
ries directly  from  the  national  treasury,  instead  of  making  them 
dependent  therefor  upon  the  Colonial  Assemblies.  This  proposition 
was  viewed  with  much  disfavor  by  the  Colonies,  and,  Massachusetts 
taking  the  lead,  the  various  Assemblies  entered  their  solemn  protests 
against  the  proposed  measure,  justly  arguing  that  these  servants, 
dependent  solely  upon  the  crown,  would  be  the  pliant  instruments  of 
the  home  government,  ready  at  all  times  to  do  the  bidding  of  the 
King  and  his  Council.  The  watchful  jealousy  of  the  Americans 
was  aroused  by  this  new  scheme — their  vigilance,  which  they  had 
already  learned  to  appreciate  as  the  price  of  liberty,  was  awakened, 
and  the  system  of  Committees  of  Correspondence,  which  proved  so 
powerful  an  agent  in  the  work  of  the  Revolution,  was  called  into 
being. 

In  this  movement,  Virginia  made  the  first  decided  step.  On  the 
twelfth  of  March,  1773,  Mr.  Dabney  Carr,*  a  young  and  talented 
member  of  the  Virginia  Assembly,  proposed,  in  a  series  of  resolu- 
tions, that  a  Committee  of  Correspondence  should  be  appointed,  and 
recommended  other  Colonies  to  appoint  like  committees,  whose 
special  duty  it  should  be  to  keep  each  other  continually  informed  of 
every  movement  having  a  bearing  upon  the  public  weal  or  woe.f 

*  Mr.  Carr  was  a  young  man  of  splendid  talents,  and  a  brother-in-law  of  Mr. 
Jefferson  The  plan  of  corresponding  committees  as  introduced  into  the  House  of 
Burgesses  was  fixed  on  in  a  caucus  at  the  Raleigh  tavern  ;  consisting  of  Messrs. 
Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Francis  Lightfoot  Lee,  Dabney  Carr,  Thomas 
Jefferson,  and  two  or  three  others.  Mr.  Jefferson  was  first  designated  to  make  the 
resolutions,  but  declined  in  favor  of  Mr.  Carr.  It  is  highly  probable  that  the  pro- 
position was  set  on  foot  by  the  fertile  mind  of  Mr.  Jefferson." — Arnold's  Life  of 
Patrick  Henry  (unpublished),  p.  83. 

f  The  first  committee  consisted  of  Peyton  Randolph,  Robert  C.  Nicholas,  Richard 
Bland,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Benjamin  Harrison,  Edmund  Pendleton,  Patrick  Henry, 
Dabney  Carr,  Archibald  Carey,  and  Thomas  Jefferson. 

So  nearly  simultaneous  was  this  movement  in  Virginia,  with  a  similar  one  in 
Boston,  the  result  there  of  the  suggestions  of  Samuel  Adams  and  James  Warren, 
that  both  States  contend  for  the  honor.  But  Virginia  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to 
make  a  decided  public  stand  in  the  matter.  Some  attribute  the  invention  of  this 
system  of  correspondence  to  Dr.  Franklin. 


chap,  in.]  EVENTS  FROM  1770  TO  1774.  105 

Committees  of  Correspondence.  Letters  of  Governor  Hutchinson. 

The  effect  of  the  active  operations  of  these  Committees  of  Cor- 
respondence, was  very  soon  felt  by  a  more  general  unanimity  of 
action  and  sentiment  throughout  the  whole  Anglo- American  domain. 
At  first,  these  Committees  were  confined  to  the  larger  cities,  but 
very  speedily,  every  village  and  hamlet  had  its  auxiliary  committee, 
and  the  high  moral  tone  evinced  by  the  chiefs,  ran  through  all  the 
gradations,  from  the  polished  committees  appointed  by  Colonial 
Assemblies,  to  the  rustic,  yet  not  the  less  patriotic,  ones  of  the  inte- 
rior towns,  and  through  these,  made  its  impress  upon  the  whole 
people.  Thus  the  patriot  hearts  of  America  at  this  crisis  beat  as 
with  one  pulsation,  and  the  public  mind  was  fully  prepared  to  act 
with  promptness  and  decision  when  circumstances  should  call  for 
action. 

In  the  midst  of  this  effervescence,  a  circumstance  occurred 
which  intensely  augmented  the  flame  of  rebellion  burning  in  the 
people's  hearts,  and  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  the  more 
judicious  part  of  the  community  could  restrain  them  from  striking 
at  once  a  decisive  blow  for  freedom.  The  centre  of  this  new  commo- 
tion was  Boston,  that  hot-bed  of  patriotism.  The  bad  conduct  of 
Hutchinson,  the  successor  of  Governor  Bernard,  had  led.  the  Assem- 
bly of  Massachusetts  to  pass  various  resolutions,  all  having  the  color 
of  a  determination  to  act  independent  of  the  British  crown.  They 
had  denied  the  right  of  Parliament  to  legislate  for  the  Colonies  in 
any  matters  whatsoever ;  they  had  denounced  the  famous  Declara- 
tory Act  of  1766  as  an  arbitrary  and  unjust  assumption  of  legislative 
power  without  their  consent ;  they  had  charged  the  British  ministry 
with  designing  to  complete  a  system  of  slavery  begun  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  and  executed  by  the  Colonial  Governors ;  and  they 
had  accused  Hutchinson  of  connivance  with  ministers  in  all  the 
various  acts  of  oppression  in  which  they  were  concerned.  Just  at 
this  moment  communications  from  Doctor  Franklin,  then  in  England, 
conveyed  to  the  Colonies  alarming  intelligence  of  the  real  disposition 
of  the  King,  his  ministers,  and  the  Parliament,  and  enclosing  letters 
addressed  by  Hutchinson  and  his  deputy,  Oliver,  to  the  home  gov- 
ernment, in  which  they  vilified  the  leading  patriots,  advised  the 
adoption  of  coercive  measures,  and  declared  that  "  there  must  be  an 
abridgment  of  what  are  called  English  liberties." 

These  letters  were  sent  by  Franklin  to  Mr.  Cushing,  the  Speaker 
of  the  Massachusetts  Assembly,  and  at  once  the  whole  town  was  in 
a  violent  ferment,  which  soon  spread  through  the  province  and  to  other 
Colonies.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  wait  upon  the  Governor 
and  demand  his  acknowledgment  of  his  signature,  which  he  readily 
did,  but  declared  the  letters  to  be  quite  private  and  confidential. 


106  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1773. 

Wedderburn's  attack  on  Franklin.  Franklin  deprived  of  the  office  of  Postmaster  General. 

The  Assembly  then  adopted  a  petition  to  the  home  government  for 
the  immediate  removal  of  Hutchinson  and  Oliver.  They  charged 
them  with  betraying  their  trust  and  slandering  the  people  under  their 
government  by  false  and  malicious  representations,  and  declared  them 
enemies  to  the  Colonies,  and  as  such,  they  could  not  be  tolerated. 

This  petition  was  sent  to  Dr.  Franklin,  charged  with  instructions 
to  present  it  in  person,  if  possible.  This  was  granted,  and  Franklin 
a  Jan.  29,  appeared  before  the  Privy  Council*  with  Mr.  Dunning,  as 
1773-  counsel  in  the  case.a  Wedderburn,  the  Solicitor  General, 
was  in  attendance,  and  attacked  the  Doctor  with  great  severity  ; 
accusing  him  of  violating  the  nicest  points  of  honor  in  clandestinely 
procuring  private  letters  ;  and  charged  him  with  duplicity  and  wily 
intrigue,  equalled  only  "  by  the  bloody  African."  These  taunts 
Franklin  received  in  silence,  and  without  any  apparent  emotion, 
feeling  conscious  of  the  purity  of  his  purpose  and  the  righteous- 
ness of  his  acts.f  But  ministers  could  not  forgive  him  for  thus 
exposing  their  probable  designs  and  the  real  character  of  Hutchin- 
son, their  instrument ;  and  three  days  after  his  appearance  before  the 
Privy  Council,  he  was  dismissed  from  the  lucrative  and  responsible 
office  of  Postmaster  General  for  the  Colonies,  which  he  had  held 
for  some  time. 

Copies  of  the  petition  and  remonstrance,  and  also  of  Hutchinson's 
letters,  were  printed,,  and  scattered  broadcast  over  the  whole  country, 
everywhere  arousing  the  lukewarm  to  action,  and  awakening  the 
half-slumbering  energies  of  those  who  reposed  in  the  false  security 
of  a  hope  of  reconciliation. 

About  this  time  a  new  thought  upon  financial  matters  made  its 
advent  in  the  brain  of  Lord  North.  On  account  of  the  pertinacity 
with  which  the  Colonies  adhered  to  the  resolutions  not  to  use  lea, 
that  article  had  greatly  accumulated  in  the  warehouses  in  England, 
of  the  East  India  Company,!  occasioning  them  much  loss.  Desirous 
of  aiding  the  Company,  then  become  a  strong  arm  of  the  empire 
through  its  conquests  in  India,  and  little  foreseeing  the  mischief  it 
vould  lead  to,  the  minister  offered  a  resolution  to  permit  them  to 

*  The  Privy  Council  consisted  of  the  Cabinet  and  thirty-five  Peers. 

\  It  is  said  that  on  returning  to  his  lodgings  that  night,  he  took  off  the  suit  of 
clothes  he  had  worn,  and  declared  he  would  never  wear  it  again  until  he  should  sign 
the  degradation  of  England  and  the  independence  of  America.  And  on  the  follow- 
ing morning  he  told  a  friend  that  he  had  never  been  so  sensible  of  a  good  conscience 
before.  Franklin  was  too  honorable  to  divulge  the  name  of  the  person  from  whom 
he  received  the  letters  of  Hutchinson,  and  the  whole  subject  remained  in  mystery* 
But  within  the  last  fifteen  years  it  has  been  shown  that  they  were  put  into  Frank- 
lin's hands  by  a  Dr.  Williamson,  without  suggestion,  who  procured  them  by  strata- 
gem  from  the  office  of  the  Secretary,  Mr.  Whateley. 

%  They  had  upwards  of  seventeen  millions  of  pounds  in  store. 


chap,  in.]  EVENTS  FROM  17*70  TO  1774.  107 

Lord  North's  Tea  Bill.  Arrival  of  the  ships  laden  with  tea. 

export  tea  to  America  without  paying  export  duty.  Still  compara- 
tively blind  to  the  real  cause  of  quarrel  between  Great  Britain  and 
her  American  Colonics — still  unable  to  appreciate  the  distinction 
between  principle  and  expediency,  Lord  North  supposed  that  the 
Colonists,  thus  receiving  tea  cheaper  than  the  people  of  old  England 
were  procuring  it,  would  be  gently  and  almost  imperceptibly 
manoeuvred  out  of  the  principle  for  which  they  so  strongly  con- 
tended. Strange  to  say,  this  resolution — this  new  measure  in  the 
unfortunate  catalogue  of  evil  ones  that  had  driven  the  Americans  to 
the  confines  of  an  open  rebellion,  was  passed  with  scarcely  a  dis- 
senting voice  in  Parliament.  And  it  is  a  singular  coincidence  (pa- 
rallel to  the  simultaneous  action  of  Lord  North  on  repeal,  and  the 
troops  and  civilians  in  the  Boston  Massacre,  in  March,  1770),  that 
on  the  very  daya  that  the  minister  offered  his  resolution  re-  „  March 
specting  the  exportation  of  tea,  Carr  introduced  his  resolu- 
tions in  the  Virginia  Assembly,  for  organizing  Committees  of  Cor- 
respondence. And  while  the  letters  of  Hutchinson  were  kindling 
anew  in  many  hearts  the  flame  of  patriotic  indignation,  and  the 
people  were  prepared  for  almost  any  measure  in  support  of  their 
oft-asserted  principle  on  the  subject  of  taxation,  many  large  ships 
heavily  laden  with  tea,  were  out  upon  the  broad  Atlantic  on  their 
way  to  America. 

Intelligence  of  the  passage  of  Lord  North's  resolutions  reached 
the  Colonies  before  any  cargoes  of  tea  had  arrived  ;  and  public  meet- 
ings had  been  held,  and  the  consignees  threatened  with  violence  if 
they  should  receive  the  tea.  In  Boston,  the  consignees,  who  were 
particular  friends  of  Governor  Hutchinson,  refused  to  comply  with 
the  demands  of  the  people,  and  applied  to  the  Governor  for  protec- 
tion, which  was  promised. 

At  length  two  ships*  arrived  at  Boston,  heavily  laden  with  Nov  ^ 
the  obnoxious  article.*  A  public  meeting  was  immediately  1773- 
called  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  and  the  surrounding  country,  and 
they  passed  resolutions  similar  to  those  which  had  been  adopted  in 
Philadelphia  and  Charleston,  that  the  tea  which  came  charged  with 
a  duty  to  be  paid  in  America,  should  not  be  landed,  but  be  sent  back 
in  the  same  bottoms.  The  houses  of  the  consignees,  who  evinced 
a  determination  to  have  the  tea  landed,  were  surrounded  by  a  mob, 
and  the  inmates  were  compelled  to  fly  to  Castle  William  for  refuge. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Governor  and  his  Council  absolutely  refused 
to  permit  the  ships  to  depart  without  landing  the  tea,  and  the  captains 


*  Ship  Eleanor,  Captain  James  Bruce  ;  and  the  ship  Beaver,  Captain  Hezekiah 
Coffin. 


iOS  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1773. 

Public  meetings  in  Boston.  Indications  of  a  tumult. 

consequently  were  in  a  sad  predicament.  The  people  appointed  a 
guard  to  patrol  day  and  night,  and  prevent  any  of  the  tea  being 
landed. 

The  consignees  sent  letters  from  Castle  William  to  the  people, 
offering  to  store  the  tea  till  they  could  receive  further  instructions. 
This  offer  was  rejected  with  disdain.  Crowded  meetings  were  held 
in  Faneuil  Hall  and  the  Old  South  Meeting  House,  and  the  Commit- 
tees of  Correspondence  were  faithfully  sending  information  of  all  tint 
passed  to  the  other  Colonies.  On  the  fourteenth  of  December,  at 
a  large  meeting  held  in  the  Meeting-house,  orders  were  sent  to  the 
captains  of  the  vessels  to  return  to  England  without  delay.  The 
Collector  of  the  Port  replied  to  this  order  that  he  would  not  give  any 
clearance  until  the  cargoes  were  discharged.  The  captains  also 
stated  that  they  had  the  positive  orders  of  the  Governor  to  remain,' 
and  that  they  could  not  pass  out  of  the  harbor  except  under  the 
guns  of  the  fort  ;  and  that  Admiral  Montague  had  sent  two  ships  of 
war  to  guard  the  harbor  entrance. 

On  the  sixteenth  another  crowded  meeting  was  held  in  the  "  Old 
South,"  where  one  party  recommended  moderate  measures  ;  but 
generally  a  rather  violent  spirit  was  manifested.  Mr.  Josiah  Quincy, 
jun.,  spoke  out  boldly,  and  warned  them  that  a  spirit  of  firm 
patriotic  decision  was  now  necessary — that  a  crisis  had  arrived  when 
the  question  of  freedom  or  slavery  for  the  Colonies  must  be  settled, 
and  intimated  that  the  settlement  must  be  made  by  a  resort  to  arms. 
"  The  exertions  of  this  day,"  said  he,  "  will  call  forth  events  which 
will  make  a  very  different  spirit  necessary  for  our  salvation.  Who- 
ever supposes  that  shouts  and  hosannas  will  terminate  the  trials  of 
the  day,  entertains  a  childish  fancy.  We  are  approaching  measures 
which  must  bring  on  the  most  trying  and  terrible  struggle  this  coun- 
try ever  saw."     These  prophetic  words  were  soon  fulfilled. 

About  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  question  was  put  to  the 
meeting  whether  they  would  abide  by  their  former  resolutions  in 
respect  to  the  tea ;  and  it  was  carried  in  the  affirmative  without  one 
dissenting  voice.  They  then  sent  a  deputation  to  the  Governor  to 
desire  him  to  give  the  ships  a  permit  to  depart.  This  the  Governor 
refused,  and  the  deputation  reported  to  the  meeting  accordingly.  A 
warm  discussion  ensued,  in  the  midst  of  which  some  persons  outside 
clad  in  the  costume  of  Mohawk  Indians,  gave  a  loud  war-whoop, 
which  was  immediately  responded  to  by  one  of  their  number  in  the 
front  gallery  within.  It  was  evident  that  some  violent  tumult  was  brew- 
ing, and  some  of  the  most  judicious  persons  present  moved  an  adjourn- 
ment, which  was  carried.  It  was  now  quite  dark  (six  o'clock^  and 
as  the  people  left  the  church,  the  disguised  men  started  towards 


chap,  m.]  EVENTS  FROM  1770  TO  1774.  Ill 

Destruction  of  tea  in  Boston  Harbor.  Not  permitted  to  be  sold  elsewhere. 

Griffin's  wharf,  where  the  two  ships  before  mentioned,  and  two  or 
three  others  that  had  arrived,  were  lying,  shouting,  "  To  Griffin's 
wharf  !  Boston  Harbor  a  tea-pot  to-night  !"  Many  of  the  people 
followed,  and  when  the  disguised  party  reached  the  wharf,  they  were 
joined  by  a  large  number  of  sailors  and  colored  men,  who  still 
remembered  with  bitter  hate,  the  fate  of  Attucks.  They  immedi- 
ately repaired  on  board  of  one  of  the  ships,  broke  open  the  hatches, 
hoisted  the  chests  of  tea  out,  broke  them  in  pieces  and  discharged 
their  contents  into  the  sea.  The  other  vessels  were  then  boarded  in 
the  same  manner,  and  so  vigorously  did  these  men  ply  themselves 
that  within  the  space  of  three  hours,  three  hundred  and  forty-two 
chests  of  tea  were  broken  up  and  their  contents  thrown  into  the 
dock.  There  were  only  fifteen  or  twenty  men  disguised  as  Indians, 
and  only  about  one  hundred  and  forty  in  all,  engaged  in  the  work  of 
destruction.  Many  of  them  had  their  faces  blackened  for  fear  of 
discovery,  it  being  a  moonlight  night ;  yet  a  large  proportion  boldly 
engaged  in  the  labor  regardless  of  detection.  When  the  work  of 
destruction  was  over,  they  all  marched  in  quiet  procession  through 
the  town  ;  no  disorder  was  attempted,  and  it  was  observed,  the  still- 
est night  ensued  that  Boston  had  enjoyed  for  many  months. 

This  act  struck  the  ministerial  party  with  rage  and  astonishment ; 
while,  as  it  seemed  to  be  an  attack  upon  private  property,  many 
who  wished  well  to  the  public  cause  could  not  fully  justify  the  mea- 
sure. Yet  perhaps  the  laws  of  self-preservation  might  justify  the 
deed,  as  the  exigencies  of  the  times  required  extraordinary  exertions, 
and  every  other  method  had  been  tried  in  vain,  to  avoid  this  disagree- 
able alternative.  Besides,  it  was  alleged  (and  doubtless  it  was  true) 
the  people  were  ready  to  make  ample  compensation  for  all  damages 
sustained,  whenever  the  unconstitutional  duty  should  be  taken  off, 
and  other  grievances  radically  redressed.  But  there  appeared  little 
prospect  that  any  conciliatory  advances  would  soon  be  made.  The 
officers  of  government  discovered  themselves  more  vindictive  than 
ever  ;  animosities  daily  increased,  and  the  spirits  of  the  people  were 
irritated  to  a  degree  of  alienation,  even  from  their  tenderest  connex- 
ions, where  they  happened  to  differ  in  political  opinion.* 

In  New  York  and  Philadelphia  no  person  could  be  found  that 
would  venture  to  receive  the  tea,  and  the  Company's  ships  which 
arrived  in  these  ports  were  obliged  to  return  to  England  with  their 
cargoes.  In  Charleston  permission  was  given  to  land  it  to  be  stored, 
but  not  for  sale.  It  was  there  placed  in  a  damp  cellar,  where  it  soon 
perished. 

*  Mrs.  Warren's  History  of  the  Rise,  Progress,  and  Termination  of  the  American 
Revolution,  vol.  i.,  p.  108. 


112  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1773. 


Reflections  on  the  Tea  Riot. 


When  the  first  excitement  produced  by  these  bold  and  revolu- 
tionary measures  had  abated,  all  parties  concerned  were  desirous  of 
placing  the  blame  on  other  shoulders  than  their  own.  The  Bostoni- 
ans  attributed  the  extremes  to  which  the  people  had  gone  in  destroy- 
ing the  tea,  to  the  wilful  obstinacy  of  the  Governor,  and  his 
discovered  league  with  the  home  government  to  oppress  the 
Colonies.  There  is  doubtless  much  truth  in  this  allegation  ;  and,  as 
a  general  rule,  had  the  Colonial  Governors  acted  with  proper  courtesy 
and  conciliation  of  manner  towards  those  they  came  to  govern,  there 
would  have  been  far  less  cause  for  discontent.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Governor  with  truth  argued,  that  if  he  had  complied  with  every 
extreme  demand  of  the  people,  it  would  have  been  a  virtual  abdica- 
tion of  power  and  authority,  and  a  real  surrender  of  the  government 
into  the  hands  of  the  populace  ;  thus  violating  his  oath  to  the  crown, 
and  betraying  the  trust  reposed  in  him  by  his  sovereign.  This, 
however,  was  a  fair  argument  based  upon  false  premises,  assuming 
that  all  power  was  of  right  vested  in  the  King  and  Parliament,  when 
in  fact  it  reposed  (or  ought  to  have  reposed)  upon  a  broader  basis, — 
the  people.  This  truth  was  then  imperfectly  developed  and  seldom 
taught ;  and  the  Colonial  Governors,  ignorant  of  the  value  of  such 
truths,  and  their  practical  application,  and  taught  to  revere  monarchy 
in  all  its  manifestations  from  simple  pomp  to  unmitigated  tyranny, 
may,  on  the  grounds  of  that  ignorance  and  that  tuition,  be  excused  for 
many  acts  which,  to  our  republican  apprehension,  appear  quite  out- 
rageous and  unpardonable.  There  was  much  in  the  circumstances 
connected  with  the  Boston  tea  commotion  to  admire — much  to  con- 
demn, when  viewed  with  the  superficial  vision  of  human  understand- 
ing. Yet  who  cannot  see  in  this,  as  in  all  other  movements  and 
counter  movements  of  Freedom  and  Despotism  during  the  struggle 
of  the  Americans  in  the  cause  of  Liberty,  the  workings  of  the  mys- 
terious finger  of  Providence  in  the  development  of  political  and 
social  truths  which  are  now  acting  as  a  mighty  lever,  whose  fulcrum 
is  Intellect,  in  elevating  the  Race  towards  its  primal  sphere  ?  Dull 
indeed  must  be  the  perception  that  does  not  recognise  in  all  these 
events  a  wonder-working  Providence  elaborating  from  partial  evil, 
universal  good  ;  and  cold  indeed  must  be  the  heart  that  does  not, 
when  this  perception  pours  in  its  light,  glow  with  fervid  thanks- 
givings and  praises  to  the  Omnipotent  Ruler  of  human  destiny,  who 
"  doeth  all  things  well." 


EVENTS  OF  1774. 


John  Hancock— Edmund  Burke — General  Conway. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


ARLIAMENT  opened  on  the  thirteenth  of 
January,  at  which  time  intelligence  of  the 
proceedings  in  Boston  during  the  month 
previous,  had  not  reached  England  ;  and 
the  King  alluded  very  briefly  to  the  Ame- 
rican Colonies,  in  his  speech  from  the 
throne.  On  the  seventh  of  March,  some 
weeks  after  the  news  of  the  tea  riot  had 
reached  the  ears  of  government,  the  King  sent  a  message  to  both 
Houses  detailing  all  the  late  proceedings  had  in  the  New  England  and 
other  Colonies,  and  especially  the  tea  commotion  in  Boston.     Accom- 


114  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774. 

The  King's  message  to  Parliament.  Motion  for  an  address  to  the  King. 

panying  his  message  were  a  variety  of  papers,  consisting  of  letters 
from  Governor  Hutchinson,  Admiral  Montague,  and  the  consignees 
of  the  tea  ;  the  despatches  of  several  Colonial  Governors  ;  some 
of  the  most  inflammable  American  manifestoes;  pamphlets  ;  handbills, 
&c.  After  expressing  his  confidence  in  the  wisdom  and  patriotism 
of  Parliament,  he  called  upon  the  legislature  to  devise  means  for 
putting  a  stop  at  once  to  these  tumultuous  proceedings  in  America  ; 
for  the  more  rigid  execution  of  the  laws,  and  the  maintenanceiof  a 
"just  dependence  of  the  Colonies  upon  the  Crown  and  Parliament  of 
Great  Britain." 

In  the  Commons,  on  the  receipt  of  the  message,  a  motion  was 
made  for  an  address  to  the  throne,  "  to  return  thanks  for  the  message 
and  the  gracious  communication  of  the  American  papers,  with  an 
assurance  that  they  would  not  fail  to  exert  every  means  in  their 
power,  of  effectually  providing  for  objects  so  important  to  the  general 
welfare  as  maintaining  a  due  execution  of  the  laws,  and  securing  the 
just  dependence  of  the  Colonies  upon  the  Crown  and  Parliament  of 
Great  Britain."  This  motion,  in  connexion  with  the  presentation  of 
the  message  and  the  American  papers,  produced  a  violent  excitement 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  made  it  "  as  hot  as  Faneuil  Hall  or 
the  Old  South  Meeting  House  at  Boston."  The  debate  was  a 
stormy  one  ;  ministers  and  their  supporters  charging  open  rebellion 
upon  the  Colonies  ;  and  the  opposition  justly  condemning  the  ill- 
digested  addresses  that  had  been  put  forth  by  government,  and  the 
pledges  that  had  been  given  which  were  never  more  thought  of.  To 
this  retrospect,  ministers  opposed  the  plea  of  uselessness  in  sum- 
moning the  past  from  oblivion,  and  demanded  immediate  action  upon 
present  information  from  America.  They  asked  whether  America 
was  or  was  not  to  be  any  longer  considered  dependent  on  Great 
Britain  ?  how  far  ?  in  what  degree  ?  in  what  manner  ?  They  as- 
serted that  it  might  be  a  question  whether  the  Colonies  should  not 
be  given  up  ;  and  they  asked  for  a  decision  of  the  important  question 
in  order  to  allow  government  to  take  decisive  measures  ;  for  if  the 
question  should  be  decided  in  the  negative,  then  ministers  would 
immediately  report  a  plan  for  reducing  the  refractory  Colonies  to 
submission  to  the  authority  of  the  King  and  Parliament.  The 
strong  national  resentment  felt  towards  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  in  consequence  of  the  late  and  former  acts  of  open  hostility 
to  the  home  government,  not  only  strengthened  Lord  North's  position 
at  the  head  of  the  cabinet,  but  it  materially  weakened  the  opposition 
in  the  lower  House  of  Parliament ;  and  when  the  question  on  the 
resolution  authorizing  an  address,  and  also  one  against  acting  upon 
retrospect  matters,  was  taken,  there  was  an  immense  majority  in  the 


crap.  iv.J  EVENTS  OF  1774.  115 

The  Boston  Port  Bill.  Ministerial  reasons  tor  the  Bill. 

affirmative,  and  the  address  was  carried  without  a  division.  Mr. 
Bollan,  agent  for  the  Council  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  immediately  pre- 
sented a  petition,  asking  permission  to  lay  before  the  House  the 
Acta  Regia  of  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  successors  for  the  security 
of  the  Colonists  and  the  perpetual  enjoyment  of  their  liberties.  The 
petition  was  received  by  the  Commons,  and  it  was  at  once  ordered 
to  lie  upon  the  table,  without  any  further  notice  being  taken  of  it. 

With  a  firm  determination  to  try  more  rigorous  measures  to  en- 
force obedience  from  the  Colonies,  Lord  North  moveda  for     „    .  „ 

7  a  March  14. 

leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  to  remove  the  customs,  courts  of 
justice,  and  all  government  officers,  from  Boston  to  Salem.  It 
is  generally  agreed  that  this  measure  was  not  in  consonance  with  the 
mild  disposition  or  the  better  judgment  of  Lord  North  ;  but  that  he 
was  probably  goaded  on  by  others,  who  reproached  him  for  his  con- 
cessions to  the  Colonies.  Strange  to  say,  this  measure,  fraught  with 
so  much  evil  (if  pouring  oil  upon  the  flame  of  Colonial  discontent 
and  irritation,  may  be  called  an  evil),  like  its  predecessor,  the  Stamp 
Act,  nearly  ten  years  before,  encountered  very  little  opposition,  and 
elicited  scarcely  any  debate  in  the  House  of  Commons.  Considering 
the  offence  of  Boston,  it  was  thought  to  be  very  lenient.  During  its 
progress  through  the  lower  House,  another  petition  was  presented 
from  Mr.  Bollan,  the  agent  of  the  Council  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
desiring  to  be  heard  against  it ;  but  the  House  refused  to  grant  the 
prayer  of  the  petitioner.  On  the  third  reading,  another  petition 
was  presented  by  the  Lord  Mayor  of  London,  in  the  name  of  several 
natives  and  inhabitants  of  North  America,  who  strongly  insisted  that 
it  was  unreasonable  to  deprive  Boston  of  its  trade,  because  some  of 
the  people  had  committed  unlawful  acts  ;  that  the  bill  was  harsh  and 
unjust,  and  that  its  tendency  was  to  alienate  the  affections  of  America 
from  the  mother  country.  Lord  North  justified  the  measure  by 
asserting  that  Boston  had  ever  been  the  centre  of  tumult  whence  all 
disorders  in  the  Colonies  emanated  ;  that  it  was  the  ringleader  in 
every  riot,  and  set  always  the  example,  which  others  only  followed. 
To  inflict  a  signal  penalty  upon  that  city,  he  thought  would  strike  at 
the  root  of  the  evil  ;  and  in  justification,  he  quoted  several  parallel 
instances  ;  among  others,  the  execution  of  Captain  Porteus  by  an 
Edinburgh  mob,  in  which  a  whole  city  was  punished  for  an  offence 
committed  by  a  large  portion  of  its  inhabitants.  It  was  proposed, 
therefore,  that  the  port  of  Boston  should  be  closed,  and  no  goods 
allowed  to  be  either  shipped  or  landed.  This  restrictive  measure 
was  to  remain  in  force  till  the  citizens  should  express  a  due  sense  of 
their  error,  and  make  full  compensation  to  the  East  India  Company 
for  the  loss  of  their  tea  ;  when  the  Crown,  if  it  should  see  sufficient 


116  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [Wi. 

Debates  in  Parliament. 

•  reason,  might  restore  its  lost  privileges.*  Even  Colonel  Barre  the 
standing  advocate  of  America,  said  he  approved  of  this  measure  for 
its  moderation.  Some  of  the  supporters  of  the  ministry  used  violent 
language  towards  the  Americans.  Mr.  Hubert  said  it  was  in  vain 
to  expect  any  degree  of  reasoning  from  them  ;  they  always  chose  tar- 
ring and  feathering.  Mr.  Montague,  son  of  Lord  Sandwich,  at- 
tributed their  boldness  to  the  tame  counsels,  the  weak  and  unmanly 
conduct  of  ministers,  who  allowed  themselves  to  be  swayed  by  a 
faction  seeking  popularity  by  clamor.  Mr.  Van  drew  still  greater 
attention,  by  declaring  that  the  port  ought  to  be  knocked  about  their 
ears  and  destroyed,  adding  the  quotation,  "  delenda  est  Carthago." 
Mr.  Fuller  proposed  merely  the  imposition  of  a  fine  ;  and  Mr. 
Burke,  who  at  this  time  commenced  his  series  of  splendid  orations 
in  favor  of  transatlantic  liberty,  denounced  the  scheme  as  essentially 
unjust,  by  confounding  the  innocent  and  guilty.f  "  It  is  wished, 
then,"  said  he,  "to  condemn  the  accused  without  a  hearing,  to 
punish  indiscriminately  the  innocent  with  the  guilty  !  You  will  thus 
irrevocably  alienate  the  hearts  of  the  Colonies  from  the  mother  coun- 
try. Before  the  adoption  of  so  violent  a  measure,  the  principal 
merchants  of  the  kingdom  should  at  least  be  consulted.  The  bill  is 
unjust,  since  it  bears  only  upon  the  city  of  Boston,  whilst  it  is  no- 
torious that  all  America  is  in  flames  ;  that  the  cities  of  Philadelphia, 
of  New  York,  and  all  the  maritime  towns  of  the  continent,  have 
exhibited  the  same  disobedience.  You  are  contending  for  a  matter 
which  the  Bostonians  will  not  give  up  quietly.  They  cannot,  by 
such  means,  be  made  to  bow  to  the  authority  of  ministers  ;  on  the 
contrary,  you  will  find  their  obstinacy  confirmed,  and  their  fury 
exasperated.  The  acts  of  resistance  in  their  city  have  not  been 
confined  to  the  populace  alone  ;  but  men  of  the  first  rank  and  opu- 
lent fortune  in  the  place  have  openly  countenanced  them.  One 
city  in  proscription,  and  the  rest  in  rebellion,  can  never  be  a  reme- 
dial measure  for  general  disturbances.  Have  you  considered 
whether  you  have  troops  and  ships  sufficient  to  reduce  the  people  of 
the  whole  American  continent  to  your  devotion  ?  It  was  the  duty 
of  your  Governor,  and  not  of  men  without  arms,  to  suppress  the 
tumults.  If  this  officer  has  not  demanded  the  proper  assistance 
from  the  military  commanders,  why  punish  the  innocent  for  the  fault 
and  the  negligence  of  the  officers  of  the  crown  ?  The  resistance 
is  general  in  all  parts  of  America  ;  you  must  therefore  let  it  govern 
itself  by  its  own  internal  policy,  or  make  it  subservient  to  all  your 
laws,  by  an  exertion  of  all  the  forces  of  the  kingdom.     These  par- 

*  Murray  (Ed.  Cab.  Lib.),  vol.  i.,  p.  358. 
f  History,  Debates,  &c,  yoI.  vii.,  p.  69-103. 


i' 


chap,  iv.]  EVENTS  OF  1774.  117 


Act  to  alter  the  Constitution  of  Massachusetts. 


tial  counsels  are  well  suited  to  irritate,  not  to  subjugate."*  Dodswell, 
Johnstone,  Pownall,  Fox,t  and  others,  followed  briefly  ;  but  argu- 
ment seemed  to  have  no  effect,  and  the  bill  was  agreed  to  without  a 
division,  and  almost  without  debate,  properly  speaking.  In  the 
House  of  Lords,  there  was  considerable  exciting  conversation  on  the 
subject,  but  no  debate  of  consequence  ;  and  on  the  twenty-eighth  of 
March  it  was  passed  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote.  On  the  thiny- 
first  it  received  the  royal  assent,  and  the  trade  of  Boston  was  anni- 
hilated pro  tempore. 

Had  ministers  stopped  here,  reconciliation  might  have  been  effect- 
ed ;  but  while  the  Boston  Port  Bill  was  before  the  Lords,  Lord 
North,  in  a  committee  of  the  whole  lower  House,  brought  in  a  bill 
"  For  the  better  regulating  the  government  in  the  province 

r    hi-  i  *r?       »         rrn   ■      i     n  -i      i     r  !  a  March  28. 

of  Massachusetts  Bay.  a  Ihis  bill  provided  for  an  alter- 
ation in  the  constitution  of  that  province,  as  it  stood  upon  the  charter 
of  William  III.,  to  do  away  with  the  popular  elections  which  decided 
everything  in  that  Colony ;  to  take  the  executive  power  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  growing  democratic  party  ;  and  to  vest  the  nominations 
of  the  members  of  the  Council,  of  the  judges,  and  of  magistrates  of 
all  kinds,  including  the  sheriffs,  in  the  Crown,  and  in  some  cases,  in 
the  King's  Governor. 

Upon  this  bill,  so  manifestly  hostile  to  American  freedom,  there 
was  a  warm  debate.  Barre  and  Burke  opposed  it  with  all  their 
strength  of  mind  and  elegance  of  speech  ;  and  very  pertinently  asked, 
"  What  can  the  Americans  believe  but  that  England  wishes  to 
despoil  them  of  all  liberty,  of  all  franchises  ;  and,  by  the  destruction 
of  their  charters,  to  reduce  them  to  a  state  of  the  most  abject  slave- 
ry ?  .  .  .  .As  the  Americans  are  no  less  ardently  attached  to  liberty 
than  the  English  themselves,  can  it  ever  be  hoped  they  will  submit 
to  such  exorbitant  usurpation  ?  to  such  portentous  resolutions  ?" 
Governor  Pownall  warned  ministers  that  their  measures  would  be 
resisted,  not,  perhaps,  by  force  of  arms,  but  the  opposition  of  the 
whole  people.  He  alluded  to  the  powerful  engine  of  Freedom  then 
in  motion,  the  Committees  of  Correspondence  ;  and  predicted  the 
commotion  that  the  dismissal  of  Doctor  Franklin  from  the  Post 
Office  would  create.  He  assured  them  that  when  the  news  of 
these  harsh  measures  should  reach  them,  the  corresponding  commit- 
tees would  at  once  be  in  active  operation,  and  through  them  the 
whole  people  would  communicate  with  each  other.     He  predicted  a 

*  Otis's  Botta,  vol.  i.,  p.  lib. 

f  This  was  Charles  Fox's  first  appearance  in  Parliamentary  life,  and  it  was  a 
singular  beginning.  He  objected  to  the  power  vested  in  the  British  Crown  to  re-open 
the  port  of  Boston  !    His  suggestion  was  not  supported  by  either  party. 


118  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774. 

Act  providing  for  sending  criminals  to  England  for  trial. 

Congress  and  a  probable  resort  to  arms.  It  was  opposed  also  by 
Charles  Fox  ;  but,  like  the  Port  Bill,  it  was  carried  by  an  overwhelm- 
ing majority, — two  hundred  and  thirty-nine  against  sixty-four.  In 
the  upper  House  it  was  vehemently  denounced  by  several  Lords, 
and  among  them  Lord  Shelburne  ;  but  there,  too,  it  was  carried  by 
ninety-two  against  twenty.  Eleven  Peers  signed  a  protest,  in  seven 
long  articles. 

On  the  15th  of  April,  Lord  North  crowned  his  acts  of  folly  and 
oppression,  by  asking  leave  for  the  introduction  of  a  bill,  totally 
subversive  of  the  noblest  features  in  the  charter  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Colony.  It  was  entitled,  "  A  bill  for  the  impartial  administra- 
tion of  justice  in  the  cases  of  persons  questioned  for  any  acts  done 
by  them  in  the  execution  of  the  laws,  or  for  the  suppression  of  riots 
and  tumults  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England." 
It  provided  that,  in  case  any  person  should  be  indicted  in  that  pro- 
vince for  murder,  or  any  other  capital  offence,  or  any  indictment  for 
riot,  resistance  of  the  magistrate,  or  impeding  the  laws  of  revenue 
in  the  smallest  degree,  he  might,  at  the  option  of  the  Governor,  or, 
in  his  absence,  of  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  be  taken  to  another 
Colony,  or  transported  to  Great  Britain,  for  trial,  a  thousand  leagues 
from  his  friends,  and  amidst  his  enemies. 

Lord  North  supported  his  resolution  with  his  usual  ability.  •  "  We 
must  show  the  Americans,"  said  he,  "  that  we  will  no  longer  sit 
quietly  under  their  insults  ;  and  also  that,  even  when  roused,  our 
measures  are  not  cruel  and  vindictive,  but  necessary  and  efficacious. 
This  is  the  last  act  I  have  to  propose  in  order  to^  perfect  the  plan ; 
the  rest  will  depend  on  the  vigilance  of  his  Majesty's  servants  em- 
ployed there."  The  motion  for  leave  to  introduce  the  bill  was 
violently  opposed  by  Barre  and  others.  He  denounced  the  "  plan  " 
as  big  with  misery,  and  pregnant  with  danger  to  the  British  empire. 
"  This,"  said  he,  "  is  indeed  the  most  extraordinary  resolution  that 
was  ever  heard  in  the  Parliament  of  England.  It  offers  new  en- 
couragement to  military  insolence,  already  so  insupportable 

By  this  law,  the  Americans  are  deprived  of  a  right  which  belongs  to 
every  human  creature, — that  of  demanding  justice  before  a  tribunal 
composed  of  impartial  judges.  Even  Captain  Preston,  who,  in  their 
own  city  of  Boston,  had  shed  the  blood  of  citizens,  found  among 
them  a  fair  trial,  and  equitable  judges."  The  motion  for  leave  to  bring 
in  the  bill  was  passed  without  a  division,  and  on  the  twenty-first  it 
was  introduced,  and  gave  rise  to  another  stormy  debate.  Alderman 
Sawbridge  asserted  that  the  measure  proposed  was  ridiculous  and 
cruel ;  that  witnesses  against  the  crown  could  never  be  brought  over 
to  England  ;  that  the  act  was  meant  to  enslave  the  Americans  ;  and 


chap,  iv.]  EVENTS  OF  1774.  iI9 


Mr.  Rose  Fuller's  desertion  of  the  .Ministry. 


expressed  the  ardent  hope  that  the  Americans  would  not  admit  of  the 
execution  of  any  of  these  destructive  bills,  but  nobly  refuse  them  all. 
He  said,  "  If  they  do  not,  they  are  the  most  abject  slaves  upon  earth, 
and  nothing  the  minister  can  do  is  base  enough  for  them."  Pownall 
loudly  predicted  a  Congress,  and  perhaps  a  war.  The  House  was 
quite  thin  when  the  vote  was  taken  ;  and  it  was  carried,  one  hundred 
and  twenty-seven  to  forty-four.  In  the  Lords  it  was  carried,  forty- 
nine  to  twelve.     Eight  Peers  entered  a  strong  protest  against  it. 

Mr.  Rose  Fuller,  who  generally  supported  ministers,  sincerely 
desiring  reconciliation,  and  wishing  to  break  the  severity  of  the  mea- 
sures about  to  be  put  into  execution  against  the  Colonies, 
moved  for  the  repeal  of  the  tea  duty,?  the  immediate  source 
of  all  the  evil.  His  motion  was  sustained  by  the  eloquence  of 
Burke,  but  it  was  negatived  by  one  hundred  and  eighty-two  to  forty- 
nine.  On  the  pronunciation  of  the  decision,  Mr.  Fuller  made  use  of 
these  remarkable  words  :  "  I  will  now  take  my  leave  of  the  whole 
plan  ;  you  will  commence  your  ruin  from  this  day  !  I  am  sorry  to 
say,  that  not  only  the  House  has  fallen  into  this  error,  but  the  people 
approve  of  the  measure.  The  people,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  are  misled. 
But  a  short  time  will  prove  the  evil  tendency  of  this  bill.  If  ever 
there  was  a  nation  rushing  headlong  to  "its  ruin,  it  is  this." 

It  being  near  the  close  of  the  session,  many  members  had  retired 
into  the  country  ;  and  when  the  bill  was  read  the  third  time,  and  the 
vote  was  taken,  the  number  was  very  small,  although  the  majority 
was  large — one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  ayes  to  twenty-four 
nays.  In  the  Lords  it  passed  by  a  majority  of  forty-three  to  twelve, 
and  a  protest  was  signed  by  only  eight  Peers. 

Thus,  in  rapid  succession,  did  the  British  ministry  introduce  into 
Parliament  strong  and  oppressive  measures,  avowedly  designed  as  a 
plan  to  coerce  the  American  Colonies  into  tame  submission  to  the 
power  that  was  daily  binding  heavy  chains  upon  them.  How  mani- 
fest appears  the  misunderstanding  of  the  English  of  the  temper  of 
their  children  beyond  the  sea  ;  and  how  futile  did  these  measures 
prove  when  the  theory  was  tested  by  practice  !  Instead  of  awing 
the  Americans  into  submission,  they  strengthened  the  strong  arm  of 
defiance,  and  added  tenfold  fervor  to  the  zeal  of  patriotism  ;  and  the 
"plan"  adopted,  instead  of  meeting  the  exigencies  of  the  case,  not 
only  failed  to  secure  its  aim,  but  was  the  instrument  of  incalculable 
mischief  to  the  British  realm. 

Immediately  after  the  decision  of  the  questions  just  noticed,  a  bill 
was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Lords,  which  plainly  evinced  the 
fear  of  the  ministry  that  their  coercive  measures  would  drive  the 
Colonies   to   open  rebellion  and  a  resort  to  arms.     It  was   a  bill 


120  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774. 


Change  in  the  laws  of  the  Province  of  Quebec. 


"•For  making  more  effectual  provision  for  the  government  of 
the  province  of  Quebec,  in  North  America."  It  proposed  the  es- 
tablishment in  Canada  of  a  Legislative  Council,  invested  with  all 
powers,  except  that  of  levying  taxes.  It  was  provided  that  its 
members  should  be  appointed  by  the  Crown,  and  continue  in  author- 
ity during  its  pleasure  ;  that  Canadian  subjects,  professing  the  Catho- 
lic faith,  might  be  called  to  sit  in  the  Council ;  that  the  Catholic 
clergy,  with  the  exception  of  the  regular  orders,  should  be  secured  in 
the  enjoyment  of  their  possessions,  and  of  their  tithes  from  all  those 
who  professed  their  religion ;  that  the  French  laws,  without  jury, 
should  be  re-established,  preserving,  however,  the  English  laws,  with 
trial  by  jury,  in  criminal  cases.  It  was  also  added,  in  order  to  fur- 
nish the  ministers  with  a  larger  scope  for  their  designs,  that  the 
limits  of  Canada  should  be  extended,  so  as  to  embrace  the  territory 
situated  between  the  lakes,  and  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  rivers.* 
This  was  a  liberal  concession  to  the  people  of  Canada,  nearly  all 
of  whom  were  French,  and  but  a  small  portion  of  them  Protestants. f 
The  nobility  and  clergy  had  frequently  complained  of  the  curtailment 
of  their  privileges,  and  maintained  that  they  were  better  off  under 
the  old  French  rule  previous  to  1 763,  than  now.  The  measure  pro- 
posed was  well  calculated  to  quiet  all  discontent  in  Canada,  and 
make  the  people  loyal.  By  such  a  result,  a  place  would  be  secured 
in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  refractory  Colonies,  where  troops 
and  munitions  of  war  might  be  landed,  and  an  overwhelming  force 
be  concentrated,  ready  at  a  moment's  warning  to  march  into  the  ter- 
ritory of,  and  subdue,  the  rebellious  Americans.  This  was  doubtless 
the  ulterior  design  of  the  ministry  in  offering  these  concessions  ;  and 
the  eagle  vision  of  Colonel  Barre  plainly  perceived  it.  In  the  debate 
on  the  bill,  he  remarked,  "  A  very  extraordinary  indulgence  is  given 
to  the  inhabitants  of  this  province,  and  one  calculated  to  gain  the 
hearts  and  affections  of  these  people.  To  this  I  cannot  object  if  it 
is  to  be  applied  to  good  purposes  ;  but  if  you  are  about  to  raise  a 
Popish  army  to  serve  in  the  Colonies,  from  this  time  all  hope  of 
peace  in  America  will  be  destroyed."     The  bill  met  with  violent 

*  Soon  after  the  introduction  of  this  bill,  Thomas  and  John  Penn,  son  and  grand- 
son of  William  Penn,  put  in  a  remonstrance  against  the  boundary  proposition,  as  it 
contemplated  an  encroachment  upon  their  territory,  they  being  the  proprietaries  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  the  counties  of  New  Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  in  Delaware. 
Burke,  also,  who  was  then  the  agent  for  New  York,  contended  against  the  boundary 
proposition,  because  it  encroached  upon  the  boundary  line  of  that  Colony. 

t  General  Carleton,  then  Governor  of  Canada,  asserted  during  his  examination 
before  Parliament,  that  there  were  then  in  that  province  only  about  three  hundred 
and  sixty  Protestants,  besides  women  and  children ;  while  there  were  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  Roman  Catholics. 


chap,  iv]  EVENTS  OF  1774.  121' 

Impeachment  of  Chief  Justice  Oliver.  Hutchinson  succeeded  by  Gage. 

opposition  within  and  without  Parliament,  as  it  was  opposed  to  the 
religious  and  national  prejudices  of  the  great  mass  of  the  English 
people.  It  was  finally  passed  by  a  handsome  majority,  and  on  the 
twenty-first  of  June  became  law,  by  receiving  the  royal  signature. 
The  other  laws, — the  Boston  Port  Bill, — the  subversion  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts charter — and  the  law  authorizing  the  transportation  of 
criminals  to  Great  Britain  for  trial,  were  all  received  with  hearty 
approbation  by  the  people  of  England.  | 

While  the  British  Parliament  were  organizing  these  strong  mea- 
sures against  the  Americans,  the  latter  were  active  in  preparing  an 
efficient  barrier  of  defence  against  the  effects  of  further  legislative 
encroachments.  As  early  as  January,  the  Assembly  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay  resolved  that  it  wTas  incumbent  upon  the  judges  of  that 
Colony  to  determine  at  once,  whether  they  would  receive  their  sala- 
ries direct  from  the  Crown,  or  depend  therefor  upon  the  votes  of  the 
Assembly.  Chief  Justice  Oliver  replied  to  these  queries,  that  he 
should  look  to  the  Crown  hereafter  for  his  emoluments  of  office. 
The  Assembly  then  resolved  by  a  majority  of  ninety-six  to  nine, 
"  That  Peter  Oliver  hath,  by  his  conduct,  proved  himself  an  enemy 
to  the  constitution  of  this  province,  and  is  become  justly  obnoxious 
to  the  good  people  of  it ;  that  he  ought  to  be  removed  from  the 
office  of  Chief  Justice  ;  and  that  a  remonstrance  and  petition  to  the 
Governor  and  Council  for  his  immediate  removal  be  prepared." 
They  also  resolved  to  impeach  the  Chief  Justice.  The  Governor 
refused  to  remove  him,  and  declared  the  acts  of  the  Assembly  un- 
constitutional. This  refusal  of  the  Governor  was  to  them  presump- 
tive evidence  that  he  too  would  receive  his  salary  directly  from  the 
Crown,  and  that  henceforth,  if  not  removed,  he  would  act  perfectly 
independent  of  the  Colony. 

Hutchinson  had  become  so  odious  to  the  people  of  Massachusetts' 
Bay,  that  had  not  his  recall  accompanied  the  Port  Bill  and  others,  no 
doubt  the  summary  vengeance  of  an  incensed  populace  would  have 
overtaken  him  when  these  oppressive  measures  went  into  operation. 
The  Governor  himself  feared  their  resentment  when  he  should  be 
stripped  of  power  and  unshielded  by  the  broad  aegis  of  majesty,  as 
its  representative  ;  and,  chagrined  by  the  loss  of  place,  and  mortified 
by  the  neglect  of  some,  he  retired  to  a  small  village  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Boston  and  secluded  himself  from  observation  until  he 
embarked  for  London  on  the  memorable  day  when,  by  act  of 
Parliament,  the  port  of  Boston  was  closed.*  He  was  sue-  aJunel 
ceeded  in  office  by  General  Gage,  who,  a  few  days  after 
the  reception  of  the  Port  Bill,6  landed  on  Long  Wharf  with  b  Ma? 13- 
part  of  his  family  and  staff,  and  without  troops.     At  New  York, 


122  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774. 

Publication  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  Fast  day  in  Virginia. 

General  Gage  had  distinguished  himself  by  discreet  and  conciliatory 
conduct,  and  he  was  very  courteously  received  in  Boston  notwithstand- 
ing the  popular  ferment  that  was  so  visible  on  every  side.  He  was 
entertained  by  the  magistrates  and  others  at  a  public  dinner,  and  that 
evening  Hutchinson  was  burned  in  effigy.  The  next  day  a  nume- 
rously attended  town  meeting  was  held,  to  take  into  consideration  the 
Port  Bill,  and  it  was  resolved,  "  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  town, 
that,  if  the  other  Colonies  come  into  a  joint  resolution  to  stop  all 
importation  from,  and  exportation  to,  Great  Britain,  and  every  part 
of  the  West  Indies,  till  the  act  be  repealed,  the  same  will  prove  the 
salvation  of  North  America  and  her  liberties  ;  and  that  the  impolicy, 
injustice,  inhumanity  and  cruelty  of  the  act  exceed  all  our  powers 
of  expression  ;  we  therefore  leave  it  to  the  just  censure  of  others, 
and  appeal  to  God  and  the  world." 

A  vast  number  of  copies  of  the  act  were  printed  on  mourning 
paper  with  black  lines  around  it,  and  they  were  cried  through  the 
country  as  "the  barbarous,  cruel,  bloody  and  inhuman  murder."  In 
many  places  the  act  was  burnt  with  great  solemnity  in  the  presence 
of  assembled  multitudes. 

This  act,  so  cruel  and  oppressive,  inflamed  the  whole  country,  and 
everywhere  awakened  the  most  lively  sympathy  for  Boston,  the 
martyr  city.  The  people  of  Salem,  to  whose  town  the  Custom 
House  and  other  offices  of  government  were  removed,  generously 
refused  to  build  their  prosperity  upon  the  ruins  of  their  sister  city ; 
and  the  inhabitants  of  Marblehead  kindly  offered  the  Bostonians  the 
use  of  their  harbor,  wharves  and  warehouses,  free  of  expense. 
Throughout  the  country  public  meetings  were  called,  and  from  every 
point  in  the  Colonies,  the  people  of  Boston  received  words  of  en- 
couragement, congratulation,  sympathy,  and  unqualified  approbation. 
The  pens  of  the  various  Committees  of  Correspondence  were  active 
night  and  day,  and  every  hill  and  valley,  mountain  and  plain,  from 
Plymouth  to  Georgia,  was  traversed  by  the  couriers  of  these  amanu- 
enses of  the  people's  will. 

The  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  was  in  session  when  the 
news  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill  arrived,  and  it  was  received  with  the 
utmost  indignation.  When  the  first  burst  of  feeling  had  subsided, 
they  resolved  that  the  first  of  June  (the  day  on  which  the  bill  was  to 
take  effect)  should  be  observed  as  a  "  day  of  fasting,  humiliation  and 
prayer,  devoutly  to  implore  the  Divine  interposition  in  averting  the 
heavy  calamity  which  threatens  destruction  to  our  civil  rights,  and 
the  evils  of  a  civil  war ;  to  give  us  one  heart  and  one  mmd,  firmly 
to  oppose,  by  all  just  and  proper  means,  every  injury  to  American 
rights ;  and  that  the  minds  of  his  Majesty  and  his  Parliament  may 


chai\  rv.]  EVENTS  OF  1774.  123 

Dissolution  of  the  Virginia  Assembly.  husttis  Assembly  removed  from  Boston. 

be  inspired  from  above  with  wisdom,  moderation,  and  justice,  to 
remove  from  the  loyal  people  of  America  all  cause  of  danger  from 
a  continued  pursuit  of  measures  pregnant  with  their  ruin." 

This  example  was  followed  in  other  places,  and  orators  in  public 
halls  and  ministers  of  the  gospel  in  the  pulpits,  pronounced  dis- 
courses peculiarly  adapted  to  inflame  the  public  mind,  and  nerve  the 
popular  arm  in  its  position  of  defiance.  The  expressed  sympathy 
of  Virginia  for  the  distress  of  their  sister  Colony,  was  highly  offensive 
to  Lord  Dunmore,  the  Governor,  and  on  the  following  daytt 

o  May  25. 

he  dissolved  them.*  The  members  withdrew,  and  reassem- 
bled at  the  Raleigh  tavern,  to  the  number  of  eighty-one,  and  organ- 
ized themselves  into  an  association  and  prepared  an  address  to  the 
people,  recommending  several  measures  which  the  exigencies  of  the 
times  seemed  to  call  for.  Among  them  was  a  proposition  for  a  Gene- 
ral Congress  of  deputies  from  all  the  Colonies  ;  and  they  recom- 
mended the  Committee  of  Correspondence  to  communicate  with  the 
chief  corresponding  committees  of  other  Colonies,  on  this  vital  subject. 
This  proposition  was  eagerly  accepted  by  all  the  provinces,  and 
preparations  were  speedily  made  for  the  General  Congress.! 

On  this,  as  on  several  other  occasions^ a  remarkable  coincidence 
of  opinion  and  action  between  the  comparatively  widely  separated 
Colonies  of  Virginia  and  Massachusetts  wras  exhibited,  A  similar- 
ity of  expressed  thought  and  resolution  to  act,  existed  simultaneously 
between  them,  without  a  possibility  of  previous  conference.  Only 
six  days  after  the  resolutions  of  the  Virginians,  recommending  a 
general  Congress,  were  framed,  a  similar  recommendation  was  made 
by  the  patriots  of  Massachusetts. 

Pursuant  to  the  provisions  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  General  Gage 
took  measures  to  transfer  the  government  offices,  and  the  place  of 
Assembly  of  the  Representatives,  to  Salem,  on  the  first  of  June. 
On  the  thirty-first  of  May,  the  General  Assembly  met  in  Boston  for 
the  last  time.  General  Gage,  by  proclamation,  adjourned  them  until 
the  seventh  of  June,  to  meet  at  Salem.  Before  adjourning,  however, 
they  appointed  two  Members  of  the  Assembly,  Samuel  Adams,  of 
Boston,  and  Mr.  Warren,  of  Plymouth,  to  act  during  the  interim,  as 
the  exigencies  of  the  case  might  require,  and  then  quietly  separated. 
These  two,  with  a  few  other  chosen  spirits,  met  in  secret  conference 
immediately,  and  on  the  ensuing  evening,  several  others  were  intro- 

I 

*  His  speech  on  the  occasion  was  brief.  "  Mr.  Speaker  and  Gentlemen  of  the 
House  of  Bunresses  : — I  have  in  my  hand  a  paper  published  by  order  of  your  House, 
conceived  in  such  terms  as  reflect  highly  upon  his  Majesty  and  the  Parliament  of 
Great  Britain,  which  makes  it  necessary  to  dissolve  you,  and  you  are  dissolved 
accordingly."  f  See  Appendix,  Note  iv. 


124  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774. 

Secret  meeting  of  Patriots.  Appointment  of  Delegates  to  a  general  Congress. 

duced,  when  a  discussion  of  general  circumstances  connected  with 
the  best  interests  of  America,  took  place.  On  the  third  evening 
of  their  conference,  their  plans  were  matured  and  ripe  for  execution. 
Among  these  was  a  plan  for  a  General  Congress,  to  consult  on  the 
safety  of  America ;  provisions  made  for  supplying  funds  and  muni- 
tions of  war ;  and  an  address  to  the  other  Colonies,  inviting  their 
co-operation  in  the  measure  of  a  General  Congress,  proposed.  They 
also  prepared  resolutions  exhorting  the  people  to  renounce,  as  far  as 
possible,  the  consumption,  not  only  of  tea,  but  of  all  commodities 
imported  from  Great  Britain  or  her  Colonies. 

When  the  General  Assembly  met  on  the  seventh  of  June,  the 
result  of  the  deliberations  of  these  patriots  was  boldly  laid  before 
that  body.  The  partisans  of  the  Crown  were  filled  with  amazement 
at  the  boldness  with  which  the  paternity  of  these  treasonable  mea- 
sures was  avowed  by  men  in  that  Assembly,  of  the  highest  standing 
and  influence  ;*  and  the  consummate  ability  manifested  in  the  elabo- 
ration of  the  scheme.  Determined  to  have  a  vote  of  the  Assembly 
on  the  plan,  before  the  matter  should  become  known  to  Governor 
Gage,  the  patriots  had  locked  the  doors,  and  allowed  neither  ingress 
nor  egress.  One  of  the  members,  warmly  devoted  to  the  government 
interest,  feigned  sudden  illness,  and  he  was  allowed  to  depart.  He 
immediately  ran  to  the  Governor,  and  acquainted  him  with  the  pro- 
ceedings in  progress.  Gage  immediately  sent  his  secretary  to  dis- 
solve the  Assembly  by  proclamation.  He  found  the  doors  locked, 
and  was  refused  an  entrance.  He  then  read  the  proclamation  of  dis- 
solution on  the  stairs,  but  it  was  little  heeded  by  the  patriots  within, 
who  proceeded  to  the  adoption  of  their  proposed  plan  of  future  action, 
and  appointed  delegates  to  the  General  Congress. 

Virginia  held  her  Assembly  for  the  appointment  of  delegates  to 
Congress  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  August,  at  Williamsburg  ;  Mary- 
land at  Annapolis  ;  South  Carolina  at  Charleston  ;  Pennsylvania  at 
Philadelphia  ;  Connecticut  at  New  London  ;  Rhode  Island  at  New- 
port ;  and  before  the  close  of  August,  a  full  representation  from 
twelve  of  the  Colonies  was  elected  and  furnished  with  credentials. 
No  province  sent  less  than  two,  nor  more  than  seven  Representatives. 

The  committee  of  five  appointed  by  the  Massachusetts  Assembly, 
at  the  head  of  which  was  Samuel  Adams,  prepared  a  document  entitled 
a  "  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,"  in  which  all  the  non-importation 
agreements  and  all  resolutions  against  commercial  intercourse  with  the 
mother  country,  were  concentrated.    All  who  felt  an  attachment  to  the 

r  ♦  Hancock,  Samuel  Adams,  Cushing,  Hawley,  Robert  T.  Payne,  Greenleaf,  and 
others  of  that  character. 


chap,  iv.]  EVENTS  OF  1774.  125 

The  Patriots'  "  Solemn  League  and  Covenant"  Distress  in  Boston. 

American  cause  were  called  upon  to  sign  it ;  and  the  covenanters  were 
required  to  obligate  themselves,  in  the  presence  of  God,  to  cease 
all  commerce  with  England,  dating  from  the  last  of  the  ensuing 
month  of  August,  until  the  late  wicked  acts  of  Parliament  should  be 
repealed,  and  the  Massachusetts  Colony  reinstated  in  all  its  rights 
and  privileges  ;  to  abstain  from  the  use  of  any  British  goods  what- 
soever ;  and  to  avoid  all  commerce  or  traffic  with  those  who  refused 
to  sign  the  League.  Finally,  it  was  covenanted  that  those  who 
refused  to  sign  the  League,  should  be  held  up  to  public  scorn  and 
indignation,  by  the  publication  of  their  names.  The  articles  of  the 
League  were  transmitted  by  circulars,  to  all  the  other  provinces, 
with  invitations  to  the  inhabitants  to  affix  their  names  thereto.  Phi- 
ladelphia alone,  as  a  city,  did  not  accept  the  invitation  to  join  in  such 
a  measure,  preferring  to  refer  the  matter  to  the  General  Congress, 
and  agreeing  to  execute  faithfully  all  measures  therein  agreed  upon. 
As  soon  as  this  act  of  the  Assembly  committee  was  known  to 
General  Gage,  he  issued  a  proclamation  denouncing  the  League  as  an 
unlawful  combination,  hostile  and  traitorous  to  the  Crown  and  Par- 
liament, and  ordered  the  magistrates  to  apprehend  and  bring  to  trial, 
all  guilty  of  signing  it.  But  his  proclamation  was  laughed  at ;  his 
orders  were  totally  disregarded,  and  the  League  was  everywhere 
subscribed  to. 

On  the  first  of  June,  at  twelve  o'clock  at  noon,  the  Custom-house 
at  Boston  was  closed,  and  the  port  was  shut  against  every  vessel  that 
wished  to  enter  ;  and  on  the  fourteenth,  permission  to  depart  was 
refused  to  all  that  had  entered  before.  To  sustain  and  enforce  these 
harsh  measures,  General  Gage  had  introduced  two  regiments  of 
troops  into  Boston,  and  they  were  encamped  on  the  Common.  These 
were  soon  reinforced  by  several  regiments  from  Halifax,  Quebec, 
New  York  and  Ireland ;  and  Boston  became  an  immense  garrison. 

The  utter  prostration  of  all  business  soon  produced  great  distress 
in  the  city  ;  but  supplies  (inadequate  to  their  wants  it  is  true)  were 
sent  in  from  all  quarters,  not  only  from  the  interior  towns  of  that 
province,  but  from  other  Colonies  also,  and  even  from  the  city  of 
London.*  The  fortitude  of  the  inhabitants  under  this  calamity  was 
great  in  the  extreme.  The  rich,  deprived  of  their  rents,  were  be- 
coming poor,  and  the  poor,  deprived  of  their  privilege  of  labor,  were 
soon  distressed,  and  thus  all  classes  felt  the  scourge  of  the  oppressor. 
General  Gage  was  warned  from  time  to  time,  that  the  people  would 

*  The  inhabitants  of  Georgia  presented  to  those  of  Boston  sixty-three  barrels  of 
rice,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty-four  pounds  sterling  in  specie.  The  city  of  Lon  . 
don  subscribed  thirty  thousand  pounds  sterling  for  the  poor  of  Boston.  From  Sco  i 
haxie,  New  York,  five  hundred  and  twenty-five  bushels  of  wheat  were  sent 


126  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774. 

Preparations  for  War.  Suspension  of  Magisterial  Functions. 

soon  resort  to  arms  ;  but,  seeming  to  rely  upon  the  physical  strength 
of  the  battalions  with  which  he  was  surrounded,  he  disregarded  these 
warnings  in  a  measure,  but  deemed  it  prudent  to  take  precautionary 
steps  in  contravention  of  such  action  by  the  people.  Under  the 
shallow  pretext  of  preventing  the  desertion  of  his  soldiers,  General 
Gage  placed  a  strong  guard  upon  the  narrow  isthmus  which  connects 
the  peninsula  on  which  Boston  is  situated,  with  the  main  land,  known 
as  Boston  Neck.  The  people  at  once  saw  the  real  motive  of  this 
movement — to  prevent  the  inhabitants  from  having  free  access  with 
those  of  the  country,  and  restraining  them  from  transporting  arms 
from  the  city  to  other  places  in  the  province.  This  measure  justly 
alarmed  the  inhabitants,  and  those  who  were  disposed  to  adopt  con- 
ciliatory measures  which  the  great  majority  deemed  humiliating,* 
now  plainly  saw  that  nothing  short  of  absolute  submission  to  military 
rule  would  be  accepted  by  their  rulers.  Persuaded  that  war  was 
inevitable,  the  people  at  once  commenced .  arming  themselves,  and 
daily  practised  military  tactics.  On  every  side  was  heard  the  fife 
and  drum,  and  young  and  old,  fathers  and  sons,  were  daily  engaged 
in  martial  exercises,  encouraged  at  every  step  by  the  approbation  and 
aid  of  the  gentler  sex.  Everything  bore  the  impress  of  impending 
War. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  civil  magistrates  had  suspended  the  exer- 
cise of  their  functions,  as  those  newly  appointed,  had  either  declined 
acceptance,  or  were  prevented  by  popular  sentiment  and  the  popular 
will  from  acting  in  their  several  offices.  Nearly  all  of  the  thirty-six 
new  counsellors  who  had  been  appointed  by  the  Governor,  either 
declined  or  were  forced  to  resign  by  the  unequivocal  demonstrations 
of  public  disfavor  which  they  experienced  at  every  turn.  The 
courts  of  justice  were  suspended ;  the  attorneys  who  had  issued  writs 
of  citation  were  compelled  to  ask  pardon  in  the  public  journals,  and 
promise  not  to  expedite  others,  until  the  laws  should  be  revoked  and 
the  charters  reestablished.     The  people  rushed  in  a  throng  to  occupy 

*  There  were  a  few  timid  persons  of  some  significance,  who  were  willing  at  this 
stage  of  the  controversy  to  offer  conciliatory  measures,  and  they  even  gave  some 
slight  encouragement  to  General  Gage  and  his  government.  One  hundred  and 
twenty  merchants  and  others,  of  Boston,  signed  an  address  to  General  Gage,  ex- 
pressing a  willingness  to  pay  for  the  tea  destroyed.  It  is  averred  that  some  of  the 
wealthier  people  of  Boston  endeavored  to  raise  money  to  pay  the  East  India  Com- 
pany for  the  tea,  but  the  attempt  failed.  There  were  some  others  who  protested 
against  the  course  of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  and  the  action  of  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  ministers  of  the  gospel,  who,  they  averred,  were  unduly  exciting  the  peo- 
ple, and  urging  them  headlong  towards  ruin.  But  these  movements  were  productive 
only  of  mischief.  They  made  the  Colonists  more  determined,  and  deluded  the 
English  government  with  the  false  idea  that  the  most  respectable  portion  of  the 
Colonists  were  averse  to  revolution. 


chap.  iv. J  EVENTS  OF  1774.  127 

Fortification  of  Boston  Neck.  Reported  Massacre  of  the  people  by  the  Soldiers. 

the  seats  of  justice,  that  no  room  might  be  left  for  the  judges  ;  when 
invited  to  withdraw,  they  answered  that  they  recognised  no  other 
tribunals,  and  no  other  magistrates,  but  such  as  were  established  by 
ancient  laws  and  usage.* 

General  Gage,  witnessing  the  agitation  of  the  people,  their  tone  of 
stern  defiance,  and  their  warlike  preparations,  at  once  commenced 
fortifying  Boston  Neck,  and  seized  and  removed  to  head-quarters  all 
the  gunpowder  and  other  military  stores  that  were  at  Charlestown, 
Cambridge,  and  some  other  places.  This  act  greatly  exasperated 
the  people.  From  all  quarters  of  the  province  the  people  assembled, 
and  with  arms  hastened  to  Cambridge  with  a  design  of  attacking 
the  troops  in  Boston.  This,  however,  was  prevented  by  the  influ- 
ence of  the  more  prudent  of  the  leading  patriots.  An  event  soon 
after  occurred,  which  must  have  convinced  General  Gage  of  the  unity 
of  the  people,  their  zeal  in  the  cause  of  freedom,  and  their  compe- 
tent physical  force  to  maintain  their  cause.  A  rumor  went 
forth*  that  the  ships  of  war  were  cannonading  Boston,  and 
the  regular  troops  massacreing  the  inhabitants  without  distinction  of 
age  or  sex.f  This  news  spread  like  wild-fire  throughout  Massachu- 
setts and  Connecticut,  and  in  less  than  thirty-six  hours,  the  country  was 
rallied  for  more  than  one  hundred  and  seventy  miles  in  extent.  From 
the  shores  of  Long  Island  to  the  green  hills  of  Berkshire,  "  to  arms  ! 
to  arms  !"  was  the  universal  cry.  Instantly,  nothing  was  seen  on  all 
sides,  but  men  of  all  ages  cleansing  and  burnishing  their  arms,  and 
furnishing  themselves  with  provisions  and  warlike  stores,  and  pre- 
paring for  an  immediate  march ;  gentlemen  of  rank  and  fortune 
exhorting  and  encouraging  others  by  their  advice  and  example.  The 
roads  were  soon  crowded  with  armed  men  marching  for  Boston  with 
great  rapidity,  but  without  noise  or  tumult.  No  boisterous  mirth  or 
irregularity  of  any  kind,  attended  their  march,  but  silent  firmness 
and  invincible  determination  were  portrayed  in  every  facet  Full 
thirty  thousand  men  were  under  arms  and  speeding  towards  Boston  ; 
nor  did  they  halt  until  well  assured  that  the  report  was  untrue. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  August,  the  other  two  acts  of  Parliament 
arrived,  the  oppressive  character  of  which  put  an  end  to  every  hope 
or  expectation  of  reconciliation.  The  people  plainly  saw  the  mana- 
cles about  to  be  placed  upon  them,  and  the  violence  of  determined 


*  Otis'a  Botta,  vol.  i.,  p.  124. 

f  It  is  thought  by  some  that  this  rumor  was  set  afloat  by  the  patriot  chiefs  to  let  the 
British  soldiers  perceive  that  if  tbey  should  venture  to  offer  the  shadow  of  violence, 
a  signal  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  would  suffice  to  make  them  repent  of  it. 

X  Hinman's  Historical  Collection  from  official  Records,  Files,  &c,  of  the  part 
sustained  by  Connecticut  during  the  War  of  the  Revolution.     Hartford  :  1842. 

9 


128  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774. 

Indignation  spreading  over  the  Colonies.  Massachusetts'  Provincial  Congresi, 

resistance  was  doubled.  The  more  moderate  patriots,  and  those  who 
had  hoped  almost  against  hope  for  an  accommodation,  now  either 
joined  the  active  ones,  or  stood  in  silent  dismay.  Many  districts, 
which  hitherto  had  been  little  more  than  passive  followers  of  the  more 
active  sections,  on  learning  this  breach  of  their  chartered  rights,  burst 
into  a  flame  of  indignation  ;  and  Connecticut,  which  had  always 
pursued  a  conservative  course,  joined  the  others  with  the  greatest 
ardor.  War  was  now  inevitable,  and  all  hearts  were  yearning  for 
the  meeting  of  the  Congress  appointed  to  convene  at  Philadelphia  on 
the  fifth  of  September. 

The  people  of  Boston  became  so  exasperated  because  of  the  for- 
tifications going  on  upon  the  isthmus,  that,  without  coming  to  an 
open  rupture  with  the  troops,  they  threw  every  impediment  in  the 
way  of  their  labor,  burning  the  materials  by  night,  sinking  boats 
laden  with  bricks,  and  overturning  the  wagons  that  were  carrying  the 
timber. 

A  meeting  of  delegates  from  all  the  neighboring  towns  was  held 
at  the  beginning  of  September,  in  spite  of  the  Governor's  proclama- 
tion to  the  contrary.  They  resolved,  "  That  no  obedience  was  due 
to  any  part  of  the  late  acts  of  Parliament,  which  ought  to  be  rejected 
as  the  attempt  of  a  wicked  administration  : — That  it  should  be  re- 
commended to  the  collectors  of  taxes  and  all  other  officers,  who 
had  public  moneys  in  their  hands,  to  retain  the  same,  and  not  to 
make  any  payment  thereof  until  the  civil  government  of  that  province 
should  be  placed  upon  its  old  foundation,  or  until  it  should  be  other- 
wise ordered  by  the  proposed  General  Congress  : — That  the  persons 
who  had  accepted  seats  in  the  Council,  by  virtue  of  a  mandamus 
from  the  King,  had  acted  in  direct  violation  of  the  duty  they  owed  to 
their  country  ;  and  that  all  of  them  who  did  not  resign  before  the 
twentieth  of  September  should  be  considered  as  obstinate  and  incor- 
rigible enemies  to  their  country  : — That  the  late  act,  establishing  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion  in  Quebec,  was  dangerous  in  an  extreme 
degree  to  the  protestant  religion,  and  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
all  America  : — That  whereas,  their  enemies  had  flattered  themselves 
that  they  should  make  an  easy  prey  of  a  numerous  and  brave  people, 
from  a  notion  that  they  were  unacquainted  with  military  discipline, 
such  persons  should  be  elected  in  each  town  as  militia  officers,  as 
were  judged  to  be  of  good  capacity,  and  inflexible  friends  to  the 
rights  of  the  people,  while  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  should  use 
their  utmost  diligence  to  acquaint  themselves  with  the  art  of  war, 
and  for  that  purpose,  appear  under  arms  at  least  once  a  week  : — 
That  they  were  determined  to  act  on  the  defensive  so  long  as  such 
conduct  might  be  vindicated  by  reason,  and  the  principle  of  self- 


chap,  iv.]  EVENTS  OF  1774.  129 


Provincial  commotions  throughout  the  Colonies. 


preservation,  but  no  longer : — That,  as  it  was  understood  to  be  in 
contemplation  by  the  Governor  to  apprehend  sundry  persons,  the 
people  were  recommended,  should  such  arrests  be  made,  to  seize 
and  keep  every  servant  of  the  present  government,  until  those  persons 
so  apprehended  should  be  restored  uninjured,"  &c.  They  also  drew 
up  an  address  to  General  Gage,  complaining  of  the  fortifications  car- 
rying on  at  Boston  Neck,  and  telling  him,  that  although  they  had  no 
inclination  to  commence  hostilities,  they  were  nevertheless  determined 
not  to  submit  to  any  of  the  late  acts  of  the  British  Parliament.  To  this 
Gage  replied,  that  it  was  his  duty  to  preserve  the  peace,  to  pre- 
serve the  lives  of  his  soldiers,  and  to  erect  such  works  as  should 
prevent  their  being  surprised  ;  and  the  cannon  placed  in  battery 
on  Boston  Neck  would  never  be  used  unless  to  repel  hostile  proceed- 
ings.* 

During  the  latter  part  of  July  and  the  whole  month  of  August, 
popular  commotions,  sometimes  violent,  were  witnessed  in  all  parts 
of  the  country.  Alarmed  at  the  seizure  of  arms  and  ammunition 
at  Cambridge,  the  people  in  other  places  took  measures  to  prevent  a 
like  occurrence.  At  Charlestown,  they  took  possession  of  the  maga- 
zine. At  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  they  stormed  the  fort,t  and 
carried  off  the  powder  and  artillery.  At  Newport,  Rhode  Island, 
the  people  did  the  same,  and  took  possession  of  forty  pieces  of  can- 
non which  defended  the  harbor.  The  more  southern  Colonies 
embraced  the  cause  with  great  fervor.  Newbern,  in  North  Carolina, 
reechoed  all  the  declarations  of  Virginia.  Governor  Bull  wrote  from 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  that  the  spirit  of  resistance  was  violent 
and  universal.  The  Assembly,  he  said,  though  summoned  at  ten, 
met  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning ;  on  learning  which,  he  hastened 
to  the  place,  but  before  he  could  arrive,  five  delegates  to  Congress 
were  elected.  At  Wilmington,  the  people  determined  to  send  sup- 
plies to  Boston,  "  to  alleviate  her  distress,  and  induce  her  to  maintain 
with  prudence  and  firmness,  the  glorious  cause  in  which  she  at 
present  suffered.  From  Savannah,  Sir  James  Wright  wrote  and 
complained  of  the  "  phrensy  among  the  people,"  and  of  their  lawless 
proceedings.  Virginia,  as  we  have  already  seen,  took,  simultane- 
ously with  Boston,  the  foremost  step.  At  a  convention  held  at 
Williamsburgh,  in  August,  they  appointed  delegates  to  the  General 
Congress,  among  whom  was  the  immortal  Washington.  Pennsyl- 
vania was  firm  but  moderate.  Governor  Penn  had  been  solicited  in 
vain,  to  call  an  Assembly ;  the  people  therefore  met  in  July  in  con- 
vention, at  Philadelphia,  and  appointed  Delegates  to  the  General 

*  Gordon.  f  Fort  William  and  Mary. 


130  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774/ 

Appointment  of  Delegates  to  the  General  Congress.  First  idea  of  Independence. 

Congress.  The  meeting  drew  up  instructions*  to  these  delegates, 
expressing  in  strong  terms  their  distress  at  the  unhappy  differences 
existing  between  Great  Britain  and  her  American  Colonies,  and  their 
ardent  desire  for  a  reconciliation.!  It  was  also  declared  that,  pro- 
vided the  mother  country  would  renounce  the  rights  of  internal  legis- 
lation and  taxation,  and  consent  to  the  liberation  of  Boston,  they 
would  consider  it  expedient  to  satisfy  the  East  India  Company,  and 
to  grant  to  his  Majesty  a  certain  annual  revenue.  Mr.  Dickenson 
also  wrote  to  Mr.  Otis,  and  attempted  to  cool  what  he  considered  the 
intemperate  zeal  of  the  patriots  of  Massachusetts  ;  but  Mr.  Otis  very 
properly  replied,  that  Pennsylvania,  bearing  a  much  lighter  burden 
than  they,  could  not  well  appreciate  their  impulsive  movements  ; 
and  he  expressed  a  dread  of  the  prevalence  of  lukewarmness  and 
timidity,  now  in  the  darkest .  hour  of  trial,  which  would  inevitably 
enslave  them.J  New  York  gave  the  government  greater  support 
than  any  other  Colony.  The  whole  province  was  comparatively 
tranquil,  although  zeal  and  activity  in  the  cause  of  freedom  were 
not  wanting.  The  Assembly  refused  to  elect  delegates  to  the 
General  Congress,  and  they  were  appointed  by  town  meetings. § 

*  These  were  framed  by  John  Dickenson,  the  author  of  "  Letters  of  a  Pennsylva- 
nia Farmer." 

f  It  is  not  easy  to  determine  at  what  precise  date  the  idea  of  Independence  was 
first  entertained  by  the  principal  persons  in  America.  English  writers,  arguing 
from  the  conduct  of  the  Colonists,  have  commonly  charged  them  with  secretly  har- 
boring such  designs  at  a  very  early  period.  This  is  not  probable.  The  spirit  and 
form  of  their  institutions,  it  is  true,  led  them  to  act  frequently  as  an  independent 
people,  and  to  set  up  high  claims  in  regard  to  their  rights  and  privileges ;  but  there 
is  no  sufficient  evidence  to  prove  that  any  province,  or  any  number  of  prominent 
individuals,  entertained  serious  thoughts  of  separating  entirely  from  the  mother 
country,  till  very  near  the  actual  commencement  of  the  War  of  the  Revolution. 

It  was  the  belief  before  the  meeting  of  the  Congress,  particularly  of  the  more 
cautious  and  moderate,  that  petitions  to  the  King  and  Parliament,  by  a  body  of 
Representatives  assembled  from  all  parts  of  the  Colonies,  would  be  respected,  and, 
in  the  end,  procure  redress.  They,  on  the  contrary,  who,  like  Washington,  had  no 
confidence  in  the  success  of  this  measure,  looked  forward  to  the  probable  appeal  to 
arms,  but  still  without  any  other  anticipations,  than,  by  a  resolute  vindication  of 
their  rights,  to  effect  a  change  in  the  conduct  and  policy  of  the  British  government, 
and  restore  the  Colonies  to  their  former  condition.  It  was  not  till  these  petitions 
were  rejected  with  a  show  of  indifference,  if  not  of  contempt,  that  the  eyes  of  all 
were  opened  to  the  necessity  of  unconditional  submission,  or  united  resistance. 
From  that  time  the  word  independence  was  boldly  pronounced,  and  soon  became  a 
familiar  sound  to  the  ears  of  the  whole  people. — Sparks's  Life  of  Washington 
(i.  vol.),  p.  122. 

%  Pitkin,  vol.  i.,  p.  274. 

§  To  show  what  unanimity  of  feeling  and  absence  of  party  was  exhibited  by  the 
people,  the  following  extract  is  given : — 

"  By  duly  certified  polls,  taken  by  proper  persons,  in  seven  Wards,  it  appears 
that  James  Duane,  John  Jay,  Philip  Livingston,  Isaac  Low,  and  John  Alsop,  Esqs., 
were  elected  as  delegates  for  the  city  and  county  of  New  York,  to  attend  the  Con- 


chap,  iv.]  EVENTS  OF  1774.  131 

Meeting  of  Congress.  Character  of  its  Members. 

held  at  various  places  in  the  province.  It  will  be  perceived,  that, 
notwithstanding  the  obstacles  thrown  in  the  way  by  Colonial  Govern- 
ors and  the  friends  of  the  home  government,  twelve  of  the  thirteen 
Colonies  appointed  delegates  to  the  Congress  ;  an  assembly,  for  the 
result  of  the  deliberations  of  which,  all  hearts  beat  high  with  hope — 
the  patriot  expectant  of  vigorous  measures  of  resistance,  and  the 
lukewarm  and  the  royalist,  equally  expectant  of  reconciliation. 

On  the  fifth  of  September,  the  General  Congress  met  at 
Philadelphia.  They  assembled  in  Carpenter's  Hall,  Chestnut  street, 
and  organized  by  the  apppintment  of  Peyton  Randolph,  of  Virginia, 
President,  and  Charles  Thomson,  Secretary.  There  were  fifty-five 
delegates  appointed,  representing  twelve  of  the  thirteen  Colonies  ;* 
and  all  were  present  at  ^ the  organization  except  those  from  North 
Carolina,  who  did  not  arrive  until  the  fourteenth  of  the  month.  All 
of  them  were  men  of  much  local  and  general  influence  ;  all  well  known 
for  their  ability  and  virtues,  in  their  respective  provinces,  and  many 
of  them  possessing  a  popularity  as  extensive  as  the  Anglo-American 
domain.  They  were  chiefly  men  of  fortune,  and  nearly  all  of  them 
landed  proprietors.  They  had  been  faithful  students  of  mankind  and 
the  history  of  the  race ;  and  not  one  of  them  lacked  ample  know- 
ledge of  the  great  principles  which  impelled  them  to  form  that  con- 
vocation. And  their  own  sound  judgment  and  discretion,  their  own 
purity  of  purpose  and  integrity  of  conduct,  were  fortified  and  strength- 
ened by  the  voice  of  the  people  in  popular  assemblies,  embodied  in 
written  instructions  for  the  guidance  of  their  Representatives.  Such 
were  the  men  to  whose  keeping,  as  instruments  of  Providence, 
the  destinies  of  America  were  for  the  time  intrusted  ;  and  it  has 
been  well  remarked,  that  men  other  than  such  as  these — an  ignorant, 
untaught  mass  like  those  who  have  formed  the  physical  elements  of 
other  revolutionary  movements,  without  sufficient  intellect  to  guide 
and  control  them — could  not  have  conceived,  planned,  and  carried 
into  execution,  such  a  mighty  movement,  and  one  so  fraught  with 


gress  at  Philadelphia,  the  first  day  of  September  next,  and  at  a  meeting  of  the 
committees  of  several  districts  in  the  county  of  Westchester,  the  same  gentlemen 
were  appointed  to  represent  that  county  ;  also  by  a  letter  from  Jacob  Lansing,  jun. , 
chairman  in  behalf  of  the  committee  for  Albany,  it  appears  that  city  and  county  had 
adopted  the  same  for  their  delegates.  By  another  letter  it  appears  that  the  committees 
from  the  several  districts  in  the  county  of  Duchess,  had  likewise  adopted  the  same, 
as  delegates,  to  represent  that  county  in  Congress,  and  that  committees  of  other 
towns  approve  of  them  as  delegates.  By  a  writing  duly  attested,  it  appears,  the 
county  of  Suffolk,  in  the  Colony  of  New  York,  have  appointed  Colonel  William 
Floyd,  to  represent  them  in  Congress." — Credentials  of  the  Delegates  from  JVew 
York.  Journal  of  the  First  Continental  Congress  (Folwell),  September  5,  1774.  x 
*  See  Appendix,  Note  III. 


132  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774. 

Pitts  Opinion  of  the  Congress.  What  was  expected  of  it. 

tangible  marks  of  political  wisdom,  as  the  American  Revolution. 
And  it  is  no  unmerited  panegyric  or  idle  boast  to  say  that  there 
never  assembled  the  same  number  of  men,  who,  for  intellect,  sound 
judgment,  discretion,  purity  and  disinterestedness,  were  superior 
to  those  fifty-five  representatives  of  the  twelve  English  States  of 
North  America.  Pitt,  the  great  English  statesman,  after  reading  the 
various  documents  which  they  put  forth  during  the  session,  gave  the 
following  testimonial  concerning  their  wisdom  :  '  I  must  declare  and 
avow  that  in  all  my  reading  and  study — and  it  has  been  my  favorite 
study — I  have  read  Thucydides,  and  have  studied  and  admired  the 
master  states  of  the  world — that  for  solidity  of  reasoning,  force  of 
sagacity,  and  wisdom  of  conclusion,  under  such  a  complication  of 
circumstances,  no  nation  or  body  of  men  can  stand  in  preference  to 
the  General  Congress  at  Philadelphia.'  " 

"  For  a  long  time,"  says  the  eloquent  Charles  Botta,  "  no  specta- 
cle had  been  offered  to  the  attention  of  mankind,  of  so  powerful  an 
interest,  as  this  of  the  present  American  Congress.  It  was  indeed  a 
novel  thing,  and,  as  it  were,  miraculous,  that  a  nation,  hitherto  almost 
unknown  to  the  people  of  Europe,  or  only  known  by  the  commerce  it 
occasionally  exercised  in  their  ports,  should,  all  at  once,  step  forth 
from  this  state  of  oblivion,  and,  rousing  as  from  a  long  slumber, 
should  seize  the  reins  to  govern  itself;  that  the  various  parts  of 
this  nation,  hitherto  disjointed,  and  almost  in  opposition  to  each  other, 
should  now  be  united  in  one  body,  and  moved  by  a  single  will ;  that 
their  long  and  habitual  obedience  should  be  suddenly  changed  for 
the  intrepid  counsels  of  resistance,  and  of  open  defiance  to  the  for- 
midable nation  whence  they  derived  their  origin  and  laws."* 

To  this  Assembly,  all  hearts  were  turned  with  the  deepest  anxiety. 
It  was  universally  felt  that  their  acts  would  be  the  pivot  on  which 
the  destinies  of  the  Colonies  must  turn.  It  was  generally  believed, 
that  the  acts  of  such  a  body  of  men  would  be  treated  with  regard  by 
the  British  government,  and  that  their  appeals  would  be  carefully 
listened  to  and  respectfully  heeded  by  ministers  ;  and  therefore  it 
was  felt  that  they  had  the  power,  either  to  remove  the  evils  com- 
plained of  through  the  medium  of  conciliation,  or  to  remove  them  by 
an  appeal  to  arms.  A  desire  for  a  reconciliation  on  honorable  terms 
was  wide-spread,  although  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  there  were  many 
who  secretly  wished  for  a  state  of  political  independence  ;  but  such  a 
sentiment  not  having  been  avowed  by  the  voice  of  public  assemblies, 
it  is  a  fair  inference  that  the  General  Congress  met  with  a  full  de 
termination  to  effect  a  reconciliation,  if  possible,  with  the  mother 

*  Otis's  Botta,  vol.  i.,  p.  128. 


chap,  iv.]  EVENTS  OF  1774.  133 

European  Sympathy.  Patrick  Henry's  Prediction* 

country.*  Looking  abroad,  the  Congress  saw  that  a  decisive  blow 
for  independence  would  be  popular,  even  among  a  large  portion  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain,  who  sympathized  with  their  Ame- 
rican brethren ;  while  the  people,  and  even  some  of  the  govern- 
ments of  continental  Europe,  would  have  rejoiced  at  the  consumma- 
tion of  such  an  act.  France  and  Spain,  the  sworn  enemies  of  the 
English,  would  gladly  have  contributed  all  that  definitive  treaties 
would  allow,  to  produce  such  a  result.  Although  political  writers 
in  Europe  were  beginning  to  be  more  liberal,  and  advocated  pretty 
freely  more  popular  forms  of  government,  yet  the  encouragement  the 
Americans  would  have  received  at  that  time  from  continental  Europe 
would  have  been  the  offspring  of  hatred  of  Great  Britain,  rather  than 
of  good  will  to  the  cause  of  Human  Freedom,  or  an  affinity  to  the 
avowed  principles  which  actuated  the  men  then  in  Congress  assem- 
bled. But  the  Congress  was  determined  not  to  present  the  least 
foundation  for  a  charge  of  rushing  madly  into  an  unnatural  contest, 
without  presenting  the  olive  branch  of  peace ;  and  it  therefore, 
during  its  whole  session,  directed  all  its  functions  in  a  channel  calcu- 
lated to  secure  rights  withheld  and  principles  violated  ;  and  that 
channel  was  a  satisfactory  reconciliation,  honorable  alike  to  both 
parties.  With  these  sentiments,  and  an  intense  desire  for  their 
country's  welfare,  the  Delegates  commenced  their  labors. 

On  the  second  day  of  the  session,  Congress  adopted  a  resolution, 
"  That  the  door  be  kept  shut  during  the  time  of  business,  and  that 
the  members  consider  themselves  under  the  strongest  obligations  of 
honor,  to  keep  the   proceedings  secret,  until  the  majority  shall  direct 

*  There  were  some  who,  from  the  first,  seemed  to  have  a  presentiment  that  recon- 
ciliation was  out  of  the  question.  Among  these  was  Patrick  Henry.  As  early  as 
1773,  he  uttered  the  following  prediction.  Speaking  of  Great  Britain,  he  said, 
"  She  will  drive  us  to  extremities;  no  accommodation  will  take  place ;  hostilities 
will  soon  commence ;  and  a  desperate  and  bloody  touch  it  will  be."  This,  Mr. 
Wirt  asserts,  was  said  in  the  presence  of  Colonel  Samuel  Overton,*  who  at  once 
asked  Mr.  Henry  if  he  thought  the  Colonies  sufficiently  strong  to  oppose  success- 
fully the  fleets  and  armies  of  Great  Britain  ?  "  I  will  be  candid  with  you,"  replied 
Mr.  Henry  ;  "  I  doubt  whether  we  shall  be  able,  alone,  to  cope  with  so  powerful 
a  nation ;  but,"  continued  he,  rising  from  his  chair  with  great  animation,  "  where 
is  France  ?  Where  is  Spain  ?  Where  is  Holland  ?  the  natural  enemies  of  Great 
Britain.  Where  will  they  be  all  this  while  ?  Do  you  suppose  they  will  stand 
by,  idle  and  indifferent  spectators  to  the  contest?  Will  Louis  XVI.  be  asleep  all 
this  time?  Believe  me,  no  !  When  Louis  XVI.  shall  be  satisfied  by  our  serious 
opposition,  and  our  Declaration  of  Independence,  that  all  prospect  of  a  reconcilia- 
tion is  gone,  then,  and  not  till  then,  will  he  furnish  us  with  arms,  ammunition  and 
clothing ;  and  not  with  them  only,  but  he  will  send  his  fleets  and  armies  to  fight  our 
battles  for  us  ;  he  will  form  a  treaty  with  us,  offensive  and  defensive,  against  our 
unnatural  mother.  Spain  and  Holland  will  join  the  confederation  !  Our  independ- 
ence will  be  established  !  and  we  shall  take  our  stand  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth  !"  How  literally  these  predictions  were  soon  fulfilled,  the  pen  of  History  has 
already  recorded. 


134  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774. 

Various  Important  Acts  of  Congress. 

them  to  be  made  public."  The  Delegates  then  proceeded  to  consider 
the  deplorable  state  of  Boston  and  the  Massachusetts  Colony  in 
general ;  and  addressed  a  letter  to  General  Gage  praying  him  to  ter- 
minate hostile  preparations  that  inflamed  the  people  and  would  drive 
them  into  a  war ;  to  repress  military  license,  and  restore  a  free 
intercourse  between  the  city  and  the  country.  They  then  adopted, 
and  ordered  to  be  printed,  a  Declaration  of  Rights,  setting  forth  that 
Parliament  had  of  late  years  undertaken  to  tax  the  Colonies  ;  to 
establish  an  extraordinary  Board  of  Customs  ;  to  extend  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  court  of  admiralty  ;  to  grant  salaries  to  judges,  without 
the  concurrence  of  the  Colonial  Assemblies  ;  to  maintain- a  standing 
army  in  times  of  peace  ;  to  ordain  that  persons  charged  with  offences 
affecting  the  State,  should  be  conveyed  to  England  for  trial ;  to  sub- 
vert the  regulations  of  the  government  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
respecting  the  prosecution  of  those  who  should  be  questioned  for 
acts  committed  in  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  in  opposition  to 
tumults  ;  and,  finally,  to  abolish  the  English  laws  in  Canada,  and  to 
grant  extraordinary  favor  to  the  Roman  Catholics  in  that  province. 
They  pronounced  the  foregoing  acts  of  Parliament  impolitic,  unjust, 
cruel,  contrary  to  the  constitution,  and  dangerous  to,  and  destructive 
of,  American  rights.  They  stated,  that  this  Congress  had  been 
convoked  because  the  various  Assemblies  in  the  several  provinces 
had  been  repeatedly  dissolved  by  the  Governors,  and  this  was  the 
only  means  left  them  to  vindicate  and  secure  their  rights  and  liber- 
ties. They  then  enumerated  their  rights,  such  as  life,  liberty  and 
property,  and  the  rights  peculiar  to  English  subjects — participation 
in  the  legislative  council  ;  of  being  tried  by  their  Peers  of  the  vici- 
nage, and  also  of  peaceably  assembling  and  addressing  their  petitions 
to  the  King.  They  also  protested  against  keeping  a  standing  army 
here  without  the  consent  of  the  Colonies,  and  in  conclusion,  recapi- 
tulated the  various  acts  of  Parliament  which  they  deemed  violations 
of  these  rights. 

During  the  session,  Congress  adopted  a  new  non-consumption, 
non-importation,  and  non-exportation  agreement,  which  was  signed 
by  all  the  members.  Also  an  address  of  the  several  Colonies  to  the 
people  of  Great  Britain  ;  a  memorial  to  the  several  Anglo-American 
Colonies  ;  an  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  of  Quebec, 
and  a  petition  to  the  King.*  The  petition  was  sent  to  the  Colonial 
agents  then  in  England,  with  instructions  to  put  it  into  the  hands  of 
the  King ;  and  with  the  information  that  it  was  their  determination 

*  These  important  documents,  embodying  the  sentiments  and  spirit  of  our  revo- 
lutionary fathers,  are  published  in  full  in  the  Appendix,  Note  IV.  They  are 
carefully  copied  from  the  Journals  of  the  First  Continental  Congress. 


"chap,  iv.]  EVENTS  OF  1774.  135 

Provision  for  a  Now  Coniires*.  Approbation  of  the  Provincial  Assembly. 

to  meet  again  in  May,  of  the  ensuing  year.*  The  Congress  also  ad- 
dressed letters  to  the  Colonies  of  St.  John's,  Nova  Scotia,  Georgia 
and  the  Floridas,  inviting  their  cooperation.  A  resolution  was  also 
adopted  declaring  that  on  the  arrest  of  any  person  in  America,  in  order 
to  transport  such  person  beyond  the  sea,  for  trial  of  offences  com- 
mitted in  America,  resistance  and  reprisals  should  be  made.  Some 
of  these  measures  were  considered  rather  bold  by  a  few  timid  spirits 
who  hoped  for  a  reconciliation,  and  they  were  disposed  to  sign  a 
protest  ;  but  the  zealous  determination  of  the  eastern  patriots  pre- 
vented a  step  which  would  have  been  so  inimical  to  the  best  interests 
of  the  country  at  that  crisis.  "  I  should  advise,"  said  Samuel  Ad- 
ams, "  persisting  in  our  struggle  for  liberty,  though  it  was  revealed 
from  heaven  that  nine  hundred  and  ninety-nine  were  to  perish,  and 
only  one  of  a  thousand  were  to  survive  and  retain  his  liberty  !  One 
such  freeman  must  possess  more  virtue,  and  enjoy  more  happiness 
than  a  thousand  slaves  ;  and  let  him  propagate  his  like,  and  transmit 
to  them  what  he  hath  so  nobly  preserved  !" 

Having  finished  these  various  labors,  they  appointed  the  tenth  of 
May  of  the  following  year  for  the  convocation  of  another  General 
Congress,  provided  the  grievances  of  which  they  complained 
were  not  removed,  and  then  adjourned.*1 

The  transactions  of  the  Congress  were  received  with  universal 
favor  throughout  the  Colonies  by  the  people  at  public  meetings,  and 
by  the  provisional  authorities  and  regular  assemblies  when  convened. 
The  Pennsylvania  Assembly  was  the  first  to  ratify  their  proceedings, 
and  appoint  deputies  for  the  next  Congress.  The  people  of  Mary- 
land displayed  great  ardor,  and  the  most  influential  citizens  were 
proud  in  being  armed  for  their  country's  defence.  The  militia  were 
exercised  daily,  and  were  withdrawn  from  the  authority  of  the  Go- 
vernor and  placed  under  that  of  the  province.  New  Hampshire  and 
Delaware  followed  this  example  ;  and  South  Carolina  acted  with 
prompt  energy  in  responding  cordially  to  the  proceedings  of  the 
Congress.  The  ardor  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia 
was  without  bounds,  and  warlike  preparations  were  seen  on  every 
side.  In  the  New  England  provinces,  the  ministers  of  the  gospel 
did  signal  service  in  the  good  cause.  Their  influence  was  very  great 
over  their  flocks,  and  when  from  their  pulpits  they  proclaimed  that 
the  cause  of  freedom  was  the  cause  of  heaven,  the  sentiment  met 
a  sympathetic  response  in  almost  every  bosom. 

New  York  alone  marred  the  general  unanimity  of  the  Colonies. 
In  the  city  there  was  much  party  division,  and  when  the  act  of  Con- 

*  These  agents  were  Paul  Wentworth,  Benjamin  Franklin,  William  Bolan, 
Arthur  Lee,  Thomas  Life,  Edmund  Burke,  and  Charles  Garth. 


136 

THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.                        [1774. 

Provi 

ncial  Congress  of  Massachusetts.                                  Origin  of  the  names  "  Whig  "  and  "  Tory." 

gress  concerning  the  regulation  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain, 
was  laid  before  them,  they  refused  to  adopt  it.  New  York  was 
then,  as  now,  the  chief  commercial  depot  of  America  ;  and  this  fact, 
connected  with  the  great  influence  of  the  large  proportion  of  loyal- 
ists* resident  in  the  Colony,  caused  the  non-consumption  and  non- 
importation agreement  especially,  to  be  unpalatable. 

In  Massachusetts,  another  demonstration  of  the  determined  will 
of  the  people  in  maintaining  their  just  rights,  took  place  at  Salem. 
Governor  Gage  had  issued  writs  calling  the  General  Assembly  to- 
gether on  the  fifth  of  October,  to  meet  at  that  place  ;  but,  perceiving 
the  firm  and  decided  tone  of  the  General  Congress,  then  still  in  ses- 
sion, he  thought  it  expedient  to  countermand  the  order,  and  issued 
a  proclamation  accordingly.  The  election,  however,  had  taken 
place,  and  the  representatives,  declaring  the  proclamation  unlawful, 
met  at  the  time  appointed  to  the  number  of  ninety.  They  resolved 
themselves  into  a  provincial  Congress,  unsanctioned,  of  course,  by 
the  Governor,  and  elected  John  Hancock  their  president.  They  then 
adjourned  to  Concord,  where  they  were  joined  by  others  who  were 
not  elected,  or  at  least  were  not  present,  at  their  first  organization. 
The  first  measure  of  the  Congress  was  to  appoint  a  committee  to 
wait  upon  Governor  Gage  with  a  remonstrance  on  the  subject  of  the 
fortifications  of  the  isthmus.  To  this  the  Governor  replied,  that  no 
offensive  hostility  was  contemplated  in  the  erection  of  those  defences, 
but  seeing  the  warlike  spirit,  and  bitter  enmity  of  the  people,  he  felt 
it  his  duty  to  be  prepared  for  any  needful  defence.  He  pronounced 
their  assembly  illegal,  and  in  contravention  of  the  charter  of  the 
province. 

*  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  appellation  of  Tory  was  applied  to  the  royalists,  and 
the  term  WTiig  assumed  by  the  patriotsf  The  origin  of  the  term  Whig  is  vari- 
ously given.  Bishop  Burnet,  in  his  "  History  of  his  Own  Times,"  gives  the  fol- 
lowing explanation :  "  The  southwest  counties  of  Scotland  have  seldom  corn  enough 
to  serve  them  round  the  year ;  and  the  northern  parts  producing  more  than  they 
need,  those  in  the  west  come  in  the  summer  to  buy  at  Leith  the  stores  that  come 
from  the  north,  and  from  a  word,  whiggam,  used  in  driving  their  horses,  all  that 
drove  were  called  whiggamores,  and  shorter,  the  whiggs.  Now,  in  that  year,  after 
the  news  came  down  of  Duke  Hamilton's  defeat,  the  ministers  animated  their  peo- 
ple to  rise  and  march  to  Edinburgh,  and  then  came  up  marching  at  the  head  of  their 
parishes,  with  unheard-of  fury,  praying  and  preaching  all  the  way  as  they  came. 
The  Marquis  of  Argyle  and  his  party  came  and  headed  them,  they  being  about  six 
thousand.  This  was  called  the  Whiggamore's  inroad,  and  ever  after  that,  all  that 
opposed  the  court  came,  in  contempt,  to  be  called  Whigg ;  and  from  Scotland,  the 
word  was  brought  into  England,  where  it  is  now  one  of  our  unhappy  terms  of  dis- 
tinction." Subsequently  all  whose  party  bias  was  democratic,  were  called  Whigs. 
The  origin  of  the  word  Tory  is  not  so  well  attested.  The  Irish  malcontents,  half 
robbers  and  half  insurgents,  who  harassed  the  English  in  Ireland,  at  the  period  of 
the  massacre  in  1640,  were  the  first  to  whom  this  epithet  was  applied.  It  was  also 
applied  to  the  court  party  as  a  term  of  reproach. 


chap,  iv.]  EVENTS  OF  1774  137 

Enrolment  of  "  Minute  Men."  General  Defection  from  the  British  Government 

On  the  return  of  the  committee,  the  Congress  adjourned  to  Cam- 
bridge, where  they  proceeded  to  elaborate  a  plan  for  the  military 
defence  of  the  province.  They  made  provision  for  ammunition*  and 
military  stores,  which  were  speedily  collected  at  Concord,  the  de- 
signated depot.  They  also  made  provision  for  arming  the  whole 
province.  Twelve  thousand  of  the  militia  were  enrolled  under  the 
title  of  minute  men,  who  were  to  be  ready  to  march  to  battle  at  a 
minute's  warning.  They  sent  invitations  to  Connecticut  and  Rhode 
Island  to  follow  their  example,  and  increase  their  number  of  minute 
men  to  twenty  thousand,  which  request  was  promptly  complied  with, 
and  its  suggestions  as  promptly  executed.  Committees  of  Safety, 
of  Supplies,  &c,  were  appointed,  and  two  military  men,  Jedediah 
Preble  and  Artemas  Ward,  who  had  had  considerable  experience  in 
the  French  and  Indian  wars,  were  chosen  generals  of  the  provincial 
militia  or  other  troops  that  might  be  raised. 

These  warlike  preparations  alarmed  the  friends  of  government  in 
the  vicinity  of  Boston,  and  many  of  them  fled  into  the  city  for  pro- 
tection ;  but  the  stringent  measures  of  the  patriots  were  fast  crip- 
pling the  resources  and  strength  of  Governor  Gage.  It  was  with  the 
greatest  difficulty  that  he  could  procure  carpenters  and  masons  to 
erect  barracks  Outside  of  the  city  for  his  troops  ;  and  as  no  supplies 
of  provisions,  at  all  adequate  to  his  wants,  could  be  procured  from 
the  country,  he  was  obliged  to  receive  all  that  he  needed,  by  sea,  from 
distant  places.  In  this  state  of  things,  Governor  Gage  became 
alarmed,  and  apprehending  that  the  people  of  Boston  might  point 
his  own  cannon  upon  the  fortifications  against  him,  he  caused  a  party 
of  sailors  to  be  landed  by  night  from  the  ships  of  war  in  the  harbor, 
to  spike  all  the  guns  upon  one  of  the  town  batteries. t 

When  the  Congress  adjourned,"  the  whole  country  had 
become  thoroughly  aroused,  and  there  seemed  to  be  no  other 
alternative  than  quiet  submission  or  a  resort  to  arms.  The  execu- 
tive and  legislative  powers  in  the  Colonies  had  become  completely 
transposed.  The  ancient  forms  of  government  remained,  but  new 
laws  were  enacted,  and  all  authority  was  taken  from  the  Governors 
and  their  Councils,  and  vested  in  the  provincial  Assemblies.  All 
authority  on  the  part  of  government  officers  was  terminated,  and  a 
revolution,  bloodless  as  yet,  was  already  effected,  which  many  hoped 
might  result  in  permanent  independence,  or  a  thorough  disenthral- 
ment  from  the  oppressions  which  had  driven  them  to  this  extreme. 
They  hoped  these  energetic  measures  would  convince  the   British 

*  Mills  were  erected  for  making  gunpowder;   manufactories  were  set  up  for 
making  arms,  and  great  encouragement  was  offered  for  making  saltpetie. — Stedman* 
f  Pictorial  History  of  the  Reign  of  George  III.,  vol.  i.,  p.  ISO. 


138  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774. 

Instructions  to,  and  activity  of,  the  Colonial  Agents  in  England. 

government  of  the  futility  of  attempting  to  coerce  the  Colonies  into  an 
abandonment  of  their  principles  so  clearly  understood  and  universally 
avowed,  that  it  would  apply  itself  in  earnest  to  give  another  direction 
to  American  affairs — a  direction  calculated  to  insure,  through  just 
and  liberal  measures,  permanent  loyalty  to  the  British  crown. 

While  these  stirring  scenes  were  transpiring  in  America,  Doctor 
Franklin  and  the  other  Colonial  agents  in  England  were  exceedingly 
active  in  moulding  the  public  mind  there,  as  far  as  they  were  able, 
in  favor  of  the  cause  of  the  Colonies.  Every  possible  means  was 
used  to  give  a  general  circulation  to  the  addresses  to  the  people  of 
Great  Britain,  and  to  the  King,  which  Congress  had  adopted  ;*  and 
Franklin,  assisted  by  other  friends  of  America  (some  of  them  Mem- 
bers of  Parliament),  traversed  all  the  manufacturing  towns  of  the  north 
of  England,!  and  by  personal  communications  enlightened  the  inhabit- 
ants upon  the  great  question  at  issue,  on  which  subject  they  were 
kept  in  profound  ignorance  by  their  own  countrymen,  as  far  as  with- 

*  On  the  twenty-sixth  of  October,  the  day  on  which  Congress  adjourned,  the 
following  letter  of  instructions  to  the  Colonial  agents  in  England,  written  by  Mr. 
Jay,  was  adopted  by  Congress  : 

"  Philadelphia,  Oct.  26,  1774. 

"  Gentlemen  : — We  give  you  the  strongest  proof  of  our  reliance  on  your  zeal  and 
attachment  to  the  happiness  of  America  and  the  cause  of  liberty,  when  we  commit 
the  enclosed  paper  to  your  care. 

"  We  desire  you  will  deliver  the  petition  into  the  hands  of  his  Majesty,  and  after 
it  has  been  presented,  we  wish  it  may  be  made  public  through  the  press,  together 
with  the  list  of  grievances.  And  as  we  hope  for  great  assistance  from  the  spirit, 
virtue  and  justice  of  the  nation,  it  is  our  earnest  desire,  that  the  most  effectual  care 
be  taken,  as  early  as  possible,  to  furnish  the  trading  cities  and  manufacturing 
towns,  throughout  the  United  Kingdom,  with  our  memorial  to  the  people  of  Great 
Britain. 

"We  doubt  not  but  your  good  sense  and  discernment  will  lead  you  to  avail  your- 
selves of  every  assistance  that  may  be  derived  from  the  advice  and  friendship  of  all 
great  and  good  men,  who  may  incline  to  aid  the  cause  of  liberty  and  mankind. 

"  The  gratitude  of  America  expressed  in  the  enclosed  vote  of  thanks,*  we  desire 
may  be  conveyed  to  the  deserving  objects  of  it,  in  the  manner  you  think  will  be 
most  acceptable  to  them. 

"  It  is  proposed,  that  another  Congress  be  held  on  the  tenth  of  May  next,  at  this 
place  ;  but  in  the  meantime,  we  beg  the  favor  of  you,  gentlemen,  to  transmit  to  the 
Speakers  of  the  several  Assemblies,  the  earliest  information  of  the  most  authentic 
accounts  you  can  collect,  of  all  such  conduct  and  designs  of  ministry,  or  Parliament, 
as  it  may  concern  America  to  know.  We  are,  with  unfeigned  esteem  and  regard, 
gentlemen,"  &c,  &c. — Journal  of  Congress,  1774. 

f  The  manufacturers  of  these  districts  were  chiefly  dissenters,  and  viewing  the 
established  church  somewhat  in  the  light  of  an  oppressor,  their  loyalty  was  quite 
as  weak  as  that  of  any  class  of  the  population. 

*  Resolved,  That  this  Congress,  in  their  own  names,  and  in  behalf  of  all  those  whom  they  repre- 
sent, do  present  their  most  grateful  acknowledgments  to  those  truly  noble,  honorable,  and  patriotic 
advocates  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  who  have  so  generously  and  powerfully,  though  unsuccess- 
fully, espoused  and  defended  the  cause  of  America  both  in  and  out  of  Parliament. 


chap,  iv.]  EVENTS  OF  1774.  139 

Employment  of  Dr.  Roebuck  by  Ministers.  Meeting  of  a  New  Parliament 

holding  the  truth  was  feasible.  At  this  movement,  ministers  and 
their  friends  became  alarmed,  and  at  once  applied  themselves  to  the 
execution  of  measures  to  counteract  their  efforts.  The  celebrated 
Adam  Smith,*  in  concert  with  Wedderburn,  the  Solicitor  General, 
applied  to  Doctor  Roebuck,  an  eminent  physician  of  Birmingham, 
and  who  was  very  popular  among  the  manufacturing  population, 
earnestly  urging  him  to  follow  in  the  wake  of  Franklin  and  others, 
and  if  possible,  undo  the  mischief  so  called,  which  they  had  done. 
Doctor  Roebuck  complied  with  their  wishes,  but  how  far  he  suc- 
ceeded in  effecting  the  desired  result,  cannot  be  estimated. 

The  Parliament  which  had  been  dissolved  by  proclamation,  and 
writs  issued  for  the  election  of  new  members  on  the  thirtieth  of 
September,  was  convened  on  the  thirtieth  of  November.  Although 
the  proceedings  of  Congress  and  the  approval  thereof  of  all  the 
Colonies  were  not  so  verily  certified  as  to  be  fully  understood  in 
Britain  at  the  opening  of  Parliament,  yet  sufficient  was  known  to 
cause  the  King  in  his  address  from  the  throne  to  speak  of  the  Colo- 
nies as  in  a  state  of  almost  open  rebellion.  He  declared  that  a  dar- 
ing spirit  of  resistance  and  disobedience  to  law  prevailed  in  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  and  that  unwarrantable  attempts  had  been  made  to 
obstruct  the  commerce  of  the  kingdom  by  unlawful  combinations  ; 
and  assured  Parliament  that  he  had  already  adopted,  and  should  con- 
tinue to  adopt,  decisive  measures  to  accomplish  the  establishment 
of  subordination  in  that  Colony,  as  well  as  in  all  the  others,  many 
of  which,  he  said,  were  guilty  of  being  abettors  of  the  revolutionists 
of  New  England.  An  address  to  the  King  and  ministers,  in  the 
usual  form,  was  moved,  but  the  opposition  endeavored  to  attach  an 
amendment  to  it,  asking  the  King  to  lay  before  Parliament  all  let- 
ters, orders  and  instructions,  relating  to  American  affairs,  as  well  as 
all  the  late  intelligence  from  the  Colonies.  This  amendment  Lord 
North  opposed,  on  the  ground  that  it  placed  Great  Britain  in  the 
position  of  making  the  first  advances  towards  a  reconciliation,  which, 
on  account  of  the  many  acts  of  disobedience  and  violations  of  law  of 
which  the  Colonists  were  guilty,  it  was  their  duty  first  to  do.  A 
very  warm  debate  ensued,  and  the  recent  acts,  bearing  heavily  upon 
Massachusetts  Bay,  were  severely  censured  as  unnecessary  and 
cruelly  unjust ;  and  the  Premier  was  sarcastically  reminded  of  the 
beneficial  and  mighty  effects  he  had  predicted  from  those  acts,  which, 
according  to  his  showing,  were  to  u  humble  that  whole  continent  in 
the  dust,  without  any  further  trouble."  But  the  general  bitterness 
of  feeling  towards  America  was  exhibited  when  the  vote  was  taken. 

*  Author  of  the  "Wealth  of  Nations." 


140  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1774. 

Petitions  and  counter  petitions  from  the  Manufacturing  Districts. 

The  amendments  were  rejected ;  and  the  resolution  to  adopt  an 
address  passed  the  House  by  a  majority  of  two  hundred  and  sixty- 
four  against  seventy-three.  In  the  Lords,  a  similar  address  was 
moved,  and  similar  amendments  offered,  which  elicited  a  very  hot 
debate  ;  and  the  final  result  was  the  same  as  in  the  lower  House, — 
the  amendments  were  rejected,  and  the  address  carried  by  a  majority 
of  sixty-three  to  thirteen.  Nine  Peers  of  the  minority  signed  a 
strong  protest,  which  concluded  with  the  following  sensible  remarks  ; 
°  Whatever  may  be  the  mischievous  designs,  or  the  inconsiderate 
temerity,  which  leads  others  to  this  desperate  course,  we  wish  to  be 
known  as  persons  who  have  ever  disapproved  of  measures  so  per- 
nicious in  their  past  effects  and  future  tendencies  ;  and  who  are  not  in 
haste,  without  inquiry  and  information,  to  commit  ourselves  in  decla- 
rations which  may  precipitate  our  country  into  all  the  calamities  of  a 
civil  war." 

Franklin  and  his  associates  had  caused  strong  but  respectful  pe- 
titions to  be  sent  in  from  the  dissenting  manufacturers,*  and  Doctor 
Roebuck  had  also  procured  some  ;  not,  however,  without  the  em- 
ployment of  a  great  deal  of  duplicity.  The  former  were  referred 
to  an  inactive  committee,  justly  stigmatized  by  Burke  a  "  committee 
of  oblivion ;"  whilst  the  counter  petitions  were  all  presented  at  once 
and  acted  upon.  The  vote  in  the  Commons  on  the  address  and  the 
amendment  to  it  offered,  and  the  unfair  action  in  the  matter  of  peti- 
tions, convinced  the  Americans  that  they  had  as  little  favor  to  hope 
for  from  the  new  Parliament,  as  they  had  received  from  the  old. 
They  had  expected  that  the  New  Parliament,  in  a  measure  unpledged 
to  ministers,  would  act  with  more  justice  and  liberality  towards 
them  than  the  late  one  had  done1,  and  to  their  convocation  and  labors 
they  looked  with  much  anxiety ;  for,  coming  fresh  from  the  people, 
and  presumed  to  utter  the  sentiments  of  their  constituents,  it  was 
hoped  that  those  sentiments  were  friendly  and  generous.  But  they 
were  disappointed.  The  last  faint  hope  of  reconciliation  faded 
away,  and  the  people  of  America  began  vigorous  preparations  for 

*  Strong  petitions  were  also  sent  in  from  London,  Bristol,  Liverpool, Manchester, 
Norwich,  Birmingham,  Glasgow,  and  other  cities,  in  which  they  glowingly  portrayed 
the  great  detriment  accruing  to  their  business  from  the  state  of  American  affairs, 
and  implored  Parliament  to  reestablish  pacific  relations  with  America.  But  the 
prayers  of  the  merchants  were  as  little  heeded  as  those  of  the  manufacturers,  and 
the  haughty  contempt  with  which  some  of  the  petitions  were  rejected  by  the  minis- 
terial party  can  only  be  accounted  for  by  supposing  that  the  loyal  bearing  of  New 
York,  one  of  the  most  prominent  of  the  Colonies,  gave  them  an  encouraging  hope 
that  the  other  provinces  were  on  the  point  of  bowing  submissively  to  the  authority 
of  the  British  crown.  A  petition  in  favor  of  the  Americans  from  the  Island  of 
Jamaica  was  even  rejected  with  disdain. 


CHAr.  IV.] 


EVENTS  OF  1774. 


141 


Position  of  the  Colonics. 


open  rebellion.  They  felt  conscious  of  their  purity  of  purpose,  the 
correctness  of  their  principles,  and  the  unity  of  their  hearts  ;  and, 
relying  upon  the  assurance  that  "  thrice  armed  is  he  who  has  his 
quarrel  just,"  they  felt  competent  to  do  battle,  even  with  the  armies 
and  navies  of  haughty  Britain.  While  they  resolved  to  put  forth  in  all 
its  strength  and  majesty  their  whole  manhood,  they  placed  their  firmest 
reliance  upon  that  Providence  which  had  thus  far  been  a  "  cloud  by 
day,  and  a  pillar  of  fire  by  night  "  to  them,  leading  them  on  from  bless- 
ing to  olessing,  to  a  state  of  great  prosperity,  marred  only  by  the  iron 
heel  of  kingly  oppression.  Confident  that  it,  like  that  of  Achilles, 
would  prove  vulnerable,  they  boldly  bent  the  bow. 


Carpenters"  Hall— Philadelphia. 


EVENTS  OF  1775. 


Richard  Montgomery— Israel  Putnam— James  Warren. 


CHAPTER  V. 

j^  URING  the  recess  of  Parliament,  which  was 
prorogued  early  in  December,  far  more  alarming 
intelligence  than  had  yet  been  received,  reached 
ministers  from  America.  Positive  information 
concerning  the  proceedings  of  Congress, — the 
various  able  documents  adopted  by  that  body, 
and  the  decided  voice  of  universal  approval  that 
was  heard  from  every  Colony,  told  ministers,  in  terms 
not  to  be  mistaken,  that  America  was  fairly  aroused, 
and  resolved  to  contend,  with  unbroken  front  and  un- 
daunted spirit,  for  every  prerogative  vouchsafed  them  by  the  British 
constitution.  On  the  nineteenth  of  January,  Parliament  reassem- 
bled, and  Lord  North  laid  before  both  Houses  a  large  mass  of 

10 


144  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  .    [1775. 

Earl  of  Chatham's  proposition  for  an  address  to  the  King. 

documents  received  from  the  Colonial  Governors,  together  with  the 
proceedings  of  the  American  Congress  in  detail. 

On  the  twentieth,  the  Earl  of  Chatham  (William  Pitt)  was  in  his 
place,  quite  contrary  to  the  expectations  of  many,  for  a  report  had 
gone  abroad  that  he  had  washed  his  hands  of  American  affairs,  and 
did  not  intend  even  to  be  in  London  at  the  opening  of  the  session.  But 
he  was  there,  and  opened  the  proceedings  by  proposing,  "  That  an 
humble  address  be  presented  to  his  Majesty  to  desire  and  beseech 
that,  in  order  to  open  the  way  towards  a  happy  settlement  of  the 
dangerous  troubles  in  America,  by  beginning  to  allay  ferments  and 
soften  animosities  there,"  and  to  prevent  any  fatal  catastrophe  at 
Boston,  where  the  people  were  greatly  irritated  by  the  presence  and 
insolence  of  the  troops,  "  it  might  please  his  Majesty  to  immediately 
despatch  orders  to  General  Gage  to  remove  the  force  from  Boston  as 
soon  as  the  rigors  of  the  season  would  permit."  "  I  wish,  my 
Lords,"  said  he,  "  not  to  lose  a  day  in  this  urgent,  pressing  crisis. 
An  hour  now  lost  may  produce  years  of  calamity.  For  my  part,  I 
will  not  desert  for  a  single  moment,  the  conduct  of  this  weighty  busi- 
ness ;  unless  nailed  to  my  bed  by  extremity  of  sickness,  I  will  give 
it  my  unremitted  attention.  I  will  knock  at  the  door  of  this  sleeping 
and  confounded  ministry,  and  will  rouse  them  to  a  sense  of  their 
impending  danger.  When  I  state  the  importance  of  the  Colonies  to 
this  country,  and  the  magnitude  of  danger  from  the  present  plan  of 
misadministration  practised  against  them,  I  desire  not  to  be  under- 
stood to  argue  for  a  reciprocity  of  indulgence  between  England  and 
America.  I  contend  not  for  indulgence,  but  justice  to  America;  and 
I  shall  ever  contend,  that  the  Americans  owe  obedience  to  us  in  a 
limited  degree."  After  stating  the  points  on  which  the  supremacy 
of  the  mother  country  was  justly  predicated,  the  great  orator  con- 
tinued :  "  Resistance  to  your  acts  was  necessary  as  it  was  just ;  and 
your  vain  declarations  of  the  omnipotence  of  Parliament,  and  your 
imperious  doctrines  of  the  necessity  of  submission,  will  be  found 
equally  competent  to  convince  or  to  enslave  your  fellow-subjects  in 
America,  who  feel  that  tyranny,  whether  ambitioned  by  an  individual 
part  of  the  Legislature  or  the  bodies  who  compose  it,  is  equally  in- 
tolerable to  British  subjects."  He  then  drew  a  picture  of  the  condi- 
tion of  the  troops  in  Boston,*  suffering  from  the  inclemencies  of 
winter,  insulted  by  the  inhabitants,  wasting  away  with  sickness  and 

*  In  November  of  the  preceding  year,  Viscount  Barrington,  the  Secretary  of 
War,  advised  Lord  North  to  withdraw  the  troops  from  Boston,  leaving  only  one  regi- 
ment at  Castle  William.  He  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  naval  force  might  be  so 
employed  as  to  reduce  the  Colonies  to  submission,  without  shedding  a  drop  of 
Dlood 


chap,  v.]  EVENTS  OF  1775.  145 

Chatham's  bill  for  reconciliation  with  the  Colonies. 

pining  for  action  ;  and  finally,  after  alluding  to  the  wisdom  of  the  late 
Congress  and  the  approval  of  their  acts  by  the  people,  he  exclaimed, 
"  I  trust  it  is  obvious  to  your  lordships  that  all  attempts  to  impose 
servitude  upon  such  men,  to  establish  despotism  over  such  a  mighty 
continental  nation,  must  be  vain — must  be  fatal.  We  shall  be  forced 
ultimately  to  retract ;  let  us  retract  while  we  can,  not  when  we  must. 
....  To  conclude,  my  Lords,  if  the  ministers  thus  persevere  in 
misadvising  and  misleading  the  King,  I  will  not  say  that  they  can 
alienate  the  affections  of  his  subjects  from  his  crown ;  but  I  will 
affirm,  that  they  will  make  the  crown  not  worth  his  wearing.  I  will 
not  say  that  the  King  is  betrayed,  but  I  will  pronounce  that  the 
kingdom  is  undone."* 

Chatham  was  supported  by  Shelburne,  Camden,  Rockingham  and 
Richmond.  On  the  other  hand,  ministers  contended  that  to  recede 
now  from  their  position,  after  having  gone  so  far,  and  that  too  in  the 
face  of  such  bold  resistance,  would  really  amount  to  a  complete  sub- 
mission, abdication  of  government,  and  loss  of  all  authority.  They 
charged  Chatham  with  the  sin  of  sowing  the  seeds  of  division  at 
home  and  abroad,  and  reproved  him  as  an  abettor  of  malcontents. 
When  the  vote  was  taken  on  his  motion,  it  was  negatived  by  sixty- 
eight  to  eighteen. 

Chatham  was  not  discouraged,  but  immediately  presented  a  bill 
containing  a  plant  for  the  settlement  of  the  transatlantic  troubles.  It 
proposed  to  renounce  the  power  of  taxation,  but  to  call  upon  Con- 
gress to  acknowledge  the  supreme  legislative  power  of  Great  Britain, 
and  invite  them  to  make  a  free  grant  of  certain  annual  revenue,  to 
be  employed  in  meeting  the  charge  on  the  national  debt.  This 
being  effected,  it  proposed  an  immediate  repeal  of  all  the  obnoxious 
acts.  Notwithstanding  the  exalted  origin  of  this  bill,  and  the  great 
consideration  due  to  the  opinions  of  the  framer  of  it,  it  was  treated 
with  a  great  deal  of  coldness,  and  hardly  obtained  a  superficial  ex- 
amination of  its  merits.  The  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  Secretary  of  State 
for  America,  proposed  that  it  should  lie  upon  the  table  ;  but  this  pro- 
position was    condemned    by  other  members,    and   after   a   warm 

*  This  speech,  which  was  over  an  hour  in  length,  was  one  of  the  best  that  ever 
fell  from  the  lips  of  the  great  orator.  Franklin,  in  a  letter  to  Earl  Stanhope,  de- 
clared concerning  it,  that  he  had  "  seen  in  the  course  of  his  life,  sometimes  elo- 
quence without  wisdom,  and  often  wisdom  without  eloquence ;  but  in  the  present 
instance,  he  had  seen  both  united,  and  both,  as  he  thought,  in  the  highest  degree 
possible." 

f  This  plan  was  submitted  by  Chatham  to  Franklin,  before  it  was  offered  in 
Parliament.  He  stated  to  Franklin,  that,  though  he  had  considered  the  American 
business  thoroughly,  in  all  its  parts,  he  was  not  so  confident  of  his  own  judgment, 
but  that  he  came  to  set  it  right  by  his,  "  as  men  set  their  watches  by  a  regulator  " 


I4«6  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

Petition  of  the  American  Agents.  Lord  North's  coercive  measures. 

debate,  during  which  the  Earl  of  Sandwich,  a  violent  partisan  of  the 
crown,  moved  the  "  rejection  of  the  bill  now  and  for  ever,"  it  was 
negatived  by  a  vote  of  sixty-one  against  thirty-two.  Such  a  hurried 
rejection  of  a  plan  so  wise  and  conciliatory,  subsequently  drew  forth 
the  bitter  reproaches  of  Lord  Camden.  "  Obliterate,"  said  he,  "the 
transaction  from  your  records  ;  let  not  posterity  know  it."  Out  of 
doors,  Chatham  was  much  applauded  for  his  plan  of  pacification. 
The  corporation  of  the  city  of  London  passed  him  a  vote  of  thanks, 
and  a  similar  compliment  to  those  colleagues  who  supported  him. 
Franklin  sent  forth  an  address  to  the  people  of  England,  and  to  his 
own  countrymen,  in  which  he  portrayed  the  wickedness  of  rejecting 
this  plan  of  reconciliation,  the  only  one  that  had  been  offered  for 
years. 

On  the  twenty-ninth  of  January,  Franklin,  Bollan  and  Lee,  pre- 
sented a  petition,  praying  to  be  examined  at  the  bar,  in  support  of  the 
demands  of  the  General  Congress.  Their  prayer  was  denied,  on 
the  ground  that  such  permission  would  look  like  sanctioning  the  acts 
of  the  Congress,  which  ministers  averred  had  met  in  an  irregular  and 
illegal  manner. 

On  the  second  of  February,  Lord  North  proposed  the  first  of  a 
series  of  measures,  designed  to  coerce  the  Colonies  into  passive 
obedience  to  the  King  and  Parliament.  He  moved  in  the  Commons, 
in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  for  an  address  to  the  King,  thanking 
him  for  the  presentation  of  the  numerous  American  documents, 
affirming  that  the  province  of  Massachusetts  had  been,  and  was,  in 
a  state  of  rebellion,  that  the  House  was  resolved  never  to  relinquish 
any  part  of  the  sovereign  authority ;  and  professing  their  readiness 
to  listen  to  petitions  and  redress  grievances,  when  the  subjects 
were  brought  before  them  in  a, dutiful  and  constitutional  manner. 
They  urged  the  King  to  take  effectual  measures  for  enforcing  obe- 
dience to  the  laws  ;  and  then  followed  the  usual  resolution  to 
support  him  with  their  "  lives  and  fortunes." 

When  the  minister  introduced  this  motion,  he  intimated  that  a 
part  of  his  plan  consisted  in  considerably  augmenting  the  military 
force  in  America,  and  in  adopting  measures  for  effectually  restraining, 
in  fact  actually  stopping,  the  commerce  of  New  England  with  Great 
Britain,  Ireland  and  the  West  Indies,  and  the  fishing  on  the  banks 
of  Newfoundland,  until  the  Colonists  should  return  to  their  duty. 
Fox  moved  an  amendment,  censuring  the  ministry  and  praying  for 
their  removal.  Dunning  denied  the  existence  of  rebellion,  and  was 
replied  to  by  the  eminent  Thurlow.  The  debate  was  a  very  stormy 
one,  and  Fox's  amendment  was  negatived  by  a  majority  of  three 
hundred  and  four  against  one  hundred  and  five  ;  and  on  a  second 


cm  p.  v.]  EVENTS  OF  1775.  147 

Speech  of  John  Wilkes.  Augmentation  of  the  British  Army  in  America. 

division,  Lord  North's  motion  for  an  address  was  carried  by  a  ma- 
jority of  two  hundred  and  ninety-six  to  one  hundred  and  six  in  the 
Commons  ;  and  in  the  upper  House,  by  eighty-seven  to  twenty- 
seven  ;    eighteen   Peers  protesting.* 

When  the  address  was  reported"  by  the  committee  appoint- 
ed  to  prepare  it,  there  was  another  warm  debate,  in  which 
the  celebrated  John  Wilkes  took  a  conspicuous  part  against  the 
ministers.  He  declared  that  a  proper  resistance  to  wrong  was 
revolution,  not  rebellion  ;  and  that  if  success  crowned  the  efforts  of  the 
Americans,  they  might  in  after  time  celebrate  the  revolution  of  1775 
as  the  English  did  that  of  1688.  "  Who  can  tell,"  said  he,  "  whether, 
in  consequence  of  this  very  day's  violent  and  mad  address,  the  scab- 
bed may  not  be  thrown  away  by  them  as  well  as  by  us  !"  Lord 
Cavendish  moved  to  recommit  the  address  for  a  modification  of  its 
harshness  ;  and  other  members  of  the  opposition  earnestly  recom- 
mended mildness.  But  the  address,  as  reported,  was  carried  by  a 
large  majority ;  nearly  four  to  one.  The  King,  in  reply  to  the 
address,  assured  Parliament  that  he  would  take  the  most  speedy  and 
effectual  means  to  secure  obedience  to  the  laws  ;  that  he  was 
ready  to  extend  just  and  reasonable  indulgence  to  any  truly  repent- 
ant Colony  ;  and  concluded  with  an  expressed  wish,  that  the  dispo- 
sition which  he  manifested,  would  have  a  good  effect  upon  the 
temper  and  conduct  of  the  Americans.  He  also  sent  a  message  to 
the  Commons,  informing  them  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  augment 
the  naval  and  military  forces  in  America,  in  order  to  enable  them  to 
act  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  their  address.  On  the  reception 
of  these  documents,  a  violent  debate  arose  ;  and  it  was  finally  voted 
that  two  thousand  additional  seamen  and  fourteen  hundred  soldiers, 
should  be  sent  to  America. 

On  the  tenth  of  February,  Lord  North  moved  for  leave  to  bring  a 
bill  into  the  House  of  Commons  providing  for  the  destruction  of  the 
entire  trade  of  New  England, t  and  their  fisheries 4  In  this  proposed 
bill  was  a  clause  excepting  in  the  general  ban,  those  individuals  who 

*  Gibbon,  the  historian,  who  then  had  a  seat  in  Parliament,  wrote  to  his  friend 
Sheffield,  "  We  voted  an  address  of  lives  and  fortunes,  declaring  Massachusetts  Bay 
in  a  state  of  rebellion  ;  more  troops,  but  I  fear  not  enough,  go  to  America,  to  make 
an  army  of  ten  thousand  men  at  Boston ;  three  generals,  Howe,  Burgoyne  and  Clin- 
ton !  In  a  few  days  we  stop  the  ports  of  New  England.  I  cannot  write  volumes, 
but  I  am  more  and  more  convinced  that,  with  firmness,  all  may  go  well,  yet  I  some- 
times doubt." 

t  These  severe  restrictions  were  afterwards  extended  to  all  the  other  Colonies 
except  New  York  and  North  Carolina. 

X  About  four  hundred  ships,  two  thousand  fishing  shallops,  and  twenty  thousand 
men  were,  according  to  testimony  presented  to  Parliament,  then  employed  in  the 
British  Newfoundland  fisheries. 


148                        THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

[1775. 

Presentation  of  various  Petitions.                                                  Lord  North's 

"  conciliatory  "  Scheme 

should  produce  a  certificate  from  their  respective  Governors,  certi- 
fying their  general  good  conduct  and  loyalty,  and  who  should  ac- 
knowledge the  supremacy  of  the  British  Parliament.  Ministers 
represented  this  measure  as  a  just  and  wise  punishment  of  the 
Americans  for  their  rebellious  proceedings,  and  only  a  fair  retaliation 
of  a  similar  course  which  the  Congress  had  adopted.  This  measure, 
like  the  others,  awakened  a  stormy  debate,  and  encountered  violent 
opposition,  being  pronounced,  even  by  lukewarm  men,  as  cruel  and 
unjust,  tyrannical  and  unnecessary.  The  motion  to  bring  in  the 
bill  was  carried  by  the  immense  majority  of  two  hundred  and  sixty- 
one  against  eighty-five.  In  the  further  progress  of  the  bill,  many 
petitions  were  presented  against  it.  Among  them  was  one  from  the 
merchants  of  London,  representing  the  great  loss  they  must  sus- 
tain by  thus  impoverishing  the  Colonists  ;*  and  another  was  from  the 
Quakers,  in  behalf  of  their  brethren  of  Nantucket,  who  by  such  an 
act,  as  their  chief  employment  was  fishing,  would  be  reduced  to  a 
state  of  actual  famine.  This  latter  petition  was  treated  with  great 
respect,  and  elicited  much  commiseration. 
„    ^  „        On  the  third  reading  of  the  bill,a  an  amendatory  clause 

a  March  8.  .°  .  ' 

was  proposed,  excepting  articles  of  food  which  might  be 
brought  coastwise  from  any  port  of  America.  This  clause  was 
rejected,  and  the  bill  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  one  hundred  and 
eighty-eight  to  fifty-eight.  In  the  House  of  Lords  the  amendment 
to  include  all  the  Colonies  except  New  York  and  North  Carolina, 
was  offered.  It  was  carried  by  a  large  majority,6  and  the 
bill,  as  amended,  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  seventy-three 
lo  twenty-one. t  The  amendment  was  subsequently  withdrawn  (a 
separate  bill  designed  to  have  the  same  effect,  being  presented  by 
Lord  North),  and  on  the  thirtieth  of  March,  the  original  bill  received 
the  royal  signature. 

While  this  last  bill  was   in  transitu  through  the  Houses,  Lord 
North  astonished  all  parties  by  a  motion  to  introduce  a  bill c 
intended  to  be  conciliatory,  and,  as  he  thought,  perfectly- 
consistent  with  all  previous  declarations  and  acts  of  Parliament.}: 

*  The  people  of  New  England  were  at  that  time  indebted  to  the  merchants  of 
the  city  of  London  alone,  nearly  five  millions  of  dollars. 

f  Parliamentary  Register  (1775),  pp.  6-99. 

X  The  bill  or  resolution  was  as  follows : — "  When  the  Governor,  Council  and 
Assembly,  or  general  court  of  his  Majesty's  provinces  or  Cqlonies,  shall  propose  to 
make  provision  for  contributing  their  proportion  to  the  common  defence,  to  be 
raised  under  the  authorities  of  the  general  court  or  General  Assembly,  and  disposa- 
ble by  Parliament ;  and  shall  engage  to  make  provision  also  for  the  support  of  the 
civil  government  and  administration  of  justice  ;  it  will  be  proper,  if  such  proposal 
shall  be  approved  by  his  Majesty  in  Parliament,  and  for  so  long  as  such  provision 


CHAP.  V.] 

EVENTS  OF  1775. 

149 

Dilemma  of  the  Ministers. 

Burke's  plan  for  Conciliation. 

It  proposed  that  when  the  proper  authorities  in  any  Colony  should 
offer,  besides  maintaining  its  own  civil  government,  to  raise  a  certain 
revenue,  and  make  it  disposable  by  Parliament,  it  would  be  proper 
to  forbear  imposing  any  tax,  except  for  the  regulation  of  commerce. 
At  first,  both  parties  were  dissatisfied  with  the  resolution — the  court 
or  tory  party,  because  of  its  conciliating  character  ;  and  the  republi- 
can, or  whig  party,  because,  after  all,  it  would  abate  but  the  single 
grievance  of  taxation  complained  of,  that  it  referred  all  to  the  future 
decision  of  Parliament,  and  upon  no  point  was  it  specific.  Lord 
North,  much  to  his  own  astonishment,  found  himself  midway  be- 
tween contending  fires,  and  in  a  very  unpleasant  dilemma.  But  his 
usual  skill  carried  him  safely  through,  not,  however,  without  an 
avowal  on  his  part  that  one  of  his  chief  objects  was  to  divide  the 
malcontents  in  the  colonies  ;  a  policy  of  very  questionable  honor. 
Colonel  Barre,  ever  the  staunch  friend  of  the  Americans,  pronounced 
this  motive  low,  shameful  and  abominable — an  attempt  to  dissolve  that 
generous  union  which  made  the  Americans  as  one  man  in  the  de- 
fence of  the  rights  of  British  subjects  ;  and  denounced  it  as  a  scheme 
to  cause  the  Colonists  to  reject  the  proffered  conciliation,  and  thus 
draw  down  tenfold  vengeance,  having  the  appearance  of  justice,  on 
their  heads.  After  a  very  stormy  debate,  the  friends  of  the  minister 
saw  that  the  resolution  was  not  so  objectionable  after  all,  and  united, 
to  a  great  extent,  in  its  support.  The  proposition  was  adopted  by  a 
vote  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-four  to  eighty-eight. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  March,  Burke,  who  had  very  eloquently 
opposed  the  proposition  of  Lord  North,  presented  a  series  of  resolu- 
tions, proposing  a  complete  practical  concession  to  the  Americans, 
of  all  points  in  dispute,  and  thus  to  " restore"  as  he  said,  "the 
former  unsuspecting  confidence  of  the  Colonies  in  the  mother  coun- 
try, and  give  permanent  satisfaction"  to  the  English  people.  As 
might  have  been  expected,  his  plan  was  rejected  by  a  large  vote — two 
hundred  and  seventy  to  seventy-eight.  Five  days  afterwards,  Mr. 
Hartly  presented  a  conciliatory  scheme,  similar  to  the  Earl  of  Chat- 
ham's. It  was  negatived  without  a  division.  Several  petitions  and 
memorials  from  the  Colonies  were  offered  in  the  upper  House,  but 
were  treated  with  disdain.  The  mercantile  interest  of  London, 
smarting  severely  under  the  non-intercourse  acts,  warmly  espoused 
the  cause  of  the  Colonies.  An  address  was  presented  to  the  King 
by  the   Lord  Mayor,  aldermen  and  livery  of  London,4  in  a  April  10. 

i 
shall  be  made  accordingly,  to  forbear,  in  respect  of  such  province  or  Colony,  to 
Levy  any  duty,  tax,  or  assessment,  except  for  the  regulation  of  commerce,  the  nett 
produce  of  which  shall  be  carried  to  the  account  of  such  province,  Colony,  or  plan- 
tation." 


150  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

Procurement  of  Munitions  of  War  by  the  people  of  Massachusetts.  Effect  of  the  King's  Speech* 

which  they  condemned  the  late  measures  against  the  Ameri- 
cans, and  pronounced  their  resistance  justifiable.  They  received  a 
stern  rebuke  in  reply  ;  and  his  Majesty  expressed  astonishment  that 
any  subject  should  be  capable  of  abetting  and  encouraging  such 
rebellious  courses.  In  truth,  the  King  and  the  Legislature  seemed 
madly  bent  on  the  execution  of  their  plans  to  enslave  the  Americans  ; 
and  they  shut  their  ears  to  the  prayers  of  petitions,  the  respectful 
voice  of  remonstrance,  and  the  warnings  of  sound  reason. 

Whilst  Parliament  was  thus  engaged  in  angry  debates  upon  vari- 
ous measures,  nearly  all  of  which  were  designed  to  coerce  the  Ame- 
ricans into  submission,  energetic  and  almost  universal  movements 
were  making  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  preparative  to  an  appeal  to 
arms,  which  was  now  considered  inevitable.  The  provincial 
Congress  of  Massachusetts  passed  a  resolution*1  for  the 
purchase  of  all  the  munitions  of  war  that  could  be  found,  requisite 
for  an  army  of  fifteen  thousand  men.  As  these  articles  could  be 
chiefly  found  in  Boston,  it  was  necessary  to  employ  strategy  to  pro- 
cure them,  for  a  guard  was  constantly  on  duty  upon  the  isthmus. 
Cannon  balls  and  muskets  were  carried  out  of  the  city  in  carts  appa- 
rently laden  with  manure  ;  and  powder,  concealed  in  the  baskets  or 
panniers  of  the  market-women,  and  cartridges  in  candle-boxes,  were 
carried  through  the  English  posts.  At  length  General  Gage,  by  his 
sleepless  vigilance,  discovered  these  movements,  and  learning  that 
some  brass  cannon  and  field  pieces  were  at  Salem,  he  sent  a  detach- 
ment of  troops  thither  from  the  Castle  to  seize  them.6  They 
landed  at  Marblehead,  but  the  Americans,  equally  vigilant, 
removed  their  ordnance  before  the  soldiers  arrived,  and  they  were 
obliged  to  return  to  the  Castle  without  securing  the  objects  of  their 
expedition.  In  the  meanwhile,  intelligence  of  the  King's  speech  at 
the  opening  of  Parliament,  of  the  resolutions  adopted  by  that  body, 
declaring  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  rebels,  and  the  other  acts 
of  oppression  already  recorded,  reached  America,  and  the  sentiment, 
"  to  arms  !  to  arms  !"  thrilled  every  heart.  Concession  was  out  of 
the  question,  and  all  awaited  with  an  anxious  impatience  for  the 
sound  of  the  war  signal.  The  inhabitants  of  Boston  became  greatly 
alarmed,  and  many  left  the  city  privately,  being  in  daily  dread  of  \ 
outrages,  for  it  was  evident  that  only  a  very  small  occurrence  was  > 
necessary  to  produce  a  bloody  strife  between  the  mutually  exaspe- 
rated people  and  soldiery.  | 
Subsequently  General  Gage  received  certain  information  that  a 
considerable  quantity  of  military  stores  were  concealed  at  Concord, 
a  town  about  eighteen  miles  distant  from  Boston.  In  the  night  be- 
tween the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  of  April,  he  detached  some 


chap,  v.]                               EVENTS  OF  1775. 

151 

Attempt  to  seize  the  Ammunition  and  Stores. 

Battle  of  Lexington. 

grenadiers  and  light  infantry  of  his  army,  under  the  command  of 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Smith  and  Major  Pitcairn,  with  orders  to  proceed 
to  Concord  and  destroy  the  depot.  It  is  also  averred  that  General 
Gage  commissioned  them  to  seize  Samuel  Adams  and  John  Han- 
cock, two  of  the  warmest  patriots,  and  (to  government)  most  obnox- 
ious men  in  the  Colony.  The  Bostonians,  learning  the  departure  of 
the  expedition,  speedily  sent  a  warning  to  Adams  and  Hancock  to  be 
on  their  guard.  The  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  of  which  Elbridge 
Gerry  was  chairman,  gave  orders  to  have  the  ammunition  and  stores 
distributed.  Doctor  Warren,  one  of  the  most  active  patriots  in  Bos- 
ton, sent  several  messengers  to  arouse  the  country.  Notwithstand- 
ing an  order  of  General  Gage,  that  no  citizen  should  leave  the  town, 
these  messengers  succeeded  in  reaching  Lexington,  a  town  on  the 
road  to  Concord,  and  divulged  the  intelligence.  On  the 
eighteenth,"  the  people  flocked  together,  the  bells  were  rung, 
and  cannons  were  fired  to  give  the  alarm  to  the  adjacent  country. 
The  minute-men  and  other  militia  collected  in  considerable  num- 
bers ;  but,  unable  to  ascertain  the  true  direction  of  the  march  of  the 
British  soldiers,  they  dispersed  at  night. 

Colonel  Smith,  hearing  the  reports  of  the  cannon,  ordered  six 
companies  of  light  infantry  to  advance  towards  Lexington  as  fast  as 
they  could  run,  and  secure  the  bridges.  About  five  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  nineteenth,  they  reached  Lexington.  The  people 
gave  the  alarm,  and  the  provincial  militia  in  the  vicinity,  to  the  num- 
ber of  seventy,  immediately  assembled  upon  the  green  near  the  road. 
Major  Pitcairn,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  English  troops,  at  once 
cried  out,  "  Disperse,  rebels  !  lay  down  your  arms  and  disperse  !  " 
The  provincials  did  not  obey  his  imperious  command,  upon  which 
he  sprang  from  the  ranks,  discharged  a  pistol,  and  brandishing  his 
sword,  ordered  his  soldiers  to  fire.  The  soldiers,  with  loud  huzzas, 
ran  up,  and  some  muskets  were  fired,  followed  by  a  general  dis- 
charge, which  killed  and  wounded  quite  a  number.  The  infantry 
were  soon  reinforced  by  the  grenadiers  under  Smith,  and  the  whole 
detachment,  driving  the  militia  before  them,  pushed  on  to  Concord, 
distant  from  Lexington  about  four  miles.  Their  first  act  was  to 
spike  two  cannons,  and  destroy  their  carriages,  and  a  number  of 
wheels  prepared  for  the  use  of  the  artillery.  They  then  threw  into 
the  river  and  wells  about  five  hundred  pounds  of  bullets,  and  wasted 
a  quantity  of  flour  and  provisions.  While  these  outrages  were  in 
progress,  the  provincials  were  gathering  in  large  numbers  from 
various  quarters,  and  a  detachment  of  the  infantry  that  had  been  sent 
to  scour  the  country  in  the  neighborhood  of  Concord,  were  obliged 
to  retreat  to  the  main  body.     As  they  entered  the  town,  a  hot  skir- 


.152  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

British  Retreat  to  Boston.  Dawn  of  the  New  Era. 

mish  took  place,  and  a  considerable  number  were  killed  on  both 
sides.  Finding  themselves  in  a  perilous  position,  the  English  troops 
began  a  retrograde  movement  towards  Lexington.  The  whole  coun- 
try was  aroused,  and  wherever  the  intelligence  of  the  events  of  the 
morning  were  divulged,  the  people  flew  to  arms.  When  the  British 
arrived  at  Lexington,  they  were  greatly  exhausted,  and  must  have 
been  totally  destroyed  by  the  Americans,  but  for  the  timely  aid 
afforded  them  by  Governor  Gage.  Apprehensive  of  what  actually 
happened,  he  despatched  a  reinforcement  of  sixteen  companies,  with 
some  marines  and  two  field  pieces,  under  the  command  of  Lord 
Percy,*  who  arrived  at  Lexington  just  as  the  English  troops  reached 
there,  hotly  pursued  by  the  provincials.  The  fresh  royal  troops 
formed  a  square  for  the  protection  of  their  fatigued  companions, 
wherein  the  exhausted  soldiers  laid  down  to  rest.  This  accomplished, 
they  all  proceeded  towards  Boston,  keeping  the  two  field-pieces  in 
the  rear  to  protect  them  against  the  provincials,  who  increased  in 
number  every  hour,  and  kept  up  an  incessant  fire,  front  and  rear, 
from  behind  stone  walls  and  hedges.  At  sunset,  they  reached 
Charlestown,  and  the  next  morning  entered  Boston.  During  the 
day  the  English  had  sixty-five  killed,  one  hundred  and  eighty  wound- 
ed, and  twenty-seven  missing.  The  Americans  had  fifty  killed  and 
thirty-eight  wounded.f 

Such  was  the  opening  scene  in  the  first  act  of  the  bloody  drama 
of  the  American  Revolution.  The  sword  was  drawn,  the-  scabbard 
was  indeed  thrown  away,  as  the  patriot  Wilkes  had  intimated  it 
might  be,  and  thenceforth  reconciliation  was  indignantly  repelled, 
and  independence  sighed  for  and  demanded.  The  events  of  that  day 
were  fraught  with  the  mightiest  results.  They  were  the  first  labor- 
pains  that  attended  the  birth  of  a  nation,  now  still  in  its  infancy,  but 
powerful  as  a  youthful  Hercules.  They  formed  the  first  irruption 
of  the  chrysalis  of  old  political  systems,  whence  speedily  came  forth 
a  noble  and  novel  creature,  with  eagle  eye  and  expansive  wings, 
destined  to  soar  far  above  the  creeping  reptiles  of  monarchy  and 
autocracy  that  brood  amid  the  debris  of  old  dynasties.  They  indeed 
formed  the  significant  prelude  to  that  full  diapason  whose  thundering 
harmony,  drawn  forth  by  the  magic  touch  of  the  Spirit  of  Freedom, 
filled  the  nations  with  wonder,  and  ushered  in  the  New  Era  so  long 
predicted,  and  so  long  hoped  for. 

The  affair  at  Lexington  was  highly  mortifying  to  the  pride  of  the 
British  officers  and  soldiers,  and  greatly  encouraging  to  the  provincial 
troops  and  people.     The  former  could  hardly  endure  the  thought  of 

*  Lord  Percy  was  the  eldest  son  of  the  Duke  of  Northumberland. 
f  Marshall,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  257-60. 


chap,  v.]  EVENTS  OF  1775.  153 

Effect  of  the  first  Conflict.  Enrolment  and  Organization  of  a  Provincial  Army. 

being  defeated  by  a  "  flock  of  Yankees,"  as  they  contemptuously 
called  the  Americans ;  whilst  the  latter  plainly  discovered  that  the 
famous  English  troops  were  not  invincible.*  From  this  moment, 
the  English  government  was  practically  convicted  of  the  falsity  of 
their  boast  of  American  cowardice,  and  convinced  that  the  strug- 
gle must  be  long  and  bloody — that  rebels  were  easier  crushed 
by  the  foot  of  haughty  Peers  upon  the  floor  of  Parliament,  than  by 
the  rude  heel  of  War  upon  their  native  soil.  And  the  Americans 
also  learned  what  valor,  prompted  by  pure  patriotism,  might  do  ;  and 
a  confidence  of  success  in  the  maintenance  of  their  rights  animated 
every  heart. 

At  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  the  provincial  Congress 
of  Massachusetts  was  in  session  at  Watertown,  ten  miles  distant  from 
Boston.  When  the  news  of  that  event  reached  them,  they  prepared 
an  address  to  the  English  people,  giving  circumstantial  details  of  the 
event,  and  entreating  them  to  interfere  and  avert  the  calamities  that 
threatened  the  Colonies.  They  also  proceeded  to  the  regular  organ- 
ization of  an  army  in  the  province.  They  fixed  the  pay  of  officers, 
and  passed  a  resolution  to  raise,  by  levy,  thirteen  thousand  six  hun- 
dred men,  and  chose  Colonel  Artemas  Ward  for  their  general.  They 
also  invited  the  other  New  England  Colonies  to  furnish  each  a  pro- 
portionate quota,  in  order  to  make  an  aggregate  of  thirty  thousand 
men,  to  be  placed  under  the  command  of  General  Thomas,  an  officer 
of  great  experience.  Connecticut  immediately  despatched  a  large 
corps,  commanded  by  Colonel  Putnam,  an  old  and  experienced 
officer,  who  had  served  in  both  of  the  last  Colonial  wars.  The 
other  Colonies  were  equally  prompt,  and  within  a  few  days  after  the 
affair  at  Lexington,  the  thirty  thousand  militia  were  enrolled.  So 
great  and  universal  was  the  ardor  of  the  Americans,  that  the  generals 
were  obliged  to  send  many  thousand  volunteers  back  to  their  homes. 
The  provincial  Congress  issued  a  large  sum  in  paper  currency,  for 
the  pay  of  the  troops,  for  the  redemption  of  which  the  faith  of  the 
province  was  pledged. 

*  Strong  efforts  were  made  by  each  party  to  prove  the  other  the  aggressor  at 
Lexington.  The  English  assert  that  when  the  Americans  were  quietly  ordered 
by  Major  Pitcairn  to  leave  the  green,  they  did  disperse,  but  in  so  doing,  fired 
several  shots,  wounding  one  of  the  men,  and  also  Pitcairn's  horse  in  several  places. 
This  provocation,  English  authors  assert,  caused  the  order  of  Pitcairn  to  fire  On 
the  other  hand,  it  is  clearly  proven  by  numerous  affidavits  which  were  presented 
to  Congress  at  its  session  in  May  following,  that  the  attack  was  first  made  by 
Pitcairn,  as  we  have  stated.  English  authors  assert,  that  cruelties,  paralleled  only 
by  their  savage  neighbors,  were  perpetrated  upon  the  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the 
provincials.  But  it  is  proven  beyond  cavil  or  doubt,  that  the  Americans  treated 
the  prisoners  with  great  humanity,  and  even  sent  word  to  General  Gage  that 
he  was  at  liberty  to  send  surgeons  to  attend  the  wounded  in  their  hands. 


154  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

Blockade  of  Boston.  Universal  Approval  of  the  measure  by  the  Colonies. 

Preparations  were  immediately  made  to  blockade  Boston,  and 
twenty  thousand  men  put  themselves  in  cantonments  and  formed  a 
line  nearly  twenty  miles  in  extent,  with  the  left  leaning  on  the  river 
Mystic,  and  the  right  on  the  town  of  Roxbury,  thus  enclosing  Bos- 
ton. Generals  Ward,  Preble,*  Heath,  Prescott,  Putnam  and  Tho- 
mas, were  the  officers  put  in  command  of  the  blockading  army. 
Their  head-quarters  was  at  Cambridge  ;  and  Putnam  and  Thomas, 
the  former  at  Cambridge,  and  the  latter  at  Roxbury,  took  their  sta- 
tions so  on  the  right  wing  of  the  army,  that  they  effectually  cut  off 
the  British  garrison  from  all  communication  with  the  adjacent  coun- 
try, by  the  isthmus. 

On  the  fifth  of  May,  the  provincial  Congress  formally  declared 
General  Gage,  by  the  late  transactions,  utterly  disqualified  from 
acting  as  Governor,  or  in  any  other  official  capacity,  and  that  no 
obedience  was  due  to  him  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  he  was  to  be  con- 
sidered an  "  inveterate  enemy."  The  blockading  force  was  continu- 
ally augmenting,  and  ammunition  and  artillery  were  daily  added  to 
their  supplies.  Within  a  few  days  after  the  formation  of  their 
extended  line,  they  were  strengthened  by  sixteen  field-pieces,  four 
brass  guns  of  a  small  size,  a  few  large  iron  cannon  taken  out  of 
merchant  vessels,  and  two  or  three  mortars  and  howitzers. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  Colonies,  when  Lord  North's 
"  conciliatory  propositions,"  so  called,  arrived — propositions  which 
received,  as  they  deserved,  the  scorn  and  contempt  of  the  Americans. 
The  gossamer  web  was  too  thin  to  cover  even  the  minutest  ill  mo- 
tive ;  and  instead  of  soothing,  it  exasperated  the  feelings  of  the 
Americans.  Nothing  short  of  absolute  and  unconditional  concession 
to  their  righteous  demands  would  now  satisfy  them,  for  they  had 
learned,  by  sad  experience,  to  view  the  British  ministry  as  a  willing 
instrument  of  oppression. 

The  bloodshed  at  Lexington  filled  the  Colonies  with  horror  and 
indignation ;  and  the  vigorous  measures  of  New  England,  in  besieg- 
ing the  British  troops  in  Boston,  were  universally  commended.  New 
York,  which  had  hitherto  been  more  loyal  than  any  other  province, 
now  resolved  to  make  common  cause  with  the  other  Colonies,  and  at 
a  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city,  they  adopted  the  resolutions 
of  the  general  Congress  of  the  preceding  year.  They  also  seized 
the  military  stores,  and  many  of  the  women  and  children  were 
removed  out  of  the  way  of  danger,  as  vigorous  preparations  for  war 
were  made. 


r  •  *  Preble,  according  to  Gordon,  was  unable  to  attend  on  account  of  ill  health,  and 
Ward  and  Putnam  were  the  real  acting  officers. 


chap,  v.]  EVENTS  OF  1775.  155 

General  Revolutionary  Movements  in  all  the  Colonies. 

In  New  Jersey,  when  the  news  of  the  affair  at  Lexington  reached 
them,  the  people  took  possession  of  the  provincial  treasure,  out  of 
which  to  pay  the  troops  that  were  immediately  levied.  In  Mary- 
land, the  people  seized  all  the  ammunition  and  military  stores,  among 
which  were  fifteen  hundred  muskets.  They  also  issued  an  interdict 
against  all  commerce  with  the  British  army  and  fleet  at  Boston, 
determined  to  withhold  all  supply  of  food.* 

In  South  Carolina,  the  rigorous  acts  of  Parliament  were  received 
upon  the  same  day  that  the  battle  of  Lexington  occurred,  which 
called  forth  strong  measures,  and  prepared  their  minds  to  engage 
eagerly  in  the  general  coalition  which  succeeded  that  event.  When 
the  news  of  the  battle  arrived,  the  inhabitants  rushed  to  the  arsenal, 
seized  all  the  arms,  and  placed  them  in  the  hands  of  the  soldiers  in 
the  pay  of  the  province.  A  provincial  Congress  was  convoked,  and 
the  delegates  entered  into  a  solemn  league  for  the  defence  of  the 
country.  They  also  (as  well  as  Massachusetts)  emitted  bills  of 
credit,  which  the  people  received  with  alacrity. 

In  North  Carolina,  Governor  Martin  had,  in  April,  endeavored  to 
prevent  the  assembling  of  a  provincial  Congress  at  Newbern  ;  but  it 
did  assemble,  approved  of  the  measures  of  the  late  General  Congress, 
and  passed  strong  resolutions  of  disapprobation  of  the  conduct 
of  the  Governor.  Committees  of  Safety  were  appointed,  and  these 
were  called  to  assemble  toward  the  close  of  May  at  Charlotte  court- 
house, in  Mecklenburg  county.  Between  twenty  and  thirty  of  these 
representatives  of  the  people  met  on  the  appointed  day,t  and  after 
the  business  of  the  convention  was  arranged  it  was  resolved  to  read 
the  proceedings  at  the  court-house  door,  in  the  presence  of  the  mul- 
titude. Proclamation  was  made,  and  Colonel  Thomas  Polk  read 
a  series  of  resolutions,  in  which  the  people  of  Mecklenburg  declared 
a  dissolution  of  the  bonds  that  united  them  to  Great  Britain  ;  pro- 
claimed themselves  free  and  independent,  and  took  measures  to 
organize  a  sort  of  temporary  provincial  government.:):     The  resolu- 

*  The  scarcity  in  Boston  became  extreme.  The  garrison,  as  well  as  the  inhabit- 
ants, were  reduced  to  salt  provisions.  Many  who  were  accustomed  to  live  in 
elegant  style  found  themselves  deprived  of  even  the  necessaries  of  life.  The 
Governor,  apprehensive  of  famine,  began  to  issue  passports,  particularly  to  women, 
and  those  whose  presence  was  a  burden  rather  than  an  aid. 

f  While  the  Convention  was  in  session  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Lexington 
arrived.     Tradition  says  that  the  Convention  was  held  on  the  20th. 

X  These  resolutions,  embodying  a  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  the  first 
adopted  by  any  assemblage  of  people  in  America,  are  too  important,  considered  in 
their  ultimate  effect,  to  be  passed  by,  by  giving  merely  the  substance.  Doubtless 
other  spontaneous  movements  of  the  people  at  that  dark  and  trying  hour,  having 
equally  important  bearings  upon  passing  events  were  made,  but  like  this,  they  were 
entirely  eclipsed  by  the  general  blaze  of  glory  that  haloes  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 


156  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 


The  Mecklenbnrg  Declaration  of  Independence. 


tions  were  heartily  approved  of,  and  at  the  call  of  the  people,  they 
were  read  again  and  again,  during  the  day.  Copies  of  them  were 
immediately  forwarded  to  the  Continental  Congress  then  in  session 
at  Philadelphia,  and  also  to  the  Provincial  Congress  convened  in 
Hillsborough  on  the  twentieth  of  August,  but  these  respective  bodies 
took  no  present  action  in  the  premises,  deeming  the  declaration  pre- 
mature, as  every  hope  of  reconciliation  with  the  mother  country  had 
not  yet  departed.* 

pendence  made  by  the  Continental  Congress  of  1*776.  Subjoined  are  the  declaratory- 
resolutions  entire,  said  to  have  been  drawn  up  by  Dr.  Epliraim  Brevard,  chairman 
of  a  committee  appointed  for  the  purpose.  These  do  not  appear  to  have  been  pub- 
lished at  the  time,  and  hence  there  are  reasonable  doubts  of  then  authenticity. 

"  THE    MECKLENBURG   DECLARATION 

"  '  Resolved,  1st.  That  whosoever  directly  or  indirectly  abetted,  or  in  any  way, 
form,  or  manner,  countenanced  the  unchartered  and  dangerous  invasion  of  our 
rights,  as  claimed  by  Great  Britain,  is  an  enemy  to  this  country,  to  America,  and  to 
the  inherent  and  unalienable  rights  of  man. 

"  '  Resolved,  2d.  That  we,  the  citizens  of  Mecklenburg  county,  do  hereby 
dissolve  the  political  bonds  which  have  connected  us  with  the  mother  country,  and 
hereby  absolve  ourselves  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown,  and  abjure  all 
political  connexion,  contract,  or  association  with  that  nation,  who  have  wantonly 
trampled  on  our  rights  and  liberties,  and  inhumanly  shed  the  blood  of  American 
Patriots  at  Lexington. 

"  '  Resolved,  3d.  That  we  do  hereby  declare  ourselves  a  free  and  independent 
people;  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  a  sovereign  and  self-governing  association, 
under  the  control  of  no  power,  other  than  that  of  our  God,  and  the  General  Govern- 
ment of  the  Congress ; — to  the  maintenance  of  which  independence,  we  solemnly 
pledge  to  each  other,  our  mutual  cooperation,  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  most 
sacred  honor. 

"  '  Resolved,  4th.  That  as  we  acknowledge  the  existence  and  control  of  no  law, 
nor  legal  office,  civil  or  military,  within  this  county,  we  do  hereby  ordain  and  adopt, 
as  a  rule  of  life,  all,  each,  and  every  of  our  former  laws ;  wherein,  nevertheless, 
the  crown  of  Great  Britain  never  can  be  considered  as  holding  rights,  privileges, 
immunities,  or  authority  therein. 

"  '  Resolved,  5th.  That  it  is  further  decreed,  that  all,  each,  and  every  military 
officer  in  this  county  is  hereby  retained  in  his  former  command  and  authority,  he 
acting  conformably  to  these  regulations.  And  that  every  member  present  of  this 
delegation  shall  henceforth  be  a  civil  officer,  viz. :  a  Justice  of  the  Peace,  in  the 
character  of  a  committee  man,  to  issue  process,  hear  and  determine  all  matters  of 
controversy,  according  to  said  adopted  laws ;  and  to  preserve  peace,  union,  and 
harmony  in  said  county ;  and  to  use  every  exertion  to  spread  the  love  of  country 
and  fire  of  freedom  throughout  America,  until  a  general  organized  government  be 
established  in  this  province.'  " 

*  The  papers  of  the  Convention  were  preserved  by  the  Secretary,  John  McKnitt 
Alexander,  till  the  year  1S00,  when  they  were  destroyed,  with  his  dwelling,  by  fire. 
He  had  fortunately  given  copies  to  different  individuals,  among  them  General  Davie, 
of  North  Carolina,  which  copy  is  now  (1847)  in  the  hands  of  Governor  Graham, 
the  present  chief  magistrate  of  that  State.  Doubts  having  been  expressed  concern- 
ing the  truth  of  the  alleged  Mecklenburg  Convention  and  its  proceedings,  the 
author  of  this  work  wrote  to  Gov.  Graham,  making  inquiry  touching  his  possession, 
and  the  authenticity  of,  the  copy  of  those  proceedings,  alleged  to  be  in  his  custody. 


chap,  iv.]  .    EVENTS  OF  1775.  157 

Proceedings  of  tho  Virginia  Congress.  Bpeech  of  Patrick  Henry. 

On  the  thirty-first  of  May,  at  a  meeting  at  Charlotte,  a  series  of 
republican  resolutions  (which  were  published  in  the  newspapers  of 
the  day)  were  adopted,  and  from  that  time  forth,  the  people  of  the 
province  were,  de  facto,  free  and  independent. 

The  Provincial  Congress  of  Virginia  convened  in  March,  and,  by 
a  series  of  resolutions,  recommended  a  levy  of  volunteer  troops  in 
each  county,  for  the  better  defence  of  the  country.  This  bold  mea- 
sure was  the  proposition  of  Patrick  Henry.  He  had  long  witnessed 
with  impatience  the  temporizing  spirit  of  too  many  of  the  delegates, 
and,  as  he  clearly  saw  that  a  crisis  had  arrived,  he  determined  to 
urge  energetic  measures.  On  the  introduction  of  his  resolutions, 
the  House  was  filled  with  consternation,  and  like  his  Stamp  Act 
resolutions  ten  years  before,  they  were  opposed  as  rash  and  prema- 
ture, by  some  of  the  best  patriots.  But  Henry  met  all  their  objec- 
tions with  so  much  ability,  that  the  resolutions  were  adopted  by  a 
large  majority.  Referring  to  the  gracious  manner  with  which  the 
King  had  received  their  petition,  he  exclaimed  : — "  Suffer  not  your- 
selves to  be  betrayed  by  a  kiss.  Ask  yourselves  how  this  gracious 
reception  comports  with  those  warlike  preparations  which  cover  our 
waters  and  darken  our  land.  Are  fleets  and  armies  necessary  to  a 
work  of  love  and  reconciliation  ?  Have  we  shown  ourselves  so 
unwilling  to  be  reconciled,  that  force  must  be  called  in  to  win  us 
back  to  our  love  ?  Let  us  not  deceive  ourselves,  Sir  !  These  are 
the  implements  of  war  and  subjugation ;  the  last  arguments  to  which 
Kings  resort.  I  ask,  gentlemen,  what  means  this  martial  array,  if 
its  purpose  be  not  to  force  us  to  submission  ?  Has  Great  Britain 
any  enemy  in  this  quarter  of  the  world,  to  call  for  all  this  accumula- 
tion of  armies  and  navies  ?  No,  Sir,  she  has  none.  They  are 
meant  for  us  ;  they  can  be  meant  for  no  other.  They  are  sent  over 
to  bind  and  rivet  upon  us  those  chains  which  the  British  ministry 
have  been  so  long  forging.  And  what  have  we  to  oppose  them  ? 
Shall  we  try  argument?     Sir,  we  have  been  trying  argument  for  the 

last  ten  years We  have  petitioned ;  we  have  supplicated  ; 

we  have  prostrated  ourselves  before  the  throne,  and  have  implored 
its  interposition  to  arrest  the  tyrannical  hands  of  the  ministry  and 
Parliament.  Our  petitions  have  been  slighted  ;  our  remonstrances 
have  produced  additional  violence  and  insult ;  our  supplications  have 
been  disregarded  ;  and  we  have  been  spurned  with  contempt  from 
the  foot  of  the  throne.  In  vain,  after  these  things,  may  we  indulge 
the  fond  hope  of  reconciliation.  There  is  no  longer  any  room  for 
hope.     If  we  wish  to  be  free  ;  if  we  wish  to  preserve  inviolate  those 

He  politely  answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  that  they  appear  among  the  papers  on 
that  subject,  published  by  the  Legislature  of  the  State. 


-158  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

Speech  of  Patrick  Henry. 

i-nestimable  privileges  for  which  we  have  been  so  long  contending ; 
if  we  mean  not  basely  to  abandon  the  noble  struggle  in  which  we 
have  been  so  long  engaged,  and  which  we  have  pledged  ourselves 
never  to  abandon  until  the  glorious  object  of  our  contest  shall  be 
obtained,  we  must  fight !  I  repeat  it,  Sir,  we  must  fight !  An  ap- 
peal to  arms  and  to  the  God  of  hosts,  is  all  that  is  left  us. 

"  They  tell  us,  Sir,  that  we  are  weak — unable  to  cope  with  so  for- 
midable an  enemy.  But  when  shall  we  be  stronger  ?  Will  it  be 
next  week,  or  next  year  ?  Will  it  be  when  we  are  totally  disarmed, 
and  when  a  British  guard  shall  be  stationed  in  every  house  1  Shall 
we  gather  strength  by  irresolution  and  inaction?  Shall  we  acquire 
the  means  of  effectual  resistance  by  lying  supinely  on  our  backs, 
and  hugging  the  delusive  phantom  of  hope,  until  our  enemies  shall 
have  bound  us  hand  and  foot  ?  Sir,  we  are  not  weak,  if  we  make  a 
proper  use  of  those  means  which  the  God  of  nature  hath  placed  in 
our  power.  Three  millions  of  people,  armed  in  the  holy  cause  of 
Liberty  and  in  such  a  country  as  that  which  we  possess,  are  invincible 
by  any  force  which  our  enemy  can  send  against  us.  Besides,  Sir, 
we  shall  not  fight  our  battles  alone.  There  is  a  just  God  who  pre- 
sides over  the  destinies  of  nations,  and  who  will  raise  up  friends  to 
fight  our  battles  for  us.  The  battle,  Sir,  is  not  to  the  strong  alone  ; 
it  is  to  the  vigilant,  the  active,  the  brave.  And  again,  we  have  no 
election.  If  we  were  base  enough  to  desire  it,  it  is  now  too  late  to 
retire  from  the  contest.*  There  is  no  retreat  but  in  submission  and 
slavery  !  Our  chains  are  forged  !  Their  clanking  may  be  heard 
on  the  plains  of  Boston  !  The  war  is  inevitable !  and  let  it  come  !  ! 
I  repeat  it,  Sir,  let  it  come  ! ! !  It  is  vain,  Sir,  to  extenuate  the  mat- 
ter. Gentlemen  may  cry  peace,  peace — but  there  is  no  peace ! 
The  war  is  actually  begun  !  [The  next  gale  that  sweeps  from  the 
north  will  bring  to  our  ears  the  clash  of  resounding  arms  !  t  Our 
brethren  are  already  in  the  field  !  What  is  it  that  gentlemen  wish  ? 
What  would  they  have  ?  Is  life  so  dear,  or  peace  so  sweet,  as  to  be 
purchased  at  the  price  of  chains  and  slavery  ?  Forbid  it,  Almighty 
God  !  I  know  not  what  course  others  may  take,  but  as  for  me,"  he 
cried,  with  both  arms  extended  aloft ;  his  brow  knit ;  every  feature 
marked  with  the  resolute  purpose  of  his  soul ;  and  with  his  voice 
swelled  to  its  loudest  note,  "  Give  me  Libety  or  give  me  Death  !  ! !" 


*  The  boldness  of  Mr.  Henry,  and  the  great  influence  which  he  exerted,  caused 
him  to  be  presented  to  the  British  government  in  a  bill  of  attainder.  His  name, 
with  that  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  Peyton  Randolph,  John  Adams,  Samuel  Adams, 
John  Hancock,  and  several  others,  were  on  that  black  list. 

f  This  prediction  was  speedily  fulfilled ;  for  almost  "  the  next  gale  from  the 
north"  conveyed  the  boom  of  the  signal-gun  of  Freedom  at  Lexington 


chat,  v.]  EVENTS  OF  1775.  159 

Effect  of  Henry's  Speech.  Expedition  against  Ticonderosa. 

He  took  his  seat.  No  murmur  of  applause  was  heard.  The 
effect  was  too  deep.  After  the  trance  of  a  moment,  several  mem- 
bers started  from  their  seats.  The  cry  to  arms  seemed  to  quiver  on 
every  lip  and  gleam  from  every  eye.  Richard  Henry  Lee  arose  and 
supported  Mr.  Henry  with  his  usual  spirit  and  elegance,  but  his 
melody  was  lost  amid  the  agitations  of  that  ocean  which  the  master- 
spirit of  the  storm  had  lifted  on  high.  That  supernatural  voice  still 
sounded  in  their  ears,  and  shivered  along  their  arteries.  They  heard 
in  every  pause  the  cry  of  Liberty  or  Death.  They  became  impatient 
of  speech — their  souls  were  on  fire  for  action.* 

Thus  it  will  be  perceived  that  the  people  in  all  parts  of  the  Colo- 
nies were  impressed  with  the  idea  of  the  inevitable  occurrence  of 
War  ;  and  various  expeditions  were  planned.  Among  these  was 
one  for  seizing  the  important  fortress  of  Ticonderoga,  on  Lake 
Champlain,  the  key  to  the  northern  entrance  into  Canada.  Colonel 
Ethan  Allen  was  the  chief  projector  of  this  expedition,  and,  early  in 
May,  accompanied  by  Colonels  Easton,  Browne  and  Warner,  and 
Capt.  Dickenson,  with  a  number  of  volunteers  from  Connecticut  and 
Vermont,!  they  proceeded  towards  Castleton.  About  the  same  time 
Benedict  Arnold,  a  native  of  Norwich,  Connecticut,  and  Captain  in  the 
provincial  army,  also  conceived  the  plan  of  seizing  Ticonderoga,  and 
such  confidence  had  the  Massachusetts  Committee  of  Safety  in  his 
bravery  and  judgment,  that  they  gave  him  the  rank  of  Colonel,  with 
authority  to  levy  troops  for  the  expedition.  Having  collected  a  sum* 
cient  number,  he  proceeded,  and  at  Castleton  he  overtook  Allen,  who, 
much  to  his  surprise,  had  anticipated  him.  He  immediately  put 
himself  under  Allen's  command,  and  they  proceeded  on  their  march. 

The  officer  in  command  at  Ticonderoga,  was  Captain  La  Place, 
an  old  friend  of  Allen.  Precautions  were  taken  to  prevent  their 
approach  being  known.  They  arrived  at  night  on  the  banks  of  the 
lake  opposite  Ticonderoga,  and  there  Allen  found  a  boy  who  volun- 
teered to  be  their  guide  across  the  lake  and  to  the  fort.J  With  only 
eighty-three  men,  they  approached  the  fortress  in  the  grey  of  the 
early  morning,  entered  by  the  covered  way,  and  having  reached  the 
esplanade,  raised  a  tremendous  shout,  which  aroused  the  sleeping 
garrison.  Supposing  the  number  of  invaders  to  be  far  greater  than 
it  actually  was,  the  soldiers  were  paralysed,  and  offered  but  a  feeble 
resistance.  The  boy  conducted  Allen  to  the  door  of  La  Place's 
bed-chamber,  who  at  that  moment  appeared,  half  dressed,  and  de- 

*  Wirt.  f  These  styled  themselves  "  Green  Mountain  Boys.'* 

%  His  name  was  Nathan  Beman.  He  died  in  December,  1S46,  in  Franklin  county, 
New  York,  at  the  age  of  ninety  years.  He  lived  to  see  the  Union  increase  from 
thirteen  to  thirty  States !  and  from  three  millions  of  people  to  twenty  millions. 

11 


•  160  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

Capture  of  Ticonderoga.  Meeting  of  the  second  Continental  Congress. 

manded  the  cause  of  the  tumult.  The  rough  and  well-known  voice 
of  Allen  bade  him  surrender  the  fort.  "  By  what  authority  do  you 
make  the  demand  ?"  asked  La  Place.  "  By  the  Great  Jehovah  and 
the  Continental  Congress  !"  thundered  Allen.  The  commander 
found  it  was  useless  to  parley,  and  at  once  surrendered.* 

They  secured  one  hundred  and  twenty  pieces  of  twenty-four  pound 
brass  cannon,  several  howitzers,  balls,..bombs,  and  ammunition.  A 
party  was  immediately  sent  to  seize  the  fort  at  Crown  Point,  which 
was  easily  effected,  and  more  than  a  hundred  pieces  of  artillery  were 
secured  there. 

They  next  armed  a  schooner,  which,  under  the  command  of  Colo- 
nel Arnold,  captured  a  corvette  of  war,  which  the  English  kept 
anchored  at  St.  John's,  at  the  head  of  the  lake.  They  then  proceed- 
ed to  Skeensborough  (now  Whitehall),  and  successfully  stormed  and 
captured  the  fort,  by  which  they  came  in  possession  of  a  large  quan- 
tity of  light  artillery.  This  series  of  brilliant  exploits  put  the 
Americans  in  complete  possession  of  the  lake  and  the  chief  route  to 
Canada ;  and  inspired  the  Colonists  with  the  greatest  joy  and  hope 
for  the  future.  The  different  fortresses  were  garrisoned  ;  and  leav- 
ing the  whole  under  the  command  of  Arnold,  Allen  returned  to  Con- 
necticut. 

"Whilst  these  exciting  events  were  in  progress  at  the  north  and 
east,  the  Second  Continental  Congress  met  at  Philadel- 
phia,0 on  the  opening  of  which,  delegates  from  twelve  Colo- 
nies took  their  seats. t  Peyton  Randolph  was,  for  the  second  time, 
unanimously  chosen  President^  and  Charles  Thomson,  Secretary. 
The  first  subject  that  engaged  their  attention,  was  the  reports  of  the 
transactions  in  the  various  Colonies,  having  a  tendency  to  open  hos- 
tility. Wrhen  they  received  intelligence  of  the  operations  on  Lake 
Champlain,  they  were  quite  unprepared  for  such  serious  measures ;  but 
believing  their  cause  a  just  one,  and  encouraged  by  such  a  success- 
ful commencement,  they  at  once  resolved  to  put  all  the  Colonies  in  a 
state  of  military  defence.  But  before  adopting  any  measures  of  this 
kind,  they  determined  to  make  fresh  appeals  to  the  King  and  people 

*  This  enterprise  was  facilitated  by  Noah  Phelps,  a  captain  of  Connecticut 
volunteers.  The  day  before  Allen's  arrival,  Captain  Phelps  disguised  himself  and 
entered  the  fort  at  Ticonderoga,  in  the  character  of  a  countryman  wanting  to  be 
shaved.  In  his  pretended  search  for  the  garrison  barber,  he  observed  everything 
critically ;  discovered  that  the  walls  in  part,  were  in  a  ruinous  state,  and  that 
guard  was  kept  very  negligently. 

t  On  the  twentieth  of  July,  the  day  appointed  by  Congress  as  a  fast  day,  that 
body  received  despatches  from  Georgia,  announcing  that  that  province  had  joined 
the  confederation,  and  appointed  Delegates. 

J  On  the  nineteenth  of  May,  Mr.  Randolph  being  obliged  to  return  home,  Jcha 
Hancock  was  unanimously  chosen  President,  to  fill  his  place. 


Ethan  Allen  at  Ticonderoga.    T.  180. 


chap.  v.J  EVENTS  OF  1775.  163 

Preliminary  Proceeding  of  Congress.  Appointment  of  a  Commander  in-Chief. 

of  Great  Britain.*  They  expressed  to  the  King  their  continued 
devotion  to  his  person  and  government,  and  their  deep  regret  that 
circumstances  had  in  any  degree  weakened  their  attachment  to  the 
Crown.  To  the  people  they  strenuously  denied  the  charge  of  aiming 
at  independence,  or  of  having,  either  directly  or  by  implication,  made 
overtures  to  any  foreign  government.  They  truly  represented  that 
their  acts  had  been  wholly  defensive,  and  that  in  consequence  of  the 
rejection  of  their  petitions  by  ministers,  and  wanton  acts  of  oppres- 
sion by  Parliament,  all  they  had  done  was  justifiable.  "  While  we 
revere,"  said  they,  "the  memory  of  our  gallant  and  virtuous  ances- 
tors, we  never  can  surrender  these  glorious  privileges  for  which  they 
fought,  bled,  and  conquered  ; — your  fleets  and  armies  can  destroy 
our  towns,  and  ravage  our  coasts  ;  these  are  inconsiderable  objects, 
— things  of  no  moment  to  men  whose  bosoms  glow  with  the  ardor 
of  Liberty.  We  can  retire  beyond  the  reach  of  your  navy,  and, 
without  any  sensible  diminution  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  enjoy  a 
luxury,  which  from  that  period  you  will  want, — the  luxury  of  being 
free."  Having  adopted  these  declarations,  the  Congress  proceeded 
to  make  extensive  military  arrangements,  by  mustering  into  service, 
under  the  title  of  the  Continental  Army,  the  militia  of  the  various 
Colonies,  and  such  volunteers  as  might  be  obtained.  They  voted 
to  issue  paper  money  to  the  amount  of  three  millions  of  dollars  for 
the  pay  of  the  army,  and  took  measures  for  the  establishment  of  pro- 
visional assemblies  in  the  several  Colonies. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  June  they  adopted  a  resolution,  "  That  a  gene- 
ral be  appointed  to  command  all  the  Continental  forces  raised  for 
the  defence  of  American  Liberty."  Also,  "  That  five  hundred  dol- 
lars per  month  be  allowed  for  the  pay  and  expenses  of  the  general." 
This  was  an  exceedingly  delicate  matter,  for  several  military  men  of 
much  experience  were  already  in  the  army  then  investing  Boston, 
and  General  Ward  was  in  command  of  all  the  forces  of  the  east. 
The  great  judgment  and  thorough  knowledge  of  military  affairs 
which  George  Washington,  of  Virginia,  had  exhibited  on  many 
occasions  ;  and  his  commanding  talents,  as  displayed  in  the  Congress 
of  1774,  had  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the  minds  of  the  dele- 
gates, most  of  whom  were  now  present,  and  their  thoughts  turned 
upon  him  to  receive  the  high  trust.  It  was  questionable,  however, 
in  what  light  an  attempt  to  supersede  General  Ward  would  be 
viewed.  This  difficulty,  however,  was  overcome  by  the  magnani- 
mity of  the  New  England  delegation.  John  Adams  proposed  the 
adoption  of  the  provincial  troops  at  Boston,  as  a  "  Continental  Army," 

*  See  Appendix,  Nete  VI. 


164  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

Washington  appointed  Commander-in-Chief.  His  Commission , 

and  at  the  conclusion  of  his  remarks,  he  expressed  his  intention  to 
propose   a   Member   of  Congress   from  Virginia,  for  the  office  of 
Commander-in-chief.     All  present  understood  it  to  be  Washington, 
and  when  the  day  arrived  for  the  appointment,*  he  was  no- 
minated by  Thomas  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  and  was  unani- 
mously elected.     On  the  convening  of  Congress  the  next  morning, 
the   President   communicated   to   him   officially   the   notice   of  his 
appointment,  and  he  rose  in  his  place  and  signified  his  acceptance  in 
a  brief  and  appropriate  reply.*     Four  days  afterwards/  he 
received  his  commission  from  the  President  of  Congress,! 
and  the  members  pledged  themselves  by  a  unanimous  resolve,  to 
maintain,  assist  and  adhere  to  him  with  their  lives  and  fortunes  in  the 
same  cause.J     Four  Major- Generals  and  eight  Brigadier-Generals 
were  likewise  appointed  for  the  Continental  army.§ 

*  Washington,  standing  in  his  place,  said : — "  Mr.  President, — Though  I  am  truly 
sensible  of  the  high  honor  done  me,  in  this  appointment,  yet  I  feel  great  distress, 
from  a  consciousness  that  my  abilities  and  military  experience  may  not  be  equal  to 
the  extensive  and  important  trust.  However,  as  the  Congress  desire  it,  I  will 
enter  upon  the  momentous  duty,  and  exert  every  power  I  possess  in  their  service, 
and  for  the  support  of  the  glorious  cause.  I  beg  they  will  accept  my  most  cordial 
thanks  for  this  distinguished  testimony  of  their  approbation.  But  lest  some 
unlucky  event  should  happen,  unfavorable  to  my  reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be  remem- 
bered, by  every  gentleman  in  this  room,  that  I,  this  day,  declare  with  the  utmost 
sincerity,  I  do  not  think  myself  equal  to  the  command  I  am  honored  with.  As  to 
pay,  Sir,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  Congress  that,  as  no  pecuniary  consideration 
could  have  tempted  me  to  accept  the  arduous  employment,  at  the  expense  of  my 
domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I  do  not  wish  to  make  any  profit  from  it.  I  will  keep 
an  exact  account  of  my  expenses.  Those,  I  doubt  not,  they  will  discharge,  and  that 
is  all  I  desire." 

f  It  was  in  the  following  words  :  "  To  George  Washington,  Esq.  : — We,  reposing 
special  trust  and  confidence  in  your  patriotism,  valor,  conduct,  and  fidelity,  do,  by 
these  presents,  constitute  and  appoint  you  to  be  general  and  commander-in-chief 
of  the  army  of  the  United  Colonies,  and  of  all  the  forces  now  raised,  or  to  be  raised 
by  them,  and  of  all  others  who  shall  voluntarily  offer  their  services,  and  join  the 
said  army  for  the  defence  of  American  Liberty,  and  for  repelling  every  hostile  inva- 
sion thereof;  and  you  are  hereby  vested  with  full  power  and  authority  to  act  as  you 
shall  think  for  the  good  and  welfare  of  the  service.  And  we  do  hereby  strictly 
charge  and  require  all  officers  and  soldiers  under  your  command,  to  be  obedient  to 
your  orders,  and  diligent  in  the  exercise  of  their  several  duties.  And  we  do  also 
enjoin  and  require  you,  to  be  careful  in  executing  the  great  trust  reposed  in  you, 
by  causing  strict  discipline  and  order  to  be  observed  in  the  army,  and  that  the 
soldiers  be  duly  exercised,  and  provided  with  all  convenient  necessaries.  And  you 
are  to  regulate  your  conduct  in  every  respect,  by  the  rules  and  discipline  of  war  (as 
here  given  you),  and  punctually  to  observe  and  follow  such  orders  and  directions, 
from  time  to  time,  as  you  shall  receive  from  this,  or  a  future  Congress  of  these  United 
Colonies,  or  committee  of  Congress.  This  commission  is  to  continue  in  force,  until 
revoked  by  this,  or  a  future  Congress.     Signed,         John  Hancock,  President." 

t  Sparks's  Life  of  Washington  (1  vol.),  p.  131. 

§  To  the  former  rank  were  chosen  Artemas  Ward,  Charles  Lee,  Philip  Schuyler, 
and  Israel  Putnam :  to  the  latter ,  Seth  Pomeroy,  Richard  Montg<  mery,  David 


chap,  v.]  EVENTS  OF  1775.  167 

Arrival  of  reinforcements  from  England:  Occupation  of  Breed's  II  il  by  the  Americana 

In  the  meantime,  war  had  actually  commenced  in  New  England 
Towards  the  close  of  May,  Generals  Howe,  Burgoyne,  and  Clinton, 
arrived  at  Boston,  from  England,   with   a   considerable  number  of 
marines  and  drafts  from  other  regiments.     Several  regiments  from 
Ireland  speedily  followed,0  raising  the  effective  force  of  the   aMay25. 
British  army  to  upwards  of  ten  thousand  men.      General 
Gage  issued  a  proclamation,*  calling  upon  the  people  to  lay 
down  their  arms,  and  offering  a  free  pardon  to  all,  except.  John  Han- 
cock and  Samuel  Adams,  whose  political  crimes  were  considered  too 
flagitious  to  admit  of  forgiveness. 

It  was  evident  that  preparations  to  march  the  army  into  the  coun- 
try were  in  progress  by  the  British  generals,  to  prevent  which,  the 
Americans  strengthened  their  entrenchments  across  Boston  Neck , 
but  learning  that  the  former  had  changed  their  plan,  and  were  direct- 
ing their  attention  to  the  peninsula  at  Charlestown,  the  latter  made 
instant  provision  for  defeating  this  design.  On  the  evening  of  the 
sixteenth  of  June,  Colonel  Prescott  was  ordered  to  take  a  detachment 
of  one  thousand  men  and  form  an  entrenchment  upon  Bunker  Hill, 
a  lofty  eminence  which  commanded  the  neck  of  the  peninsula  of 
Charlestown.  Between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  this  force  moved 
silently  from  Cambridge,  passed  unobserved  by  the  British  over 
Charlestown  Neck,  and  by  some  mistake,  repaired  to  the  summit 
of  Breed's  Hill,  another  eminence  upon  that  peninsula,  and  within 
cannon-shot  of  Boston.  They  immediately  set  to  work  to  throw  up 
a  redoubt  and  entrenchments,  and  to  place  their  guns  in  battery. 
They  labored  with  so  much  ardor,  that  by  daylight  the  fol- 
lowing morning0  the  whole  was  sufficiently  completed  to 
afford  them  some  shelter  from  the  enemy's  fire.  So  silently  was 
all  this  labor  performed,  that  neither  the  English  troops  nor  the  peo- 
ple of  Boston  had  any  intimation  of  it,  until  the  fortifications  were 
discovered,  about  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  by  the  captain  of  one 
of  the  ships  of  war  in  Boston  harbor. .  He  immediately  began  to 
play  upon  the  Americans  with  his  cannon,  the  report  of  which 
aroused  the  army  and  the  people,  who  could  scarcely  believe  the 
testimony  of  their  eyes  when  they  beheld  the  seeming  work  of 
magic. 

General  Gage  saw  at  once,  that  if  the  Americans  should  succeed 
in  finishing  a  strong  fortification  there,  overlooking,  as  the  eminence 
did,  the   whole   city,  they  would  speedily  dislodge   him   from  the 

Wooster,  William  Heath,  Joseph  Spencer,  John  Thomas,  John  Sullivan,  and  Natha- 
niel Green.  To  them  was  added  Horatio  Gates,  as  Adjutant-general,  with  the  rank 
of  Brigadier.  Washington  appointed  Thomas  Mifflin,  of  Philadelphia  his  aide-d-e- 
camp. 


168  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

Preparations  for  Battle.  Burning  of  Charlestown, 

town ;  and  he  arranged  a  battery  of  six  heavy;  guns  upon  Copp's 
Hill,  a  commanding  eminence  in  Boston,  and  opened  a  general  fire 
of  artillery  upon  them,  accompanied  by  bombs,  b#t  without  much 
effect.  Some  of  the  guns  of  the  fleet  also  opened  upon  them,  but 
the  Americans  persevered  in  the  completion  of  their  redoubt. 

About  noon  a  strong  detachment  from  the  English,  three  thousand 
in  number,  under  the  command  of  General  Howe,  was  carried  across 
the  river  in  boats  to  Charlestown,  with  the  design  of  storming  the 
works.  They  found  the  fortifications  so  much  stronger  than  they 
anticipated,  that  General  Howe  thought  it  prudent  to  wait  for 
reinforcements.  '  The  right  wing  of  the  Americans  rested  upon  the 
houses  of  Charlestown,  and  the  part  which  connected  with  the  main 
body  was  defended  by  the  redoubt  upon  Breed's  Hill.  The  centre 
and  left  wings  formed  themselves  behind  the  trench  which,  following 
the  declivity,  descended  towards  Mystic  River.  From  the  extremity 
of  the  left  wing  to  the  river,  they  erected  parallel  palisades  for  pro- 
tection. The  Massachusetts  troops  occupied  Charlestown,  the  re- 
doubt and  part  of  the  trench  ;  those  of  Connecticut,  under  Captain 
Nolten,  and  of  New  Hampshire,  under  Colonel  Starke,  the  rest  of 
the  trench.  While  the  English  were  waiting  for  a  reinforcement, 
the  Americans  received  one  under  Doctor  Joseph  Warren,  who 
was  an  active  and  popular  patriot,  and  had  received  the  appointment 
of  Major  General.  General  Pomeroy  made  his  appearance  at  the 
same  time,  and  took  command  of  the  Connecticut  troops.  General 
Putnam  was  the  chief  director  of  the  movements,  and  was  continually 
seen  passing  along  the  lines,  giving  orders  and  affording  encourage- 
ment. 

While  these  awful  preparations  for  combat  were  in  progress,  every 
hill-top,  church-spire  and  roof,  in  Boston,  was  crowded  with  people, 
waiting  with  dreadful  anxiety  to  see  the  battle  begin.  .About  one 
o'clock,  the  heat  of  the  day  intense,  the  English  forces,  divided  into 
twro  columns,  moved  towards  the  Americans.  It  was  arranged  that 
the  left  wing  under  General  Pigot  should  attack  the  Americans  in 
Charlestown ;  the  centre  should  attack  the  redoubt ;  and  the  right 
wing,  consisting  of  light  infantry,  should  force  a  passage  through 
the  palisades  near  the  Mystic,  and  thus  assail  the  Americans  in  flank 
and  rear.  The  Americans  who  were  stationed  in  Charlestown, 
fearing  the  assailants  might  separate  them  from  the  main  body  upon 
the  hill,  retreated  ;  and  immediately  an  order  from  General  Gage  was 
put  into  execution — Charlestown  was  set  on  fire  !  The  buildings 
being  of  wood,  the  conflagration  spread  rapidly,  and  soon  the  whole 
village  was  in  ashes.     By  this  atrocious  act,  two  thousand  people 


chap,  v.]  EVENTS  OF  1775.  169 


Battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 


were  deprived  of  their  habitations,  and  a  great  amount  of  property- 
was  destroyed. 

What  a  scene  was  now  presented  to  view  !  Upon  a  small  emi- 
nence, defended  by  a  feeble  fortification  erected  in  a  day,  stood  a 
few  brave  men,  marshalled  from  the  furrows  and  workshops,  and 
undisciplined  in  the  art  of  war,  bidding  defiance  to  thousands  of  the 
choice  troops  of  the  most  powerful  nation  upon  the  earth,  which  were 
commanded  by  experienced  generals,  and  aided  by  a  fleet  of  armed 
vessels,  all  ready  at  a  signal^  to  scatter  their  iron  hail  and  destructive 
bombs,  along  the  patriot  line.  At  their  feet,  a  large  town  was  in 
flames,  while  within  sight,  thousands  of  men,  women  and  children, 
the  loved  ones  of  their  homes,  warm  friends  and  dependent  families, 
were  rushing,  pale  with  anxiety  and  alarm,  to  witness  the  dreadful 
conflict.  Silently  and  slowly  the  British  troops  advanced,  while  not  a 
gun  was  fired  by  the  Americans  until  the  enemy  were  within  about 
ten  rods  of  the  redoubt.  Then  they  poured  upon  them  such  a 
shower  of  bullets,. that  their  ranks  were  soon  thinned  and  broken, 
and  in  great  confusion  they  retreated  to  the  landing  place.  The 
ground  was  literally  covered  with  the  slain,  and  it  was  with  the 
greatest  difficulty  that  the  British  officers  rallied  their  troops  for  a 
second  attack. 

Finally  they  succeeded,  and  with  unbroken  column  marched  slowly 
up  the  hill.  Again  the  Americans  reserved  their  fire  until  the  enemy 
approached  very  near,  when  they  overwhelmed  them  a  second  time 
with  a  deluge  of  balls.  The  English  again  fled  in  great  confusion  to 
the  shore,  and  for  some  time  General  Howe  remained  alone  upon 
the  field,  every  officer  having  fled  or  been  killed. 

General  Clinton,  who,  from  Copp's  Hill,  had  been  watching  these 
movements,  seeing  the  destruction  of  Howe's  troops,  immediately 
sped  to  their  succor.  With  a  number  of  resolute  officers,  he  crossed 
Charles  River,  rallied  the  troops,  and  a  third  time  they  ascended  the 
hill,  to  make  a  general  charge  upon  the  Americans  with  fixed  bayo- 
nets. In  such  an  attack,  the  English  had  great  advantage,  for  the 
•  Americans,  though  plentifully  supplied  with  muskets,  had  fewr  bayo- 
nets ;  and  after  the  second  attack,  their  ammunition  was  nearly 
exhausted.  All  chance  for  a  reinforcement,  or  a  supply  of  ammuni- 
tion, was  cut  off  by  the  complete  sweep  of  the  isthmus  which  the 
armed  vessels  had. 

Tiie  left  wing  and  centre  of  the  British  army  attacked  the  redoubt, 
while  the  light  infantry  made  a  violent  attack  upon  the  palisades 
The  assault  at  all' points  was  furious,  and  the  resistance  obstinate. 
When  their   ammunition    entirely  failed,   the  Americans  defended 
themselves  valiantly  with  the  butt-ends  of  their  muskets  ;  but , seeing 


170  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

Retreat  of  the  Americans  and  Death  of  General  Warren.  Arrival  of  Washington  at  Cambridge, 

the  redoubt,  and  a  part  of  the  trench  in  possession  of  the  enemy,  they 
at  once  commenced  a  retreat  across  Charlestown  Neck,  where  they 
were  enfiladed  by  the  guns  of  the  "  Glasgow,"  an  English  sloop-of- 
war,  and  one  or  two  gun  boats  or  floating  batteries.  But  they  re- 
treated with  a  comparatively  small  loss,  and  entrenched  themselves 
upon  Prospect  Hill,  about  two  miles  northwest  from  Breed's  Hill, 
still  maintaining  the  command  of  the  entrance  to  Boston. 

It  was  during  this  retreat  that  tfye  brave  General  Warren  was 
killed.  Finding  the  troops  under  his  command  hotly  pursued  by  the 
enemy,  he  stood  alone  before  the  ranks,  endeavoring  to  rally  and 
encourage  them  by  his  own  example.  At  that  moment  an  English 
officer  who  knew  him,  borrowed  a  musket  from  one  of  his  soldiers, 
and  shot  him  dead.*  In  this  battle,  according  to  the  official  accounts, 
the  Americans  had  one  hundred  and  forty-five  slain,  and  three  hun- 
dred and  four  wounded  :  the  English  had  two  hundred  and  twenty- 
six  killed,  and  eight  hundred  and  twenty-eight  wounded.f  Among 
the  British  officers  of  distinction  who  were  killed  on  the  ground, 
were  Lieutenant-Colonel  Abercrombie,  Major  Pitcairn  (the  com- 
mander at  Lexington),  and  Major  Williams.  Major  Spendlove  was 
mortally  wounded,  and  died  a  few  days  after. 

In  the  beginning  of  July,  Washington  took  his  leave  of  Congress, 
and  started  for  Cambridge.  He  arrived  there  on  the  twelfth,  and 
found  the  blockading  army  considerably  disheartened  in  consequence 
of  the  defeat  at  Bunker  Hill,  and  their  general  discipline  was  very 
defective.  They  had  been  gathered  suddenly  from  various  points, 
and  there  being  no  positive  authoritative  head,  insubordination  to 
strict  discipline  was  common.  They  had  but  little  ammunition,  and 
most  of  their  guns  were  without  bayonets.  His  first  care  was  to 
properly  organize  and  officer  the  army,  and  get  a  supply  of  ammuni- 
tion and  stores.  He  soon  succeeded  in  forming  an  excellent  staff 
of  brave  officers,  and  in  the  establishment  of  a  code  of  disciplinary 
laws,  to  which  the  soldiers  in  general  paid  ready  obedience. 

On  reconnoitring,  Washington  discovered  that  the  main  body  of 
the  British  army,  under  General  Howe,  were  strongly  entrenching 
themselves  upon  Bunker  Hill.  Three  floating  batteries  were  placed 
in  Mystic  River ;  a  twenty  gun  ship  in  Charles  River ;  a  strong  bat- 
tery was  erected  on  Copp's  Hill  in  Boston,  and  very  strong  entrench- 

*  The  death  of  General  Warren  was  greatly  lamented  by  the  Americans.  He 
was  a  physician,  and  much  beloved  both  in  his  profession  and  private  life.  He 
had  received  the  commission  of  Major-General  just  three  days  before  the  battle,  and 
was  only  thirty-five  years  of  age.  He  rushed  into  this  battle  as  a  mere  volunteer. 
He  was  killed  almost  instantly,  by  a  ball  in  the  head,  on  or  near  the  spot  where  now 
stands  Bunker  Hill  Monument. —  Goodrich. 

\  Marshall,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  288-94. 


chap,  v.]  EVENTS  OF  1775.  173 

Organizntion  of  the  Continental  Army.  Expedition  to  Canada. 

merits  were  in  progress  upon  Boston  Neck.  In  view  of  these  active 
operations,  he  clearly  saw  how  dangerous  it  would  be  to  follow  the 
advice  of  some  members  of  the  Congress,  to  attack  the  British 
troops  at  once.  Instead  of  that,  he  began  strengthening  his  own 
line  ;  and  contracting  it,  he  kept  the  centre  at  Cambridge,  under  his 
own  immediate  command,  placed  the  right  wing  at  Roxbury,  under 
General  Ward,  and  the  left  near  the  Mystic,  under  General  Lee. 
The  British  were  thus  completely  blockaded  by  land,  and  were 
obliged  to  receive  all  their  supplies  by  ships  from  distant  ports,  as 
the  American^would  not  furnish  them  with  food  of  any  kind.  Still 
they  remained  strangely  inactive,  and  the  summer  and  autumn  passed 
away  without  any  collision  between  the  two  armies,  thus  giving 
Washington  ample  time  to  organize  his  forces  and  prepare  for  the 
Spring  campaign,  if  circumstances  should  demand  one.  General 
Gage  was  recalled ,a  and  the  chief  command  devolved  upon 

~    °        .  TT  x  a  October. 

(jreneral  Howe. 

The  capture  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  unlocked  the  door 
of  entrance  into  Canada,  and  an  expedition  for  revolutionizing  that 
whole  province  was  early  concerted.  For  this  purpose  a  body  of 
about  three  thousand  troops  from  New  York  and  New  England, 
were  placed  under  the  command  of  Generals  Schuyler  and  Mont- 
gomery, who  passed  up  Lake  Champlain,  and  early  in  September 
appeared  before  St.  John's,  a  town  at  the  head  of  the  lake,  not  far 
distant  from  Montreal,  and  the  first  British  post  in  Canada. 

For  the  twofold  purpose  of  preventing  or  committing  invasion, 
General  Carleton,  the  Governor  of  Canada,  had  placed  nearly  a 
thousand  men  in  Fort  St.  John.  In  the  meanwhile,  hearing  of  the 
success  of  Allen  and  Arnold,  General  Gage  had  sent  Brigadier-Gene- 
ral Prescott  and  a  few  other  officers  to  Montreal  to  aid  General 
Carleton ;  and  about  the  time  the  provincials  appeared  before  the 
fortress,  Colonel  Guy  Johnstone  arrived  there  with  seven  hundred 
Indian  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  offered  their  services  to 
the  Governor.  But  they  were  not  accepted,  and  many  of  them  soon 
afterwards  joined  the  provincial  army. 

Finding  themselves  opposed  by  so  large  a  force,  the  provincials 
retired  to,  and  fortified  Aux  Noix,  an  island  in  the  lake  about  one 
hundred  and  fifteen  miles  north  of  Ticonderoga.  As  soon  as  the 
work  was  accomplished,  General  Schuyler  hastened  to  Ticonderoga 
for  reinforcements,  but  being  attacked  by  a  severe  illness,  the  whole 
command  devolved  upon  General  Montgomery,  a  young,  active,  and 
courageous  officer,  and  skilful  military  tactitian. 

He  at  once  made  preparations  to  attack  Montreal,  and  for  this 
purpose,  opened  a  battery  against  St.  John's  ;  but  want  of  necessary 


174                          THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

[1775. 

Capture  of  Ethan  Allen. 

Expedition  of  Arnold. 

•  ammunition  made  the  progress  of  the  siege  a  slow  one.     By 

a  sudden  movement,  he  captured  Fort  Chambly,«  a  few- 
miles  north  of  St.  John's,  and  obtained  several  pieces  of  cannon  and 
a  large  amount  of  powder. 

The  intrepid  Ethan  Allen,  who  participated  in  these  movements, 
offered  to  take  one  hundred  and  fifty  picked  men  at  night,  and  cap- 
ture Montreal.  Leave  was  granted  him,  and  the  brave  Colonel  with 
only  eighty  men  crossed  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  before  daylight 
approached  the  town.  He  was  met  by  British  troops  and  French 
Canadians  of  the  place,  under  Major  Campbell,  and  fcfter  a  severe 
battle,  was  defeated,  and  himself  taken  prisoner  and  sent  to  England 
in  irons.     Fifteen  of  his  men  were  killed,  and  seven  wounded. 

On  the  third  of  November,  St.  John's  surrendered  unconditionally, 
with  upwards  of  five  hundred  regulars  and  one  hundred  Canadian 
volunteers.  As  General  Carleton  could  not  get  reinforcements,  and, 
hearing  that  Colonel  Arnold  with  another  American  force  was  ap- 
proaching Point  Levi,  he  embarked  his  men,  and  retreated  down  the 
St.  Lawrence  to  stop  Arnold's  progress.  Carleton  was  conveyed  in 
a  whale-boat,  with  muffled  oars,  down  the  river,  and  through  Mont- 
gomery's rafts,  on  a  dark  night,  and  reached  Quebec  in  safety. 
Montgomery  left  St.  John's  immediately  on  its  surrender,  leaving  a 
small  garrison  for  its  defence,  and  darting  across  the  St.  Lawrence, 
entered  Montreal  without  much  opposition.  On  the  thirteenth  it 
capitulated,  and  leaving  a  small  garrison  there,  he  hastened  towards 
Quebec,  to  meet  the  army  under  Arnold,  which,  by  forced  marches, 
through  a  dreary  wilderness,  succeeded  in  reaching  the  banks  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  at  Point  Levi,  on  the  ninth  of  November.*     When 

*  This  expedition  of  Arnold,  in  its  conception  and  execution,  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  on  record,  and  whatever ,  blemishes  afterwards  appeared  upon  his 
character,  one  thing  cannot  be  denied — he  was  a  man  of  great  sagacity  and 
boldness  of  character,  and  as  brave  an  officer  as  ever  commanded  an  army.  At  his 
own  request,  he  was  despatched  to  Quebec,  with  about  eleven  hundred  men.  The 
route  was  then  a  dreary  desert,  intersected  by  dense  forests  and  swamps.  Start- 
ing from  Cambridge,  the  head-quarters  of  the  army  blockading  Boston,  he  marched 
one  hundred  and  thirty  miles  northward  of  that  city,  and  embarked  with  his  men 
in  batteaux  upon  the  rough  and  tortuous  Kennebec.  He  was  quite  ignorant  of  the 
character  of  the  stream  he  was  ascending,  it  having  never  been  surveyed.  He 
found  strong  currents,  craggy  rocks,  dangerous  shoals,  and  numerous  falls  and  rapids ; 
but  nothing  daunted,  he  pursued  his  toilsome  journey.  But  Colonel  Enos,  his  second 
in  command,  got  embarrassed  in  the  windings  of  the  Dead  River,  a  branch  of  the 
Kennebec,  and  finding  it  impossible  to  procure  food  for  his  soldiers,  gave  up  in 
despair,  and  returned  to  Cambridge,  with  nearly  one-third  of  the  whole  detachment. 

Finding  it  impossible  to  follow  the  river  further,  Arnold  abandoned  his  batteaux 

and  forced  his  way  through  forests,  swamps,  and  broad  savannahs,  and  for  thirty-two 

long  days,  he  traversed  a  howling  wilderness,  where  no  signs  of  human  life  met  his 

eye.*     His  patriot  troops  suffered  dreadfully  from  hunger  and  cold,  yet  scarcely  a 

*  This  country  is  now  the  State  of  Maine. 


chap,  v.]  EVENTS  OF  1775.  175 

Arriv;il  of  Montgomery  and  Arnold  at  Quebec.  Siege  of  Quebec. 

Montgomery  arrived,  he  found  that  he  had  only  about  four  hundred 
effective  men,  his  garrisons  and  desertions  having  thus  reduced  his 
army. 

Previous  to  the  arrival  of  Montgomery,  and  on  the  day  that  Mon- 
treal capitulated,0  Arnold  crossed  the  St.  Lawrence,  ascend- 
ed  the  heights  of  Abraham,  at  the  point  where  the  brave 
Wolfe  scaled  them,  and  drew  up  his  forces  upon  the  plain.  But  he 
found  the  garrison  too  strong  for  him,  and  he  retreated  to  Point 
Aux  Trembles,  twenty  miles  above  Quebec,  and  there  awaited  the 
arrival  of  Montgomery.*  Had  Arnold  reached  there  a  little  sooner, 
he  might  have  taken  General  Carleton  and  his  staff  prisoners,  for 
they  left  it  but  a  few  hours  previously. 

On  the  arrival  of  Montgomery,*  the  two  forces  were 
united,  and  numbered  about  nine  hundred  men.  They 
marched  upon  Quebec,  which  was  then  strongly  garrisoned-  the 
forces  of  General  Carleton  having  been  added  to  those  of  Colonel 
McLean.  Montgomery  sent  a  flag  and  summoned  the  garrison  to 
surrender.  The  summons  was  answered  by  firing  upon  the  bearer 
of  the  flag.  Finding  a  siege  necessary,  he  opened  a  six  gun  battery 
within  seven  hundred  )Tards  of  the  walls.c  His  heaviest  eDeCe30# 
guns  being  twelve-pounders,  they  were  too  light  to  piake  a 
breach,  and,  after  a  long  and  ineffectual  siege,  the  cwo  officers  deter- 
mined upon  an  assault  at  night.  This  was  an  exceedingly  dangerous 
enterprise,  and  nothing  but  the  desperate  nature  of  the  case,  like 
that  of  Wolfe,  could  have  justified  the  temerity  that  planned  it.  But 
they  must  either  abandon  the  siege,  and  retreat  homewards,  amid 
the  rigors  of  a  Canadian  winter,  or  make  the  desperate  effort.  The 
latter  was  their  determination. 

Between  four  and  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  on  the  thirty-first  of 
December,  in  the  midst  of  2  heavy  storm  of  snow,  the  American 
troops,  arranged  in  four  columns,  urre  put  in  motion.  Two  of  them, 
under  Majors  Livingston  and  Brown,  were  to  make  two  feigned 
attacks  upon  the  upper  town ;  while  the  other  two,  led  by  Mont- 
murmur  escaped  their  lips.  On  the  third  of  November  he  reached  the  first  Cana- 
dian settlement  on  the  river  Chaudiere,  which  ffows  into  the  St.  Lawrence  nearly 
opposite  Quebec.  11-  had  then  divided  the  last  fragment  of  provisions  among  his 
men,  and  after  resting  for  two  or  three  days,  and  procuring  a  scanty  supply  of  food 
from  the  thin  population,  he  took  up  his  line  of  march  along  the  banks  of  the 
Chaudiere,  and  reached  Point  Levi,  opposite  Quebec,  on  the  ninth  of  November. 

*  When  Ar&old  first  arrived  opposite  Quebec,  the  garrison  was  very  weak,  and  it 
•would  doubtless  have  been  obliged  to  surrender  to  him  unconditionally,  if  he  could 
have  crossel  the  river  immediately  on  his  arrival.  But  for  five  days  a  terrible 
storm  raged,  and  he  could  procure  no  boats.  In  the  meanwhile,  Colonel  McLean 
and  his  brave  Highlanders,  who  had  been  falling  back  from  the  Sorel,  to  reach  the 
city,  succeeded,  and  thus  saved  it. 

1  — 


176  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

Death  of  General  Montgomery.  Capture  of  Arnold's  Division. 

gomery  and  Arnold,  were  to  make  real  attacks  upon  the  lower  town, 
upon  opposite  sides.  Montgomery  advanced  along-  a  narrow  strip 
of  beach  by  the  way  of  Cape  Diamond,  and  passed  a  piquet  and 
block,  which  were  quickly  deserted  on  his  approach.  His  progress 
was  much  impeded  by  enormous  masses  of  ice  which  the  current  of 
the  river  had  piled  up,  and  his  men,  slipping  and  clambering,  were 
stretched  along  in  a  thin  line,  in  a  peculiarly  exposed  position.  Some 
English  sailors  and  Highland  soldiers  stood  silently  at  the  battery  as 
the  Americans  approached,  and  when  they  arrived  within  about  forty 
paces,  a  cannon  loaded  with  grape  shot,  was  discharged,  and  dealt 
death  on  every  side.  The  brave  Montgomery,*  Captain  McPherson, 
his  aide-de-camp,  Captain  Cheeseman,  an  orderly-sergeant,  and  a 
private,  were  instantly  killed,  and  several  others  were  slightly 
wounded.  Seeing  their  officers  fall,  the  soldiers  retreated  in  great 
confusion. 

In  the  meanwhile,  Arnold  had  entered  the  town,  and  at  the  head 
of  his  men,  proceeded  to  capture  a  battery  of  two  twelve-pounders, 
situated  in  a  harrow  street.  The  artillery  with  one  cannon  upon  a 
sledge,  led  the  van,  followed  by  a  company  of  riflemen,  under  Cap- 
tain Morgan,  afterwards  distinguished  for  his  brave  exploits  at  the 
south.  When  near  the  battery,  they  received  a  flank  fire  of  mus- 
ketry, and  Arnold,  severely  wounded  in  the  leg,  was  carried  to  the 
hospital.  Morgan  tooV  the  command,  and  rushing  forward,  secured 
the  battery.  The  English  and  Canadians  now  pressed  upon  them 
from  all  sides,  and  finding  ii  impossible  to  retreat,  the  Americans,  to 
the  number  of  three  hundred  ^nd  forty,  after  a  contest  of  several 
hours,  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  Between  sixty  and 
seventy  Americans  were  kilie/1. 

Arnold,  with  the  remnant  of  the  army,  retreated  up  the  river, 
three  miles  above  Quebec,  where  he  received  occasional  reinforce- 
ments, and  maintained  his  position  during  the  winter.  General 
Thomas,  who  was  appointed  to  succeed  Montgomery,  arrived  there 

*  The  body  of  Montgomery  was  borne  off  the  field  by  Major  (afterwards  Colonel) 
Aaron  Burr,  who  accompanied  Arnold  in  his  march  through  the  wilderness.  Burr 
was  within  six  feet  of  his  general  when  he  fell.  Montgomery  was  deeply  lamented 
by  all.  He  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  French  and  Indian  wars,  had  shared 
the  toils,  and  hardships,  and  honors  of  Wolfe,  and,  when  the  Revolution  broke  out, 
joined  the  American  army.  He  had  previously  purchased  an  estate  upon  the  Hud- 
son River,  in  the  county  of  Duchess,  and  married  the  daughter  of  Robert  Living- 
ston, one  of  the  leading  patriots  of  the  Revolution.  His  body  was  found  in  the 
snow,  the  day  after  the  battle,  and  by  order  of  General  Carleton,  it  was  buried 
with  the  honors  due  to  an  officer  of  his  rank.  Congress  subsequently  directed  a 
monument  to  be  erected  to  his  memory ;  and  in  1818,  at  the  expense  of  tae  State 
of  New  York,  his  remains  were  placed  near  the  monument,  a  basso-relievo,  under 
the  portico  of  St.  Paul's  church  in  thecity  of  New  York. 


chap,  v.]  EVENTS  OF  1775.  177 

Death  of  General  Thomas.  Patrick  Henry  and  Governor  Dunmore,  of  Virginia. 

early  in  May  ;  but  Governor  Carleton,  having  about  that  time 
received  large  reinforcements  from  England,  marched  against  the 
Americans,  and  obliged  them  to  make  a  hasty  retreat,  leaving  all 
their  stores  and  many  of  the  sick  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The 
sick  were  very  humanely  treated,  and  after  being  well  fed  and 
clothed,  were  allowed  a  safe  return  home. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  river  Sorel,  General  Thomas  was  reinforced 
by  several  regiments,  but  was  unable  to  maintain  his  position.  He 
there  died  of  the  small-pox.  The  American  army  retreated  a  June  18j 
from  post  to  post,  and  finally  entirely  evacuated  Canada.*  -1776- 

While  these  events  were  transpiring  at  the  North,  and  New  Eng- 
land was  in  open  rebellion,  the  other  Colonies  were  n  a  blaze,  and 
eager  to  join  the  standard  of  revolt.  In  Virginia,  a  AJmpest  of  indig- 
nation was  raised  against  Lord  Dunmore,  the  Governor,  in  conse- 
quence of  publicity  having  been  given  to  sovie  of  his  letters,  con- 
taining language  similar  to  those  of  Hutchison.  This  indignation 
was  increased  by  various  subsequent  impolitic  acts,  and,  finally,  an 
open  rupture  took  place.  A  Pro^ricial  Congress  having  been 
formed,  and  provision  made  to  arm  &&  inhabitants,  as  in  New  Eng- 
land, the  Governor  unwisely  considered  it  necessary  to  remove  the 
powder  of  the  magazine  at  ^illiamsburgh,  on  board  an  b  April  ^ 
English  vessel  of  war.  Tin'-*  was  done  at  night,6  and  the  1775- 
next  morning  the  people,  highly  indignant,  demanded  its  immediate 
restitution.  The  Governor  refused,  but  pledged  his  word  and  honor, 
that  if  the  powder  was  wanted  to  quell  a  dreaded  insurrection  of  the 
slaves,  it  should  be  immediately  restored. 

But  the  stern  sense  of  justice  of  Patrick  Henry  could  not  be 
satisfied  with  this  compromise,  and  his  keen  perception  of  the  ten- 
dency of  events  around  him,  decided  him  to  prepare  at  once  for 
energetic  measures.  He  called  together  a  company  of  vol- 
unteers,c  under  the  command  of  Captain  Meredith,  and 
aroused  their  patriotism  by  his  burning  eloquence.  They  decided  that 
the  powder  must  be  immediately  restored,  or  its  equivalent  in  money 
paid  into  the  provincial  treasury.  Captain  Meredith  resigned  his 
command,  and  Henry,  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  the  company, 
marched  towards  Williamsburgh,  to  present  their  dictum  to  the 
Governor.  The  news  of  the  movement  spread  like  wild-fire,  and 
the  popularity  of  the  leader  was  so  attractive,  that  before  he  reached 
the  seat  of  government,  nearly  five  thousand  people  had  joined  his 
standard.  The  royalists  were  dismayed,  and  lukewarm  patriots 
were  greatly  alarmed.  The  family  of  Lord  Dunmore  was  conveyed 
on  board  a  ship  of  war  for  safety,  and  his  residence  was  strongly 
garrisoned  by  marines.     But  the  Governor  saw  that  resistance  was 


178  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

Burning  of  Norfolk  by  Governor  Dunmore.  Abdication  of  Colonial  Governors, 

vain,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  fourth  of  May,  he  caused  Henry  to 
be  met,  and  payment  to  be  made  for  the  powder,  to  the  full  amount 
claimed  by  him.*  Other  events  soon  after  followed,  which  so  much 
excited  the  people  against  the  Governor,  that  he  deemed  it  prudent 
to  abdicate  the  government,  and  take  shelter  with  his  family  again,  on 
board  the  Fowey  man-of-war.  He  endeavored  during  the  summer 
and  autumn  to  regain  his  lost  power,  by  attacks  at  different  points, 
by  small  detachments  from  the  vessel,  but  finding  that  these  expedi- 
tions incensed  without  awing  the  people,  he  resolved  upon  bolder  and 
more  cruel  measures.  He  authoritatively  summoned  all  capable  of 
bearing  arr^s,  and  offered  freedom  to  the  slaves  who  should  join  his 
standard !  £y  these  means  he  collected  a  force  sufficient  to  take 
possession  of  Norfolk,  the  principal  sea-port  of  Virginia.  The  pro- 
vincials assembled  t  considerable  body  6f  troops  to  dislodge  them,  and 
succeeded  in  driving  Lord  Dunmore  and  the  loyalists  and  blacks  under 
his  charge,  back  on  board,  the  Fowey,  where  he  was  greatly  annoyed 
by  discharges  of  musketry  <>om  the  houses  near  the  water.  In  the 
meantime,  the  frigate  LiverpoU  arrived,  and  the  Governor  sent  word 
to  the  provincials,  that  they  mus,  furnish  provisions  for  the  vessels, 
and  stop  firing,  or  he  would  borrhard  the  town.  The  inhabitants 
refused,  and  the  Liverpool,  two  corvettes,  and  the  Fowey,  opened  a 
destructive  cannonade  upon  the  town.  At  the  same  time  some  marines 
a  Jan.  i,     landed  and  set  fire  to  the  house*,  and,  in  a  short  time,  Nor- 

1776,  folk  was  reduced  to  ashes/1  Even  this  atrocious  act  did  not 
awe  the  people  into  submission  ;  and  finding  further  attempts  to 
regain  his  power  useless,  he  sailed  for  the  Wes«.  Indies,  where  he  left 
the  negroes,  and  proceeded  to  join  the  main  arm  v. 

Governor  Martin,  of  North  Carolina,  Lord  William  Campbell, 
Governor  of  South  Carolina,  and  Governor  Tryon,  of  New  York, 
became  involved  in  similar  troubles,  and  respectively  took  refuge  for 
safety  on  board  English  ships  of  war.  The  Governors  of  other 
Colonies,  who  contrived  to  retain  their  places,  were  obliged  to  do  so 
at  the  expense  of  all  power,  for  nowhere  were  the  officers  of  the 
Crown  allowed  to  exercise  jurisdiction. 

More  difficulties  occurred  in  New  York  than  in  any  otner  Colony, 
except  Massachusetts  and  Virginia,  on  account  of  the  many  royalists 
and  timid  patriots  who  resided  there.  Governor  Tryon  had  been 
notified  by  Lord  Dartmouth,  that  the  commanders  of  vessels  had 
orders  to  act  against  any  city,  where  troops  were  raised,  or  fortifica- 
tions erected,  as  open  rebels.  This  order  Tryon  took  special  pains 
to  make  generally  known,  and  as  New  York  was  greatly  exposed  to 
attacks  from  the  sea,  the  ardor  of  the  revolutionists  made  but  little 

*  Three  hundred  and  thirty  pounds  sterling. 


chap,  v.]  EVENTS  OF  1775.  179 

Destruction  of  a  Tory  printer's  press  in  New  York.  Proceedings  of  Congress. 

head  against  the  loyalty  of  some  and  the  fears  of  others.  Still,  a 
tone  of  defiance  was  observed.  A  Committee  of  Public  Safety  was 
appointed,  and  other  measures,  calculated  to  carry  out  the  plans  of 
the  General  Congress,  were  adopted.  Several  tumults  occurred 
during  the  summer  and  autumn,  caused  by  the  conflicting  sentiments 
of  Whigs  and  Tories.  The  printing-press  of  James  Rivington,  a 
tory  printer,  was  broken,  and  his  type  melted  and  cast  into  bullets  ;* 
and  various  indignities  were  offered  to  those  who  sided  with  the 
government.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Tories  did  everything  in  their 
power  to  embarrass  the  movements  of  the  revolutionary  party,  defeat 
the  plans  of  the  General  Congress,  and  to  give  aid  to  the  British 
ships  anchored  in  the  bay,  by  supplying  them  with  provisions  and 
other  stores. 

Finally,  in  October,  the  General  Congress  perceiving  an  increase 
of  defection  from  the  American  cause,  in  the  Colony  of  New  York, 
adopted  a  recommendation  to  Provincial  Congresses  to  "  arrest  and 
secure  every  person  in  the  respective  Colonies,  whose  going  at  large 
might,  in  their  opinion,  endanger  the  safety  of  the  Colonies,  or  the 
liberties  of  America."  Governor  Tryon  at  once  saw  what  would 
be  the  effect  of  this  recommendation,  and  fled  for  refuge  on  board 
the  Halifax  packet,  lying  in  the  harbor,  from  whence  he  kept  up  a 
constant  intercourse  with  the  royalists  on  shore. 

During  the  summer  and  autumn,  the  General  Congress  was  busy 
in  the  consummation  of  plans  to  carry  on  the  war  with  vigor.  They 
considered  a  plan  for  a  confederation  of  all  the  Colonies,  under  the  title 
of  the  Thirteen  United  Colonies  of  North  America  ;  issued 
bills  of  credit,  at  various  times,  to  the  amount  of  six  millions  of 
Spanish  dollars  ;  adopted  an  address  to  the  people  of  Canada ;  a 
declaration  of  the  causes  which  led  to  the  war  ;  a  petition  to  the 
King  ;  an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  also  to  the 
people  of  Ireland  ;t  established  a  Post 'Office  ;J  and  assumed  all  the 
duties  and  powers  of  an  independent  government. 

*  About  noon  on  the  third  of  November,  a  company  of  light  horse,  seventy-five 
in  number,  under  Captain  Sears,  a  member  of  the  New  York  Provincial  Congress, 
armed  with  muskets  and  bayonets,  marched  into  the  city  and  demolished  the  obnox- 
ious establishment.  On  their  road  back,  they  seized  the  Rev.  Mr.  Seabury  (a  cler- 
gyman of  the  Church  of  England),  and  two  or  three  others,  and  carried  them  pri- 
soners to  Connecticut.  These  high-handed  measures  were  not  justified  by  the 
intelligent  Whigs — still,  such  was  the  excited  state  of  the  times,  no  attempt  was 
thought  prudent  to  be  made,  to  punish  the  offenders. 

f  See  Appendix,  Note  VI. 

X  Doctor  Franklin,  finding  a  reconciliation  with  the  home  government  past 
all  hope,  returned  to  America  in  April,  and  was  immediately  elected  a  delegate  to 
the  General  Congress  from  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania.  He  was  one  of  the  most 
usei'ul  and  active  men  in  that  body.  In  August  he  was  appointed  Postmaster-Gene- 
ral, with  a  salary  of  one  thousand  dollars  per  annum. 


180  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

Deplorable  Condition  of  the  Continental  Army.  Washington's  Appeal  to  Congress 

.  While  the  whole  country  was  lifting  high  the  arm  of  defiance, 
and  looking  to  the  Continental  army  at  Cambridge  for  its  support, 
gloomy  forebodings  for  the  future  disturbed  the  mind  of  the 
commander-in-chief.  The  troops  under  him  were  in  a  distressed 
condition  for  meeting  the  rigors  of  the  approaching  winter,  and 
Washington  found  that  their  destitution,  coupled  with  the  disastrous 
result  of  the  conflict  on  Breed's  Hill,  would  cause  many  to  leave 
the  army  on  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  enlistment.  As  none 
of  any  importance  could  be  added  to  his  army  without  the  concur- 
rence of  either  the  General  Congress,  or  the  Provincial  Assemblies, 
he  feared  the  effects  of  delay  which  large  bodies  always  exhibit. 
He   earnestly  solicited  Congress  to  take  measures  for  the 

a  Sept.  20.  J  .° 

next  enlistment,  and  to  provide  comforts  for  the  army.a  On 
the  eighteenth  of  October,  Franklin,  Lynch,  and  Harrison,  a  committee 
of  Congress,  arrrived  at  his  head-quarters,  and  soon  arranged  matters 
satisfactorily.  Authority  was  given  to  levy  twenty-six  regiments  of 
about  eight  hundred  men  each,  independently  of  the  militia.  Con- 
gress, however,  would  not  consent  to  the  enlistment  of  soldiers  for 
more  than  a  year,  nor  did  they  agree  to  give  a  bounty  until  the 
next  January.  It  required  all  Washington's  firmness  and  address  to 
induce  soldiers  again  to  enlist,  and  when  the  period  of  their  first 
enlistment  expired,  and  new  ones  were  made,  he  found  his  force 
reduced  to  about  five  thousand  men.  These  were  afterwards  rein- 
forced ;  but  had  an  active  enemy  witnessed  this  dissolution  and 
re-assemblage  of  an  army,  the  result  must  have  been  disastrous  in  the 
extreme.* 

Notwithstanding  the  coast  swarmed  with  American  privateers,! 
and  Congress  had  ordered  that  five  ships  of  thirty-two  guns,  five  of 
twenty-eight  guns,  and  three  of  twenty-four  guns,  should  be  built 

*  As  early  as  the  twentieth  of  September,  he  wrote  thus  to  Congress : — "  It 
gives  me  great  distress  to  oblige  me  to  solicit  the  attention  of  the  honorable  Con- 
gress to  the  state  of  this  army,  in  terms  which  imply  the  slightest  apprehension  of 
being  neglected.  But  my  situation  is  inexpressibly  distressing,  to  see  the  winter 
fast  approacking  upon  a  naked  army ;  the  time  of  their  service  within  a  few  weeks 
of  expiring  ;  and  no  provision  yet  made  for  such  important  events.  Added  to  these, 
the  military  chest  is  totally  exhausted  ;  the  Paymaster  has  not  a  single  dollar  in 
hand.  The  Commissary-General  assures  me  he  has  strained  his  credit  for  the  sub- 
sistence of  the  army  to  the  utmost.  The  Quarter-master-General  is  precisely  in 
the  same  situation ;  and  the  greater  part  of  the  troops  are  in  a  state  not  far  from 
mutiny  upon  a  deduction  from  their  stated  allowance." — Washington's  Letters. 

f  The  privateers  captured  many  English  vessels  loaded  with  provisions  and  am- 
munition for  the  British  land  and  naval  forces  on  our  coast ;  and  some  of  them,  with 
unequalled  skill  and  intrepidity,  extended  their  expeditions  to  the  coast  of  Africa, 
and  seized  the  powder  of  the  British  fSrts,  before  the  garrisons  were  aware  of  the 
outbreak  in  America.  They  also  landed  on  the  island  of  Bermuda,  surprised  the 
magazine,  and  carried  off  all  the  powder. 


chap,  v.]  EVENTS  OF  1775.  181 


•lings  in  Parliament. 


and  put  to  sea  with  all  possible  speed,  yet  the  people  on  the  coast 
dreaded  the  assaults  of  the  British  navy.  The  distress  in  Boston 
caused  descents  to  be  made  upon  coast  towns  to  procure  provisions. 
Falmouth,  in  Massachusetts,  refusing  to  give  aid,  was  laid  in  ashes  ; 
Newport  was  threatened  with  a  similar  fate,  and  indeed  all  the  sea- 
ports were  so  entirely  exposed  that  not  the  least  safety  was  felt. 
These  things  made  Washington  dread  extensive  defection  on  the 
part  of  the  exposed  Colonists  ;  and,  together  with  the  mutinous 
spirit  engendered  by  privations,  becoming  fearfully  visible  in  the 
army,  made  his  fears  of  a  general  miscarriage  painful  in  the  extreme. 
The  disastrous  campaign  at  the  north  deepened  the  gloom  that 
brooded  over  the  Colonists,  and  the  year  1775  closed  without  much 
hope  for  the  success  of  the  Americans. 

Parliament  assembled  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  October,  and  the 
burden  of  the  speech  from  the  throne  was  the  intelligence  of  events 
transpiring  in  America.  Members  declared  their  belief  that  the 
Colonists  aimed  at  complete  independence,  and  recommended  deci- 
sive exertions  to  crush  the  rebellion  ;  the  adoption  of  resolves  to 
pardon  the  misguided  of  the  rebels  who  should  repent,  and  the 
appointment  of  commissioners,  resident  in  America,  to  have  discre- 
tionary power  to  grant  pardons,  and  also  indemnity  to  any  province 
that  should  return  to  its  allegiance.  They  stated  that  offers  of  aid 
had  been  received  from  several  foreign  powers,  and  that  no  reason 
existed  for  apprehending  hostility  or  impediment,  in  any  quarter. 

Ministers  determined  upon  the  most  vigorous  measures  to  put 
down  the  rebellion,  so  fiercely  blazing  in  the  Colonies.  The  late 
events  in  America  had  awakened  a  false  national  pride,  and  addresses 
poured  in  from  various  parts  of  the  kingdom,  expressing  assurance 
of  public  support.  The  petition  to  the  King,  sent  by  Congress,  was 
rejected  by  ministers  as  coming  from  an  illegal  body,  and,  as  they 
expressed  it,  "consisting  only  of  a  series  of  empty  professions, 
which  their  actions  belie." 

The  debates  in  both  Houses  of  Parliament  on  the  adoption  of  an 
address  to  the  King,  which  was  but  an  echo,  in  sentiment,  to  his 
speech,  were  very  warm.  Still,  ministers  maintained  their  usual 
majorities,  although  the  opposition  gained  a  few  accessions  to  their 
numbers.  Among  them  was  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  who,  misled,  as 
he  said,  by  the  supposition  that  the  measures  of  ministers  would 
issue  in  a  peaceful  adjustment  of  difficulties,  now  urged  a  liberal 
course  of  conciliation,  by  repealing  all  the  obnoxious  acts  passed 
since  1763.  The  cabinet,  however,  would  not  concur  with  him,  and 
he  resigned  the  seals  and  took  a  decided  place  in  the  ranks  of  the 
opposition.     Severe  sickness   silenced   the   thunders  of  Chatham's 


182  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1775. 

Burke's  plan  for  conciliation.  Martial  Law  declared  in  the  Colonies  by  Parliament. 

eloquence  upon  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  but  Camden,  Shelburne,  and 
Richmond,  nobly  defended  the  cause  of  the  Americans.  They 
declared  that  in  every  instance  Great  Britain  had  been  the  aggressor, 
and  that  her  proceedings  had  been  unjust,  oppressive,  and  cruel  in 
the  extreme.  Wilkes,  then  Lord  Mayor,  said  ministers  had  wrested 
the  sceptre  from  the  hands  of  his  Majesty.  Colonel  Barre  severely 
censured  the  actors  in  the  campaign  at  Boston.  "  The  British 
army,"  said  he,  "  is  a  mere  wen — a  little  excrescence  on  the  vast 
continent  of  America  ;"  and  he  assured  ministers  that  defeat  was 
certain,  fox  characterized  Lord  North  as  the  blundering  pilot  who 
had  brought  the  vessel  of  State  into  its  present  difficulties  ;  "  in  one 
campaign  he  had  lost  a  whole  country."  Mr.  Adam  charged  Lord 
North  with  indolence  and  inaction.  The  minister  justified  that 
inaction  on  the  ground  that  he  had  been  deceived  by  events,  never 
imagining  that  all  America  would  simultaneously  have  arisen  in  arms. 
The  address  was  carried  in  the  Commons,  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
six  to  seventy-two  ;  in  the  Lords,  seventy-five  to  thirty-two. 

In  the  House  of  Lords,  the  Duke  of  Richmond  introduced  the 
petition  of  Congress  to  the  King  ;  and  observing  Mr.  Richard  Penn, 
from  Pennsylvania,*  in  the  house,  he,  with  much  difficulty,  obtained 
permission  that  he  should  be  examined  before  them.  Governor  Penn 
declared  his  belief  that  the  Colonies  were  willing  to  acknowledge 
the  legislative  authority  of  Great  Britain,  and  did  not  aim  at  inde- 
pendence ;  that  they  would  resist  arbitrary  taxation,  and  all  the  other 
obnoxious  acts,  so  that,  if  no  concessions  were  made,  they  would 
not  hesitate  in  seeking  the  aid  of  foreign  powers.  The  Duke  then 
moved  that  the  petition  afforded  ground  for  conciliation,  but  it  was 
lost,  by  eighty-six  to  thirty-nine. 

Mr.  Burke  proposed  a  plan  in  the  Commons,  for  conciliation.  It 
included  a  repeal  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill  ;  a  promise  not  to  tax 
America ;  a  general  amnesty ;  and  the  calling  of  a  Congress,  by 
royal  authority,  for  the  adjustment  of  remaining  difficulties.  This 
plan  rather  pleased  Lord  North,  but  he  was  so  well  assured  that  it 
would  not  effect  its  intended  objects,  that  he  would  not  accept  it. 
The  proposition  was  lost  by  a  large  majority. 

Lord  North  then  introduced  a  bill,  prohibiting  all  intercourse  or 
trade  with  the  Colonies,  till  they  should  submit,  and  placing  the 
whole  country  under  martial  law.  This  bill  included  the  suggestion 
of  the  King,  to  appoint  resident  commissioners,  with  discretionary 
powers,  to  grant  pardons,  and  effect  indemnities.     The  bill  received 


*  The  petition  was  sent  to  England  by  the  hand  of  Governor  Penn,  and  he  and 
Arthur  Lee  were  instructed  to  procure  its  presentation. 


CHAP.  V.] 


EVENTS  OF  1775. 


183 


Engagement  of  German  mercenary  troops  for  the  British  Army  in  America. 

the  sweeping  majority  in  the  Commons  of  one  hundred  and  twelve 
to  sixteen ;  in  the  Lords,  seventy-eight  to  nineteen. 

Having  determined,  by  this  bill,  to  employ  fo;ce,  the  next  neces- 
sary step  was  to  procure  it.  Twenty-eight  thousand  seamen,  and  a 
land  force  of  fifty-five  thousand  men,  were  declared  to  be  the  neces- 
sary number.  Having  only  a  small  peace  establishment  at  home, 
and  unwilling  to  wait  for  volunteers,  or  for  the  return  of  troops  from 
foreign  stations,  ministers  resolved  to  hire  soldiers  of  some  of 
the  German  princes,  and  at  the  beginning  of  1776  a  treaty  for  that 
purpose  was  concluded  with  several  of  them.  The  Landgrave  of 
Hesse- Cassel  agreed  to  furnish  twelve  thousand  one  hundred  and 
four  men  ;  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  four  thousand  and  eighty-four  ; 
the  Prince  of  Hesse,  six  hundred  and  sixty-eight  ;  the  Prince  of 
Waldeck,  six  hundred  and  seventy ;  making  in  all,  seventeen  thou- 
sand five  hundred  and  twenty-six.  These  princes,  perceiving  the 
stern  want  of  the  British  government,  extorted  very  advantageous 
terms.  They  received  seven  pounds  four  shillings  and  four  pence 
sterling  for  each  man,  besides  being  relieved  from  the  burden  of 
maintaining  them.  In  addition  to  these  considerations,  they  were  to 
receive  a  certain  stipend,  amounting  in  all  to  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
five  thousand  pounds  sterling ;  and  further,  England  guaranteed  the 
dominions  of  these  princes  against  foreign  attack. 

These  hired  mercenaries,  whose  employment  by  the  British 
government  added  twofold  odium  to  the  oppressive  measures  about 
to  be  enforced,  formed  that  portion  of  the  army  of  Great  Britain 
during  the  first  years  of  the  contest,  known  as  the  Hessians. 


No.  45^/         $ix%iOZ£m$* 

THIS  BilL  entitles  the 
,„„BeaTeT  to  Tececvv 
SIX  SPANISH  MILLED 
DOLLARS,  or  the 

Value  thereof  in  COLD 
orSILVER-accardincf  to 
a  Resolution  of  CUN; 
GRES&  pull&IcLl  Phi- 
ladelphiaNov-Z'  l/jr£. 

SIX  DOLLARS 


^  sWiCJi^X  xi 


O&O 


I  r 


Continental  Paper  Money. 


EVENTS  OF  177C. 


Richard  Henry  Lee — Earl  Cornwallis— Sir  Henry  Clinton. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

N  the  twenty-ninth  of  February,  the  treaties 
entered  into  by  Great  Britain  with  the  several 
German  princes  for  the  hire  of  troops,  were 
laid  before  Parliament,  and  a  motion  to  refer 
them  to  the  Committee  of  Supply  gave  rise 
to  a  long  and  stormy  debate.  The  enor- 
mous price  paid  for  the  services  of  those  mer- 
cenaries, and  the  odious  character  of  the 
whole  transaction,  viewed  in  the  light  of  justice,  and  the  spirit  which 
should  characterize  Christian  nations,  even  though  hostile  to  each 
other,  afforded  ample  theme  for  invective  and  just  censure.     It  was 


186  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776. 

Debate3  in  Parliament  relative  to  the  Germnn  Troops. 

'bad  enough  for  English  troops  to  be  sent  to  slaughter  their  own 
brethren,  under  the  plea  of  necessity — a  necessity  arising  from  the 
relation  of  government  and  the  governed,  which  precedent  had 
established,  and  which  true  conceptions  of  rights  inalienable  had 
demanded  should  be  interrupted  ;  but  to  hire  the  bone  and  sinew, 
and  lives  of  foreign  troops — purchased  assassins — to  aid  in  the  con- 
summation of  the  wicked  deed,  caused  a  foul  stain  upon  the  escutch- 
eon of  Great  Britaiy,  which  her  best  friends  saw  and  deplored.  The 
opposition  in  Parliament,  with  a  sincere  concern  for  the  fair  fame 
of  their  country,  used  every  laudable  endeavor  to  prevent  the  trans- 
action ;  and  when  in  spite  of  their  efforts  it  was  consummated,  they 
indignantly  cast  upon  it  the  odium  it  deserved.  The  most  gloomy 
view  was  laken  of  the  condition  and  prospects  of  the  British  force, 
for  it  was  evident  that  almost  total  defection  from  government  existed 
in  the  Colonies.  It  was  represented  that  these  German  soldiers,  as 
soon  as  they  found  the  broad  Atlantic  rolling  between  them  and  their 
masters,  and  stood  side  by  side  with  their  happy  brethren  in  America, 
now  ardent  in  the  cause  of  Liberty,*  would  accept  land  of  the 
Colonists,  sheathe  the  sword,  and  leave  British  troops  to  do  the  dire 
work  which  their  German  masters  had  sent  them  to  perform.  On 
the  other  hand,  ministers  counted  largely  upon  the  valor  and  military 
character  of  these  Hessiana,  many  of  whom  had  seen  service  under 
Frederick  the  Great ;  and  they  actually  asserted  that  such  would  be 
the  terror  which  they  would  inspire,  that  it  would  only  be  necessary 
for  them  to  show  themselves,  to  cause  the  Americans  to  lay  down 
their  arms  !  Lord  North's  motion  for  reference  was  carried  by  a 
majority  of  two  hundred  and  forty-two  to  eighty-eight. 

When  the  committee  reported,0  another  warm  debate  ensued,  and 
the  Duke  of  Richmond  moved  not  only  to  countermand  the 
order  for  the  mercenaries  to  proceed  to  America,  but  to  sus- 
pend hostilities  altogether.  The  Earl  of  Coventry  inveighed  against 
the  employment  of  foreign  troops  to  fight  the  battles  of  England,  pro- 
nounced the  war  unjust,  and  maintained  that  an  immediate  recogni- 
tion of  the  independence  of  the  United  Colonies  was  preferable  to 
war.  "  Look  on  the  map  of  the  globe,"  said  he,  "  view  Great  Bri- 
tain and  North  America,  compare  their  extent,  consider  the  soil, 
rivers,  climate,  and  increasing  population  of  the  latter ;  nothing  but 
the  most  obstinate  blindness  and  partiality  can  engender  a  serious 
opinion  that  such  a  country  will  long  continue  under  subjection  to 
this.     The  question  is  not,  therefore,  how  we  shall  be  able  to  realize 

*  It  was  estimated  that,  at  the  time  the  Revolution  broke  out,  there  were  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  German  emigrants  in  the  American  Colonies,  the 
most  of  whom  took  sides  with  the  patriots. 


chai\  vi.]  EVENTS  OF  1776.  187 

The  Earl  of  Coventry's  sound  views.  The  mysterious  French  Agent 

a  vain,  delusive  scheme  of  dominion,  but  how  we  shall  make  it  the 
interest  of  the  Americans  to  continue  faithful  allies  and  warm  friends 
Surely  that  can  never  be  effected  by  fleets  and  armies.  Instead  of 
meditating  conquest,  and  exhausting  our  own  strength  in  an  ineffect- 
ual struggle,  we  should  wisely,  abandoning  wild  schemes  of  coer- 
cion, avail  ourselves  of  the  only  substantial  benefit  we  can  ever 
expect,  the  profits  of  an  extensive  commerce,  and  the  strong  support 
of  a  firm  and  friendly  alliance  and  compact  for  mutual  defence  and 
assistance."* 

Language  like  this,  and  other  expositions  of  the  weakness  and 
wickedness  of  the  government,  called  forth  the  denunciations  of  the 
ministerial  party  ;  and  Lord  Temple  declared  that  rebellion  abroad 
was  encouraged  by  harangues  in  Parliament.  "  The  next  easterly 
wind,"  said  he,  "  will  carry  to  America  every  imprudent  expression 
used  in  this  debate."  He  deplored  the  exposition  of  their  weakness, 
and  said,  "  It  is  time  to  act,  not  to  talk  ;  much  should  be  done,  little 
said."  Richmond's  motion  was  negatived,  one  hundred  against 
thirty-two. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  March  the  Duke  of  Grafton  proposed  an 
address  to  the  King,  requesting  that  a  proclamation  might  be  issued 
to  declare  that  if  the  Colonists  should,  within  a  reasonable  time, 
show  a  willingness  to  treat  with  commissioners,!  or  present  a  peti- 
tion, hostilities  should  be  suspended  and  their  petition  be  received 
and  respected.  He  assured  the  House  that  both  France  and  Spain 
were  arming  ;  and  alarmed  them  by  the  assertion  that  "  two  French 
gentlemen  had  been  to  America,  had  conferred  with  Washington  at 
his  camp,  and  had  since  been  to  Philadelphia  to  confer  with  the 
Congress. "|     After  a  long  debate,  the  Duke's   motion  was  lost,  by 

*  Pictorial  History  of  the  Reign  of  George  III.,  vol.  i.,  p.  2-31. 

f  On  the  twentieth  of  November,  1775,  Parliament  repealed  the  Boston  Port  and 
other  restraining  bills,  and  enacted  a  general  one  prohibiting  all  trade  with  the 
Colonies.  They  also  provided  for  the  appointment  of  commissioners,  who  should 
be  invested  with  both  civil  and  military  powers,  authorized  to  grant  pardons  or 
fight  battles. 

X  Some  time  in  the  month  of  November,  1775,  Congress  was  informed  that  a 
foreigner  was  in  Philadelphia  who  was  desirous  of  making  to  them  a  confidential 
communication.  At  first  no  notice  was  taken  of  it,  but  the  intimation  having  been 
several  times  repeated,  a  committee  consisting  of  John  Jay,  Dr.  Franklin  and  Tho- 
mas Jefferson,  was  appointed  to  hear  what  he  had  to  say.  They  agreed  to  meet 
him  in  a  room  in  Carpenters'  Hall,  and  at  the  time  appointed,  they  found  him  there, 
an  elderly,  lame  gentleman,  and  apparently  a  wounded  French  officer.  He  told  them 
that  the  French  King  was  greatly  pleased  with  the  exertions  for  liberty  which  the 
Americans  were  making  ;  that  lie  wished  them  success,  and  would,  whenever  it 
should  be  necessary,  manifest  more  openly  his  friendly  sentiments  towards  them. 
The  committee  requested  to  know  his  authority  for  giving  these  assurances.  He 
answered  only  by  drawing  his  hand  across  hit  throat,  and  saying,  "Gentlemen,  I 
shall  take  care  of  my  head  "     They  then  askel  what  demonstrations  of  friendship 


188  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776. 

Siege  of  Boston.  Its  danger  of  destruction  by  fire, 

a  majority  of  ninety-one  against  thirty-one.  One  or  two  other  similar 
propositions  were  made,  but  to  no  effect.  Fox  called  for  an  inquiry 
into  the  causes  of  the  failure  of  the  military  operations  in  America, 
but  his  motion  for  the  call  was  lost.  A  motion  was  also  made,  but 
lost,  to  have  a  perpetual  Parliament  during  the  difficulties  with  the 
Colonists. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  May,  his  Majesty,  after  speaking  of  the 
state  of  the  Colonies,  expressed  a  hope  that  his  rebellious  subjects 
would  yet  submit,  but  desired  legislators  to  be  prepared  for  acting 
with  great  decision,  if  they  did  not  submit.  He  then  prorogued 
Parliament. 

While  preparations  were  making  in  England  to  send  out  a  large 
reinforcement  of  troops  to  join  General  Howe  at  Boston,  the  block- 
ading provincial  army  began  vigorous  preparations  for  besieging  the 
city,  confidently  expecting  to  make  the  British  force  therein  prison 
ers  of  war.  By  the  middle  of  February,  the  number  of  regular 
troops  under  Washington,  which,  at  the  close  of  1775,  amounted  to 
only  about  nine  thousand  men,  was  augmented  to  fourteen  thousand. 
Congress,  perceiving  that  the  forces  there  would  soon  be  needed  for 
the  protection  of  other  parts  of  the  American  territory,  urged  Wash- 
ington to  take  decisive  measures  for  driving  the  enemy  from  Boston. 
Washington  proposed  an  immediate  attack  upon  the  city,  but  was 
overruled  by  the  other  officers  in  a  council  of  war,  particularly  by 
Gates  and  Ward,  and  he  resolved  to  occupy  the  heights  of  Dorches- 
ter, which  completely  commanded  the  city.  The  Americans  erected 
strong  batteries  upon  the  shore  at  Cobb's  Hill,  at  Lechmere's  Point, 
at  Phipp's  Farm,  and  at  Lamb's  Dam,  near  Roxbury,  for  the  purpose 
of  occupying  the  attention  of  the  enemy  in  that  quarter.  On  the 
night  of  the  second  of  March  'they  opened  a  terrible  fire  upon  the 
city,  having  a  large  number  of  bombs  and  heavy  artillery  captured 
at  Ticonderoga.  Almost  incessantly  the  bombs  fell  in  the  city,  and 
the  garrison  was  constantly  employed  in  extinguishing  the  flames  of 
the  houses  which  they  had  set  on  fire.  This  cannonade  was  kept  up 
until  the  evening  of  the  fourth,  while  fresh  troops  of  militia  were 
coming  in  from  all  quarters. 

On  that  evening,  everything  being  prepared,  the  Americans,  about 

they  might  expect  from  the  King  of  France.  "  Gentlemen,"  answered  he,  "  if  you 
want  arms  you  shall  have  them  ;  if  you  want  ammunition  you  shall  have  it ;  if  you 
want  money  you  shall  have  it."  The  committee  observed  that  these  were  impor- 
tant assurances,  and  again  desired  to  know  by  what  authority  they  were  made. 
"  Gentlemen,"  said  he,  again  drawing  his  hand  across  his  throat,  "  I  shall  take 
care  of  my  head ;"  and  this  was  the  only  answer  they  could  obtain  from  him. 
He  was  seen  in  Philadelphia  no  more. — See  Life  of  John  Jay,  written  by  his  son 
William  Jay. 


chap,  vi.]  EVENTS  OF  1776.  189 

Fortifications  upon  Dorchester  Heights.  Proposition  of  General  Howe  to  evacuate  Ikwtoh. 

two  thousand  strong,  under  General  Thomas,  proceeded  in  profound 
silence  towards  the  heights  of  Dorchester.  The  night  was  a  dark 
one,  and  the  wind,  blowing  away  from  Boston,  was  favorable  for 
their  concealment,  and  they  reached  the  heights  unobserved.  The 
Americans  went  vigorously  to  work,  and  so  amazing  was  their  ac- 
tivity, that  by  ten  o'clock  they  completed  two  forts,  which  would 
afford  tolerable  protection ;  one  on  the  height  nearest  the  city, 
the  other  towards  Castle  William.  At  daybreak  the  next  morning, 
the  British,  with  dread  surprise,  witnessed  an  apparition  similar  to 
that  presented  on  Breed's  Hill  on  the  morning  of  the  seventeenth  of 
June  in  the  preceding  year.  The  first  intimation  they  had  of  this 
movement  of  the  provincials,  was  the  appearance  of  a  dangerous 
battery  and  fortifications,  from  whence  General  Thomas  began  to 
thunder  at  the  town  and  ships  of  war. 

From  this  point,  the  cannon  of  the  Americans  could  sweep  the 
city  and  the  whole  harbor.  This,  both  General  Howe  and  the  British 
admiral  saw,  and  they  determined  to  take  measures  to  dislodge 
General  Thomas  at  once.  For  this  purpose,  Lord  Percy  was 
despatched  with  three  thousand  men,  who  embarked  in  transports, 
with  a  view  of  proceeding  up  the  river  to  the  foot  of  Dorchester 
Hill.  But  a  furious  storm  arose,  which  rendered  the  harbor  impas- 
sable, and  the  attack  was  necessarily  deferred.  Meanwhile,  Wash- 
ington diligently  perfected  measures  to  prevent  the  attack  at  that 
point,  or  to  meet  it  successfully,  if  made.  He  also  planned  an  attack 
upon  the  town  at  the  same  time,  with  four  thousand  men  under  the 
command  of  Generals  Sullivan  and  Green.  General  Mifflin  had  also 
prepared  a  great  number  of  hogsheads  full  of  stones  and  sand, 
which  he  intended  to  roll  down  the  heights  of  Dorchester,  when  the 
enemy  were  ascending  them,  and  thus  sweep  off  whole  columns  at 
once. 

General  Howe,  becoming  acquainted  with  these  various  plans 
and  preparations,  came  to  the  wise  and  humane  conclusion  that  "  pru- 
dence was  the  better  part  of  valor ;"  and  having  some  time  before 
received  orders  from  Lord  Dartmouth,  one  of  the  Secretaries  of 
State,  to  evacuate  Boston,  and  establish  himself  at  New  York,  he 
concluded  this  occasion  was  the  most  favorable  one  to  obey  those 
orders.  Accordingly  a  flag  was  sent  out  from  the  Selectmen 
of  Boston,0  by  order  of  General  Howe,  acquainting  Wash- 
ington with  his  design  to  evacuate  the  city,  and  to  intimate  his  in- 
tention to  leave  the  town  standing,  provided  he  should  be  allowed 
to  embark  unmolested.  This  communication  not  being  signed  by 
Howe,  Washington  took  no  notice  of  it  officially,  but  instructed 
some  of  his  officers  to  intimate  that  the  terms,  if  properly  presented, 


190  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776. 

Triumphant  entire  of  the  Americans  into  Boston.  Departure  of  Soldiers  and  Tories. 

would  be  complied  with.  General  Howe  designated  the  fifteenth  as 
the  day  for  the  embarkation  of  the  troops,  and  meanwhile,  more  than 
fifteen  hundred  tory  families,  dreading  the  just  indignation  of  their 
countrymen,  prepared  to  embark  in  the  same  vessels.  During  the 
interim,  all  was  confusion,  and  lawless  bands  of  soldiers  took  every 
opportunity  to  plunder  the  houses  of  the  inhabitants.  General 
Howe  took  strong  measures  to  prevent  these  outrages,  but  to  little 
purpose. 

The  prevalence  of  a  strong  east  wind  delayed  their  departure 
until  the  seventeenth.  At  four  in  the  morning,  they  began  their 
embarkation,  and  at  ten,  all  were  on  board,  the  number  of  troops 
being  about  seven  thousand.  The  rear  guard  was  scarcely  out  of 
the  city,  when,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  inhabitants,*  Washington 
entered  it  on  the  other  side,  with  drums  beating,  colors  flying,  and  all 
the  display  of  a  glorious  triumph. t  General  Putnam,  with  a  division 
of  the  army,  had  entered  it  the  day  previous.  So  crowded  were 
ihe  vessels  with  the  tory  emigrants  and  their  effects,  that  Howe  was 
obliged  to  leave  behind  him  two  hundred  and  fifty  pieces  of  cannon 
(half  of  which  were  serviceable),  four  large  mortars,  one  hundred 
and  fifty  horses,  twenty-five  thousand  bushels  of  wheat,  and  a  quan- 
tity of  barley,  oats,  and  other  provisions,  which  our  army  then  greatly 
needed. 

Through  the  reprehensible  want  of  foresight  of  General  Howe, 
no  cruiser  was  left  in  the  vicinity,  to  warn  British  ships  of  his 
departure.  The  consequence  was,  that  several  store-ships  from 
England  soon  after  unsuspectingly  sailed  into  the  harbor,  and  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Americans.^  Shortly  after  that,  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Campbell,  with  seven  hundred  men  direct  from  Britain, 
sailed  into  the  harbor  and  became  prisoners. 

Washington,  ignorant  of  the  destination  of  General  Howe,  strongly 
suspected  that  he  had  sailed  for  New  York,  with  the  view  of  taking 
possession,  and  fortifying  that  city.     This  result  he  greatly  dreaded, 

*  It  was  indeed  a  joyful  day  for  Boston.  Sixteen  long  months  they  had  endured 
hunger,  cold,  and  every  privation.  The  most  necessary  articles  of  food  had  risen 
to  an  exorbitant  price.  A  pound  of  fresh  fish  cost  twenty-three  cents  ;  a  goose  two 
dollars  ;  a  turkey  three  dollars :  a  duck  one  dollar ;  hams  fifty  cents  a  pound. 
Vegetables  were  altogether  wanting.  A  sheep  cost  about  nine  dollars  ;  apples  eight 
dollars  a  barrel ;  firewood  ten  dollars  a  cord,  and  finally,  fuel  could  not  be  procured 
at  all.  In  some  instances,  the  pews  and  benches  of  churches  were  taken  for  fuel, 
and  the  counters  of  warehouses,  and  even  houses  not  inhabited,  were  demolished 
for  the  sake  of  the  wood. 

t  Congress  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Washington  and  his  army,  and  directed  a 
gold  medal,  commemorative  of  the  event,  to  be  struck. 

%  One  of  these  ships  had  on  board  fifteen  hundred  barrels  of  gunpowder,  and 
other  munitions  of  war. 


chap,  vi.]  EVENTS  OF  1776.  191 

Much  of  the  Continental  Army  to  New  York.  Trouble  in  North  Carolina. 

for  he  knew  that  through  the  extensive  influence  of  the  numerous 
loyalists  there,  the  city  would  be  made  a  stronghold  for  the  enemy, 
and  a  powerful  leaven  of  defection  for  the  whole  province.  He 
acccordingly  prepared  to  march  the  main  body  of  his  army  thither, 
after  placing  Boston  in  a  state  of  defence,  and  leaving  a  garrison 
under  the  command  of  General  Ward.  He  also  wrote  to  Brigadier- 
General  Lord  Stirling,  commanding  at  New  York,  to  be  vigilant, 
and  to  expect  a  reinforcement  of  five  battalions  and  several  compa- 
nies of  artillery.  Under  the  direction  of  Congress,  General  Lee 
was  sent  with  a  body  of  troops  into  that  province,  to  seize  the  arms 
of  all  the  loyalists,  and  place  the  city  in  a  state  of  defence.  Lee 
hastily  raised  a  body  of  troops  in  Connecticut,  and  by  forced  marches, 
reached  the  city  almost  before  the  inhabitants  were  generally  aware 
of  the  movement.  They  remonstrated,  but  h<?  at  once  commenced 
erecting  fortifications,  and  would  soon  have  nad  the  city  well  defend- 
ed, and  all  the  royalists  disarmed,  had  not  the  order  for  the  latter 
measure  been  countermanded.  Washington,  with  the  bulk  of  the 
continental  army,  arrived  in  New  York  early  in  April. 

Howe,  instead  of  going  to  New  York,  sailed  eastward,  and  on  the 
fifth  of  April,  arrived  safely  at  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia,  where  the 
emigrants  and  troop?  were  safely  landed  It  was  arranged  that  he 
should  leave  Halifax  with  his  troops  in  time  to  be  at  New  York  in 
June,  where  he  i*as  to  be  joined  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  his  troops 
from  the  south. 

Before  the  events  just  recorded  took  place  in  Boston,  North  Caro- 
lina was  the  theatre  of  considerable  tumult.  Governor  Martin,  who 
had  taken  refuge  on  board  an  armed  vessel,  was  busy  in  planning 
schemes  to  retrieve  the  royal  cause.  He  contrived  to  collect  a  body 
of  Highlanders,  lately  emigrated  to  America,  and  with  a  large  num- 
ber of  rough  backwoodsmen,  formed  quite  a  formidable  force,  who 
were  placed  under  the  command  of  Colonels  McDonald  and  McLeod. 
They  set  up  the  royal  standard  and  summoned  all  men  to  repair  to  it. 
These  bold  movements  in  the  midst  of  so  much  defection,  were  made 
on  the  strength  of  a  promise  of  aid  from  regular  troops  under  Clin- 
ton, to  be  landed  at  Wilmington.  But  the  promised  assistance  did 
not  arrive,  and  these  troops,  in  attempting  to  march  to  Wilmington, 
were  surrounded  by  an  insurgent  force,  and  McLeod  and  most  of  the 
Highlanders  were  taken  prisoners. 

On  the  third  of  May,  Lord  Cornwallis,  with  seven  regiments 
destined  to  operate  against  the  Carolinas,  arrived  on  that  coast  in  a 
squadron  of  transports  convoyed  by  Admiral  Sir  Peter  Parker  ;*  and 

*  They  sailed  from  Cork,  Ireland,  on  the  twelfth  of  February. 
13 


192  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776. 

Arrival  of  British  land  and  naval  forces  at  Charleston.  Attack  upon  Fort  Moultrie. 

almost  at  the  same  moment,  General  Clinton  arrived  at  Cape  Fear, 
and  took  command  of  the  troops.  Clinton  was  instructed  to  endeavor, 
by  proclamations,  to  win  the  inhabitants  back  to  allegiance,  if  possi- 
ble, without  resorting  to  force  of  arms.  He  was  also  instructed, 
in  case  he  found  the  royalists  pretty  numerous  and  determined, 
t©  leave  some  troops  with  them,  and  with  the  rest  to  repair  to  New 
York,  to  join  the  commander-in-chief,  General  Howe.  But  he  found 
that  the  capture  of  the  Highlanders  had  greatly  dispirited  the  loyal- 
ists ;  and  after  remaining  there  inactive  for  some  time,  he  and  Parker 
agreed  to  exceed  their  instructions,  and  make  a  descent  upon  Charles-' 
ton,  the  capital  of  South  Carolina. 

The  fleet  arrived  off  Charleston  on  the  fourth  of  June,  but  through 
an  intercepted  letter,  the  inhabitants  had  been  made  acquainted  with 
the  design,  and  greatly  strengthened  the  defences.  The  entrance  to 
Charleston  is  through  a  narrow  channel  between  Long  Island  and 
Sullivan's  Island.  Upon  the  latter  was  a  fort,*  lately  erected,  which 
completely  commanded  the  entrance,  and  presented  a  formidable 
obstacle  in  the  way  of  an  attack  upon  the  city.  Besides  this,  the 
city  and  the  fort  were  garrisoned  by  nearly  six  thousand  provincials, 
under  General  Lee.  This  vigilant  officer  had  been  watching  the 
movements  of  Clinton  for  months,  and  had  followed  him  from  pro- 
vince to  province,  while  on  his  expeditions  among  \he  royalists. 

General  Clinton,  with  his  troops,  landed  upon  L^ng  Island,  and 
erected  two  batteries,  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of  covering  his  forces 
when  they  should  land  upon  Sullivan's  Island  to  attack  t\,o  fort.  At 
half-past  ten  in  the  morning  of  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  Sir  Peter 
Parker  gave  the  signal  for  action,  and  his  ships  immediately  came 
to  anchor,  with  springs  upon  their  cables,  directly  in  front  of  the  fort.f 
Unacquainted  with  the  soundings,  three  of  his  frigates  soon  got 
aground.  Two  of  them  hove  off,  but  the  third  (the  Acteon)  could  not 
be  moved.  At  the  same  time,  the  batteries  upon  Long  Island  opened 
upon  the  fort,  and  all  the  light  infantry  and  grenadiers  embarked  for 
Sullivan's  Island  in  armed  boats  in  the  rear  of  some  floating  batteries. 
They  were,  however,  immediately  recalled  and  ordered  back  to  their 
encampment,  leaving  the  ships  to  continue  their  fire  upon  the  fort, 
which  was  briskly  returned  by  the  Americans.  The  firing  upon 
both  sides,  with  scarcely  an  intermission,  was  kept  up  until  nearly 
ten  o'clock  at  night.  The  fire  from  the  fort  did  terrible  execution ; 
the  ships  were  nearly  disabled ;  several  of  the  chief  officers  were 

*  Named,  as  a  compliment  to  its  gallant  defender,  Fort  Moultrie. 

t  His  fleet  consisted  of  the  Bristol,  of  fifty  guns,  Experiment,  of  fifty  guns,  and 
the  Active,  Soleby,  Acteon,  Syren,  and  Sphynx,  twenty-eight  gun  frigates;  the 
Thunderer,  bomb,  and  the  Friendship,  an  armed  ship  of  twenty-four  guns 


chap,  vi.]  EVENTS  OP  1776.  193 

Defeat  of  the  British  and  burning  of  the  "  Acteon."  Bravery  of  Sergoant  Jasper. 

killed  or  wounded,  and  at  one  time  Commodore  Parker  was 
alone  upon  deck.  Finally,  in  a  dreadfully  shattered  state,  the 
fleet  moved  off,  having  lost  about  two  hundred  men,  among  whom 
was  Lord  William  Campbell,  Governor  of  South  Carolina,  and 
other  officers  of  rank.  The  Americans  had  only  thirty-five  killed 
and  wounded. 

The  next  morning  preparations  were  made  for  a  second  attack,  and 
the  land  troops  of  Clinton,  so  anxiously  looked  for  by  the  seamen  on 
the  preceding  day,  to  attack  and  dislodge  Lee  from  behind  the  fort, 
were  again  embarked,  but,  as  before,  at  once  ordered  back,  and  no 
further  attempt  was  made.  The  Acteon  frigate,  that  still  remained 
aground,  was  set  fire  to  by  order  of  the  commander,  and  burned  to 
the  water's  edge,  to  prevent  its  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. On  the  twenty-first,  Clinton  and  the  troops  set  sail,  under 
convoy  of  the  Soleby  frigate,  to  join  Howe  at  New  York. 

This  success  of  the  Americans  in  repulsing  the  British  fleet, 
greatly  strengthened  their  cause  at  the  south,  and  the  loyalists  rapidly 
decreased  in  numbers.  Colonel  Moultrie,  who  commanded  the  fort,* 
was  universally  applauded  for  his  skill  and  bravery,  and  all  concerned 
in  the  defence  of  Charleston  received  the  grateful  thanks  of  the 
Colonists.! 

All  thoughts  of  reconciliation  being  banished  from  the  minds  of 
Americans,  it  seemed  to  be  the  dictate  of  true  wisdom,  as  well  as 
sound  policy,  to  declare  to  the  world  in  unequivocal  terms,  their 
solemn  intentions  concerning  the  then  teeming  present,  and  the 
future.  Abject  submission,  or  complete  independence,  formed  the 
alternative,  and  of  course  the  Colonists  chose  the  latter.  While 
from  the  beginning  of  serious  discontents  more  than  ten  years  before, 
some  of  the  leading  minds  of  America  had  conceived  the  feasibility 
and  the  necessity  of  political  independence,  yet  down  to  the  year 
1775,  this  idea  was  not  generally  prevalent  or  popular  among  the 
great  mass  of  the  American  people 4     They  were  strongly  attached 

*  The  fort  itself  received  but  little  injury,  being  constructed  of  the  palmettoy 
whose  soft  fibre  received  the  balls  of  the  enemy  without  material  effect. 

t  Sergeant  Jasper,  on  seeing  the  staff  of  the  American  flag  cut  by  a  ball,  sprang 
after  it  to  the  ground,  fastened  it  to  the  rammer  of  a  cannon,  mounted  the  parapet, 
and  in  the  face  of  the  hot  fire  of  the  enemy,  hoisted  it  anew.  Rutledge,  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Colony,  presented  him  with  a  sword. 

J  The  following  extract  from  the  writings  of  Dr.  Timothy  Dwight,  for  many  years 
President  of  Yale  College,  in  Connecticut,  is  corroborative  of  this  assertion.  He 
was  a  tutor  in  that  institution  in  1775,  and  afterwards  a  chaplain  in  the  army, 
attached  to  Putnam's  division.  "  In  the  month  of  July,  1775,  I  urged,  in  conversa- 
tion with  several  gentlemen  of  great  respectability,  firm  whigs,  and  my  intimate 
friends,  the  importance,  and  even  the  necessity,  of  a  declaration  of  independence 


194  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776" 

Prophetic  address  of  Doctor  Timothy  Dvvight. 

to- the  mother  country,  and  not  sufficiently  disenthralled  from  the 
sectional  jealousies  which  had  obtained  between  widely-separated 
Colonies,  to  make  an  independence  which  must  have  the  union  of 
all  for  a  basis,  greatly  to  be  desired.  But  the  course  of  events  had 
been  such  that  there  was  hardly  a  choice  left  them.  The  separate 
action  of  the  various  Colonies  in  their  opposition  to  British  authority, 
had  been  so  signally  enstamped  with  the  impress  of  concordance 
and  concert,  that  the  British  ministry  plainly  perceived  a  strong 
union,  before  the  provinces  had  taken  a  single  step  towards  such  a 
consummation.  But  the  affairs  at  Lexington  and  Concord,  Ticon- 
deroga  and  Breed's  Hill,  with  a  facile  plastic  hand,  moulded  public 
opinion  in  favor  of  Union  and  Independence.  Popular  assemblies, 
like  that  at  Mecklenburg,  began  to  utter  aspirations  for  an  entire 
severance  from   British   rule  ;    and   the   press,   with   its   thousand 

on  the  part  of  the  Colonies,  and  alleged  for  this  measure,  the  very  same  arguments 
which  afterwards  were  generally  considered  as  decisive  ;  but  found  them  disposed 
to  give  me  and  my  arguments,  a  hostile  and  contemptuous,  instead  of  a  cordial, 
reception.  Yet,  at  this  time,  all  the  resentment  and  enthusiasm  awakened  by  the 
odious  measures  of  Parliament,  by  the  peculiarly  obnoxious  conduct  of  the  British 
agents  in  this  country,  and  by  the  recent  battles  of  Lexington  and  Breed's  Hill,  were  at 
the  highest  pitch.  These  gentlemen  may  be  considered  as  representatives  of  the 
great  body  of  the  thinking  men  in  this  country.  A  few  may,  perhaps,  be  ex- 
cepted, but  none  of  these  durst  at  that  time  openly  declare  their  opinions  to  the 
public.  For  myself,  I  regarded  the  die  as  cast,  and  the  hopes  of  reconciliation 
as  vanished  ;  and  believed  that  the  Colonists  would  never  be  able  to  defend  them- 
selves unless  they  renounced  their  dependence  on  Great  Britain." — Dwighfs  Tra- 
vels in  New  England,  vol.  i.,  p.  159. 

We  cannot  forbear,  in  this  place,  making  one  or  two  extracts  from  a  Valedictory 
Address  delivered  by  this  profound  thinker,  to  a  class  in  Yale  College,  in  Septem- 
ber, 1775.  After  speaking  of  the  natural  advantages  and  political  progress  of 
America,  he  says : — "  In  the  next  place,  I  beg  leave  to  remark,  that  this  empire  is 
commencing  at  a  period  when  every  species  of  knowledge,  natural  and  moral,  is 
arrived  to  a  state  of  perfection,  which  'the  world  before  never  saw.  Other  king- 
doms have  had  their  foundations  laid  in  ignorance,  superstition  and  barbarity. 
Their  constitutions  were  the  offspring  of  necessity,  prejudice,  and  folly.  Even  the 
boasted  British  constitution  is  but  an  uncouth  Gothic  pile,  covered  and  adorned  by 
the  elegance  of  modern  architecture.  The  entailments  of  estates,  the  multitude  of, 
their  sanguinary  laws,  the  inequality  of  their  elections,  with  many  other  articles, 
are  gross  traces  of  ancient  folly  and  savageness.  American  empire  is  designed  for 
more  illustrious  scenes,  and  its  birth  attended  with  more  favorable  circumstances. 
Mankind  have,  in  a  great  degree,  learned  to  despise  the  shackles  of  custom  and  the 
chains  of  authority,  and  claim  the  privilege  of  thinking  for  themselves.  Every 
science  is  handled  with  candor,  fairness,  and  manliness  of  reasoning,  of  which  no 
other  age  ever  could  boast.  At  this  period  our  existence  begins ;  and  from  these 
advantages,  what  improvements  may  not  be  expected  !" 

He  took  a  brief  survey  of  the  idle,  ignorant,  and  besotted  character  of  the  people 
of  Mexico,  and  then  uttered  this  prophetic  sentence  : — "  This  concise  but  very  just 
account  of  them  must  necessarily  convince  us,  that  the  moment  our  interest  de- 
mands it,  these  extensive  regions  will  be  ours ;  that  the  present  race  of  inhabitants 
will  either  be  exterminated,  or  revive  to  the  native  human  dignity  by  the  generous 
and  beneficent  influence  of  just  laws  and  rational  freedom  " 


ciiap.  vi.]  EVENTS  OF  1776.  195 

Action  by  Congress  in  favor  of  Independence.     Appointment  of  a  Committee  to  prepare  n  Declaration 

tongues,  spake  forth  the  mighty  truth  that  "  all  men  are  created  free 
and  equal,"  and  that  the  governor  and  the  governed  have  alike  rights 
inalienable.* 

When,  in  the  spring  of  1776,  intelligence  was  received  of  the 
declaration  of  the  King  and  Parliament,  that  the  Americans  were 
rebels,  and  that  preparations  were  in  progress  for  sending  a  large 
army  of  mercenary  troops  here  to  enslave  them,  the  Colonists  felt 
impelled,  by  necessity,  to  adopt  decided  measures,  and  agree  upon 
united  action  in  establishing  and  vindicating  a  national  character. 
Congress,  therefore,  by  a  unanimous  vote  resolved  :   "  That 

•     i  iii  ii-  i  a  May  10. 

it  be  recommended  to  the  respective  assemblies  and  conven- 
tions of  the  United  Colonies,  where  no  government  sufficient  to  the 
exigencies  of  their  affairs  hath  been  hitherto  established,  to  adopt  such 
government  as  shall,  in  the  opinion  of  the  representatives  of  the 
people,  best  conduce  to  the  happiness  and  safety  of  their  constituents 
in  particular,  and  America  in  general."! 

Meanwhile  the  convention  of  North  Carolina h  empowered  b  APril  22- 
their  delegates  to  join  with  others  in  establishing  independence. 
That  of  Virginia  went  a  step  further,  and  instructed  theirs  to  propose 
it ;  and  the  people  of  Boston  expressed  their  willing  concurrence. 
Thus  instructed,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia,  offered 
a  resolution  in  Congress,0  declaring  "  That  the  United  Colo- 
nies are,  and  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States  ; — that  they 
are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown  ; — and  that 
all  political  connexion  between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain 
is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved." 

This  bold  proposition  to  dismember  the  British  empire  and  to 
give  birth  to  a  new  nation,  was  received  by  Congress  with 
great  anxiety  and  not  a  little  opposition.  For  two  days  d  the  gtj'sth. 
debate  upon  it  was  very  warm,  and  elicited  all  the  eloquence 
and  ability  of  that  august  body  ;  and  finally,  having  been  adopted  by 
a  bare  majority,  the  further  consideration  of  the  subject  was  post- 
poned until  the  first  of  July.  Virginia  and  six  other  Colonies  had 
spoken  out  in  favor  of  Independence  ;  but  six  others,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  South  Caroli- 
na, were  silent,  and  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  delay  the  matter 
awhile.  Meanwhile,  a  committee  was  appointed  by  Congress^  and 
instructed  to  prepare  a  Declaration,  in  accordance  with  the  spirit 

*  In  January  of  this  year,  appeared  the  famous  political  pamphlet  written  by  Tho- 
mas Paine,  entitled  "  Common  Sense."  It  is  an  able  production,  and  it  had  a  pow- 
erful influence  in  giving  a  bias  to  the  popular  mind  in  favor  of  independence. 

f  Journals  of  the  Continental  Congress,  vol.  ii.,  p.  166. 

X  Thomas  Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Roger  Sherman,  and  Rob* 
ert  R.  Livingston. 


196  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 

Adoption  and  signing  of  the  Declaration.  •  Its  reception  by  the  people. 

of  the  resolution.  They  reported  a  draft  on  the  twenty-eighth  of 
June,*  which  was  laid  on  the  table  till  the  first  of  July.  On  that 
day,  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  nine  States  voted  for  independence. 
The  Assemblies  of  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  refused  their  con-' 
currence  ;  but  conventions  of  the  people  having  been  called,  majori- 
ties were  at  length  obtained,  and  on  the  fourth  of  July,  votes  from 
all  the  Colonies  were  procured  in  its  favor.  By  this  act,  the  thirteen 
United  Colonies  declared  themselves  "  free  and  independent  States,'' 
having  "  full  powers  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances, 
establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things  which  inde- 
pendent States  may  of  right  do."  And  in  the  support  of  that  decla- 
ration, and  expressing  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine  Pro- 
vidence, they  mutually  pledged  to  each  other  their  "  lives,  their 
fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honor."t  From  that  day  the  word  Colony 
is  not  known  in  our  history  4  It  was  signed  on  the  second  of  August, 
by  all  the  Members  of  Congress  then  present,  and  by  some  who 
were  absent  on  the  fourth  of  July,  the  day  of  its  adoption.  The 
number  who  signed  it  was  fifty-six. § 

There  were  many  considerations  of  great  weight  attached  to 
the  act  of  signing  that  instrument,  by  which  a  mighty  empire  was 
dismembered,  and  a  new  nation  came  into  being  and  took  its  place 
among  the  political  families  of  the  earth.  It  was  treason  against  the 
home  government,  yet  perfect  allegiance  to  the  law  of  right ;  it 
subjected  those  who  signed  it  to  the  danger  of  an  ignominious  death, 
and  it  entitled  them  to  the  profound  reverence  of  a  disenthralled 
people.  It  commenced  the  experiment  of  self-government,  attempts 
at  which  had  before  been  made,  succeeded  by  decided  failures.  In 
view  of  the  dark  side  of  the  picture,  it  required  great  firmness  and 
decision  of  character.  These  were  not  wanting,  as  the  signatures 
well  attest.  All  are  written  with  a  firm  hand,  except  that  of  Stephen 
Hopkins,  an  aged  man  afflicted  with  the  palsy. || 

The  Declaration  was  everywhere  received  with  demonstrations  of 
approbation.  Processions  were  formed;  cannons  were  fired  ;  bells  were 
rung  ;  orations  were  pronounced,  and  everything  which  delight  could 
suggest,  was  exhibited.     In  New  York,  during  the  celebration  of  the 

*  It  was  written  by  Thomas  Jefferson. 

t  See  Appendix,  Note  VI. 

%  On  the  ninth  of  September,  Congress  adopted  the  following  resolution  :  "  That 
in  all  Continental  commissions  where  heretofore  the  words  '  United  Colonies '  have 
been  used,  the  style  be  altered  for  the  future  to  the  '  United  States.'  About  this 
time  the  red  ground  of  the  American  flag  was  altered  to  thirteen  blue  and  white 
stripes,  as  an  emblem  of  the  thirteen  Colonies  united  in  a  war  for  liberty. 

§  Pitkin,  vol.  ii.,  p.  346 ;  Goodrich,  p.  171 ;  Marshall,  vol.  ii.,  p.  468. 

jj  See  Appendix,  Note  VI. 


Portraits  of  the  "Independence  Committee:"  from  Trumbull's  Picture  of  th«  Signers.— Facsimile 

of  tiie  handwriting  of  the  original  draft.— View  of  Independence  Hall 

as  it  appeared  in  1776.    P.  158. 


fcHAP.  vi.]  EVENTS  OF  1776.  109 

Destruction  of  the  Statue  of  George  III.  Conduct  of  the  Tories' 

event,  the  statue  of  George  III.  in  Bowling-green  was  pulled  down, 
and,  its  composition  being  lead,  it  was  cast  into  bullets.  A  copy  of 
the  Declaration  was  received  by  Washington  on  the  ninth  of  July, 
and  at  six  o'clock  that  evening  the  regiments  of  his  army  were 
paraded,  and  the  document  was  read  aloud  in  the  hearing  of  them 
all.  It  was  greeted  with  the  most  hearty  demonstrations  of  joy  and 
applause.* 

After  this  declaration  of  independence  and  positive  war,  a  large 
party  of  Americans  remained  attached  to  the  royal  cause,  and  by 
internal  operations  did  more  to  retard  the  progress  of  the  States 
towards  the  position  of  real  and  acknowledged  independence,  than 
all  the  fleets  and  armies  of  Britain.  To  a  great  extent,  particularly 
at  the  south,  these  tories  or  royalists  maintained  a  sort  of  conserva- 
tive character,  and  abounded  principally  among  the  landed  proprie- 
tors. They  felt  none  of  the  oppressions  which  commercial  restric- 
tions laid  upon  the  inhabitants  of  cities  and  sea-ports,  and  they  were 
content  to  have  things  as  they  were.  They  condemned  the  Revolu- 
tionists and  refused  to  take  up  arms  against  them  for  precisely  the 
same  reasons — for  their  opinions  and  conduct ;  they  did  not  wish  to 
exchange  their  peaceful  labors  for  the  hardships  of  the  field,  and 
hence  when  the  British  commander  counted  upon  these  domestic 
allies,  they  refused  to  serve.  In  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Penn- 
sylvania, the  Crown  found  numerous  supporters,  and  it  has  even 
been  asserted,  that  among  the  agricultural  population,  these  formed 
a  numerical  majority,  and  acts  against  the  patriots  which  they  dared 
not  commit  openly,  were  diligently  performed  in  secret.f 

General  Howe  with  his   Boston  army,   left   Halifax   in 
June,'1  and  came  to  anchor  off  Sandy  Hook  on  the  twenty- 
fifth,  and  on  the  second  of  July  took  possession  of  Staten  Island. 
He  there  expected  to  meet  his  brother,  Admiral  Lord  Howe,J  with 

*  Sparks's  Life  of  Washington  (1  vol.),  p.  169. 

t  In  New  York,  a  deep  plot,  originating  with  Governor  Try  on,  still  on  ship-board 
in  the  harbor,  was  defeated  by  a  timely  and  fortunate  discovery.  The  agents  of  the 
Governor  were  found  enlisting  men  in  the  American  camp  and  enticing  them  by 
offers  of  reward,  to  seize  General  Washington  and  convey  him  to  the  enemy.  The 
infection  spread  to  a  considerable  extent,  and  even  reached  the  General's  guard, 
several  of  whom  enlisted.  A  soldier  of  the  guard  was  proved  guilty  by  a  court- 
martial,  and  executed,  and  the  plot  was  broken  up. — Sparks  (1  vol.),  p.  1G9. 

X  Lord  Howe  came  in  the  capacity  of  a  commissioner,  authorized  to  offer  to  the 
Americans  terms  of  accommodation,  before  commencing  hostilities.  He  was  a  man 
greatly  esteemed  for  his  many  virtues  and  humane  disposition.  In  Parliament,  a  few 
nights  before  he  left  for  America,  he  said,  with  much  feeling,  and  deprecatory  of 
the  plan  of  hiring  mercenaries  to  slaughter  the  Americans  : — "  I  know  no  struggle 
so  painful  as  that  between  a  soldier's  duties  as  an  officer  and  as  a  man.  If  left  to 
my  own  will,  I  should  decline  serving ;  but  if  commanded,  it  becomes  my  duty, 
and  I  shall  not  refuse." — Pic.  His.  of  the  Reign  of  Geo.  III.,  vol.  i.,  p.  248. 


200  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776. 

Arrival  of  the  British  fleet  and  army  at  New  York.  Lord  Howe's  circular  letters. 

.the  main  body  of  the  fleet,  destined  to  operate  against  the  Americans, 
and  conveying  the  new  army  of  English  and  Hessian  troops.  He 
was  to  be  joined  also  by  the  squadron  of  Sir  Peter  Parker,  and  the 
forces  of  General  Clinton.  But  none  of  these  parties  were  there, 
and  it  was  the  twelfth  of  July  before  Lord  Howe  arrived,  about 
which  time  Clinton  also  joined  them  from  the  south.  Their  united 
forces  amounted  to  about  twenty-four  thousand  fighting  men,  the  best 
troops  of  Europe,  which,  with  others  expected  soon  to  arrive,  made 
the  number  with  which  the  Americans  were  threatened,  about  thirty- 
five  thousand  men.  The  design  of  the  British  was  to  seize  New 
York  with  a  force  sufficient  to  keep  possession  of  the  Hudson  River, 
open  a  communication  with  Canada,  separate  the  Eastern  from  the 
Middle  States,  and  then  make  an  easy  conquest  of  the  surrounding 
country. 

Whilst  General  Howe  was  awaiting  the  arrival  of  his  brother,  he 
sent  two  ships,  one  of  forty,  and  the  other  of  twenty  guns,  up  the 
Hudson  River,  preparatory  to  the  execution  of  his  ulterior  designs. 
They  sailed  up  to  the  Tappan  Zee,  a  broad  expansion  of  the  river 
about  thirty  miles  from  the  city,  where  they  remained  safe  from 
annoyance  from  the  shore. 

Washington,  in  the  meanwhile,  was  making  vigorous  efforts  for 
defence.*  Not  being  positive  whence  he  might  first  be  attacked, 
and  suspecting  it  might  be  from  Canada,  he  strengthened  all  the 
approaches  to  the  city  of  New  York.  The  vicinage  of  the  British 
troops  on  Staten  Island  to  Long  Island,  made  him  anticipate  a  landing 
there,  and  he  prepared  for  its  defence  also.  He  formed  strong  lines 
at  Brooklyn,  and  fortified  the  heights  which  command  the  harbor  of 
New  York. 

The  American  army  consisted  of  about  twenty-seven  thousand  men, 
but  so  many  were  invalids  and  unprovided  with  arms,  that  Washington 
had  but  little  more  than  seventeen  thousand  effective  soldiers. 

Before  proceeding  to  hostilities,  Lord  Howe  sent  ashore  circular 
letters,  acquainting  the  Americans  with  his  delegated  discretionary 
powers,  both  civil  and  military,  giving  him  authority  to  grant  pardons 
to  all  such  as  were  willing  to  return  to  duty  and  allegiance  to  the 
British  crown,  and  declaring  that  any  province  or  town  that  should 
accept  of  the  terms  of  accommodation  should  be  immediately  relieved 
of  the  operation  of  the  restrictive  commercial  acts  of  Parliament. 
He  also  offered  rewards  to  those  who  should  aid  and  assist  in  restor- 
ing order  and  tranquillity. 

*  He  erected  a  fort  on  the  north  part  of  York  Island,  which  was  named  Fort 
Washington,  and  another  on  the  Jersey  shore,  nearly  opposite,  first  called  Fort 
Constitution   and  afterwards,  Fort  Lee. 


chap,  vi.]  EVENTS  OF  1776.  201 

Howe's  letters  to  Washington.  Landing  of  the  British  on  Long  Island. 

These  papers  Washington  instantly  forwarded  to  Congress,  and 
their  contents  were  speedily  circulated  in  the  newspapers,  throughout 
every  Colony,  accompanied  by  comments  indicative  of  indignation 
and  disdain.  Howe  then  despatched  Adjutant-General  Pa- 
tersona  to  New  York,  with  letters  addressed  to  Washington, 
offering  terms  of  accommodation.*  Not  recognising  as  legal  the 
rank  Washington  held,  he  superscribed  his  letters  "  To  George 
Washington,  Esq."t  These  letters,  thus  directed,  Washington  very 
properly  refused  to  receive,  stating  as  a  reason,  that,  whoever  had 
written  them,  they  did  not  express  his  public  station  ;  and  that  he  could 
not,  as  a  private  individual,  hold  intercourse  or  communication  with 
the  enemies  of  his  country 4  Colonel  Paterson  assured  Washington 
that  no  personal  disrespect  was  intended,  and  stated  that  the  Howes 
were  commissioned  by  the  King,  with  the  very  best  intentions,  to 
offer  terms  of  accommodation.  But  Washington  replied  that  they 
were  only  empowered  to  grant  pardons,  which  the  Americans  did 
not  stand  in  need  of,  and  thus  the  conference  ended. 

Finding  it  impossible  to  make  the  olive  branch,  so  disfigured  by 
parasites  of  royal  growth,  acceptable  to  the  Americans,  the  British 
general  resolved  to  draw  the  sword  at  once.  Accordingly,  on  the 
twenty-second  of  August,  Howe  put  his  troops  in  motion  on  Staten 
Island,  and  threw  forward  a  division  of  four  thousand  men  under 
General  Clinton,  who  landed  upon  the  southern  shore  of  Long  Island, 
near  the  villages  of  New  Utrecht  and  Gravesend.  Their  landing 
being  well  covered  by  three  frigates  and  two  bombs,  it  was  effected 
without  opposition.  This  division  was  soon  followed  by  the  rest  of 
the  army,  and  having  divided  into  three  columns,  they  commenced 
their  march  towards  the  American  camp  at  Brooklyn,  then  under  the 
command  of  General  Putnam. 

About  this  time  the  convention  of  New  York  called  out  the  militia 
of  four  counties,  who,  to  the  number  of  three  thousand,  assembled 
at  King's  Bridge,  under  the  command  of  General  George  Clinton. 
Three  thousand  also  came  from  Connecticut.  Two  battalions  of 
riflemen  from  Pennsylvania,  one  from  Maryland,  and  a  regiment  from 
Delaware,  also  joined  the  army,  while  Washington  constantly  sent 

*  Howe  had  authority  to  "  grant  pardons  to  such  as  deserved  mercy."  The  Ame- 
ricans assured  his  lordship  that  having  committed  no  fault  in  opposing  the  tyrannies 
of  Britain,  they  therefore  needed  no  pardon. 

f  This  was  the  second  time  that  he  had  thus  addressed  letters  to  Washington. 

J  In  a  resolution  approving  of  this  course  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  Congress 
directed  that  "  no  letter  or  message  should  be  received  on  any  occasion  whatever 
from  the  enemy,  by  the  Commander-in-chief  or  any  other  officer  of  the  American 
army,  but  such  as  shall  be  directed  to  them  in  the  character  they  respectively  sus- 
tain, and  with  their  military  rank." 


.202  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776. 

Landing  of  the  British  troops.  Attack  upon  the  American  linea- 

reinforcements  to  Putnam,  Sullivan,  and  Brigadier-General  Lord 
Stirling,  who  were  in  command  of  the  Americans  on  Long  Island.* 

A  range  of  hills,  covered  with  thick  wood,  running  from  the  Nar- 
rows to  Jamaica,  separated  the  two  armies.  The  position  of  the 
Americans  was  well  secured  on  the  land  side  by  redoubts  and  en- 
trenchments, running  along  from  Wallabout  Bay  to  Gowanus  Cove. 
They  were  defended  on  the  water  side  by  batteries  at  Red  Hook, 
Governor's  Island,  and  other  points.  The  British  army  occupied  the 
plain  extending  from  the  Narrows  to  Flatbush.  General  Grant  com- 
manded the  left  wing  near  the  coast ;  De  Heister,  with  the  Hessian 
troops,  the  centre,  and  Sir  Henry  Clinton  the  right. 

About  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  on  the  twenty-seventh  of 
August,  a  report  reached  the  Americans  that  the  British  were  in 
motion  on  the  road  leading  along  the  coast  from  the  Narrows.  A 
detachment  under  Lord  Stirling  was  immediately  ordered  out  to 
meet  them.  General  Sullivan  was  sent  to  the  heights  just  above 
Flatbush,  where  there  was  only  one  regiment,  and  a  little  to  the 
north  of  it,  two  others,  on  the  Bedford  road.  Meantime,  General 
Clinton,  with  Earls  Percy  and  Cornwallis,  led  the  right  wing  of  the 
British  army,  by  a  circuit,  into  the  Jamaica  road,  which  was  not 
guarded,  and  gained  the  rear  of  the  American  division  under  Sulli- 
van. Before  this  was  accomplished,  reinforcements  had  been  sent 
from  the  camp  at  New  York,  to  support  both  Sullivan  and  Stirling. 
The  attack  was  begun  at  an  early  hour,  by  Grant  and  De  Heister, 
but  with  little  spirit,  for  they  were  ordered  not  to  advance  till  Clinton 
should  reach  the  left  flank  or  rear  of  the  Americans.  As  soon  as  it 
was  known  by  the  sound  of  the  guns  that  this  was  effected,  they 
pushed  vigorously  forward,  and  the  action  became  general  and  warm 
in  every  part.  The  troops  under  Lord  Stirling  fought  with  signal 
bravery,  contesting  every  foot  of  ground  against  a  greatly  superior 
force,  till  Cornwallis,  with  a  detachment  from  Clinton's  division, 
came  upon  their  rear,  brought  them  between  two  fires,  and  compelled 
them  to  retreat  within  their  lines  across  a  creek  and  marsh  near 
Gowanus  Cove.  General  Sullivan,  with  the  regiments  on  the  heights 
above  Flatbush,  being  attacked  by  De  Heister  on  one  side,  and 
Clinton  on  the  other,  after  making  an  obstinate  resistance  for  three 
hours,  was  obliged  to  surrender.  As  the  grounds  were  broken  and 
covered  with  wood,  the  action  in  this  part  was  conducted  by  skir- 
mishes, and  many  of  the  troops  forced  their  way  through  the  ene- 
my's line,  and  returned  to  Brooklyn.     After  the  battle  was  over, 

*  General  Greene  at  first  commanded  on  Long  Island,  but  falling  sick,  he  was,  for 
a  short  time,  succeeded  by  Sullivan,  and  at  length,  by  Putnam.  The  number  of 
Americans  upon  Long  Island  at  that  time  was  about  twelve  thousand. 


CHAP.  VI.] 

EVENTS  OF  1776.                                      203 

Defeat  of  the  Americans. 

Their  retreat  acroea  the  East  river. 

General  Howe  encamped  his  army  in  front  of  the  American  lines, 
intending  to  carry  them  by  regular  approaches,  with  the  cooperation 
of  his  fleet.* 

It  was  a  disastrous  day  for  the  Americans.  They  lost  nearly 
twelve  hundred  men,t  about  a  thousand  of  whom  were  captured. 
Generals  Sullivan,  Stirling,  and  Woodhull,  were  among  the  prison- 
ers. The  loss  of  the  British  was  less  than  four  hundred.  The  whole 
number  actively  engaged  was  about  five  thousand  Americans,  and 
about  fifteen  thousand  of  the  enemy 4  The  bravery  of  the  American 
troops,  particularly  those  under  Lord  Stirling,  was  highly  commend- 
ed, and  greatly  astonished  the  disciplined  Hessians,  who  had  been 
taught  to  regard  them  as  insubordinate  and  undisciplined  cowards. 
During  the  action  General  Washington  crossed  over  to  Brooklyn. 
He  is  said  to  have  witnessed  the  rout  and  slaughter  of  his  troops 
with  the  keenest  anguish,  as  it  was  impossible  to  detach  others  to 
their  relief  without  exposing  the  camp  to  imminent  danger.  A  heavy 
rain  the  next  day  kept  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  in  their  tents, 
yet  slight  skirmishing  near  the  lines  took  place.  The  probability 
that  the  ships  of  the  fleet  would  sail  into  the  East  River  with  the 
first  favorable  wind,  and  thus  cut  off  all  communication  between  the 
camp  and  the  forces  at  Brooklyn,  rendered  it  hazardous  in  the  ex- 
treme for  the  Americans  to  attempt  longer  to  maintain  that  post. 
Besides,  some  of  the  ships  had  already  passed  round  Long  Island 
and  were  in  Flushing  Bay  ;  and  it  was  expected  that  General  Howe 
designed  to  transport  a  part  of  his  army  across  the  Sound,  and  form 
an  encampment  above  King's  Bridge, $  thus  jeopardizing  York  Island, 
and  requiring  the  aid  of  the  troops  at  Brooklyn  for  its  defence. 
These  considerations  determined  Washington  to  call  a  council  of 
war,  and  the  result  was  a  resolution  to  withdraw  the  troops  from 
Brooklyn. || 

On  the  morning  of  the  twenty-eighth,  the  enemy  encamped  in 
front  of  the  American  lines,  designing  to  delay  further  action  until 
they  should  obtain  the  cooperation  of  the  fleet.  Washington  took 
advantage  of  this  delay,  and  on  the  night  of  the  twenty-ninth,  having 
procured  boats,  he  silently  crossed  the  East  River  with  all  his  troops, 
artillery,  and  stores,  and  landed  them  in  safety  in  New  York.  This 
occupied  several  hours,  and  it  was  daylight  before  the  last  boat  left 

*  When  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Long  Island  reached  England,  the  King  con- 
ferred the  honor  of  knighthood  on  General  Howe,  and  he  became  Sir  William  Howe. 

f  This  is  the  number  stated  by  Washington  in  his  despatches  to  Congress.  Gene- 
ral Howe  stated  the  number  to  be  three  thousand  three  hundred. 

X  Goodrich. 

§  At  the  north  end  of  York  Island. 

II  Sparks's  Life  of  Washington  (1  vol.),  pp.  177-9. 


204  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776. 

Lord  Howe's  attempt  at  pacification.  Committee  of  Conference  appointed  by  Congress. 

Brooklyn ;  but  a  dense  fog  so  completely  obscured  them,  and  so 
silently  had  the  retreat  been  performed,  that  the  British,  parties  of 
whom  were  stationed  within  six  hundred  yards  of  the  American  lines, 
had  no  suspicions  of  their  movement.  To  their  utter  astonishment, 
when  the  mist  dispersed  on  the  morning  of  the  thirtieth,  not  an 
American  was  to  be  found  at  Brooklyn.  This  retreat,  so  well 
planned,  and  perfectly  executed,  has  scarcely  a  parallel  in  history. 

It  is  said  that  so  intense  was  the  anxiety  of  Washington  at  that 
time,  and  so  unceasing  were  his  exertions,  that  for  forty-eight  hours 
he  did  not  close  his  eyes,  and  rarely  dismounted  from  his  horse.* 

Immediately  after  this  victory  on  Long  Island,  Lord  Howe,  as 
one  of  the  King's  pacificators,  made  another  attempt  at  negotia- 
tion. He  admitted  General  Sullivan  to  his  parole,  and  sent  him  to 
Philadelphia  with  a  verbal  message  to  Congress,  the  purport  of 
which  was,  that,  although  not  authorized  to  treat  with  Congress,  as 
such,  it  being  an  illegal  assembly,  yet  he  was  desirous  of  conferring 
with  some  of  its  members  as  private  gentlemen  only,  whom  he 
would  meet  at  any  place  they  might  appoint ;  that,  in  conjunction 
with  his  brother,  General  Howe,  he  had  full  power  to  compromise 
the  dispute  between  America  and  Great  Britain ;  that  he  desired  to 
effect  this  before  further  hostilities  should'  take  place  ;  that,  in  case 
Congress  should  be  disposed  to  treat,  many  things  not  yet  asked 
for,  might  be  granted  ;  and  if,  upon  the  conference,  there  should 
seem  to  be  a  good  ground  for  accommodation,  the  authority  of 
Congress  might  be  acknowledged,  and  a  definitive  reconciliation 
effected.  To  this  Congress  sent  a  reply  by  Sullivan,  that,  being 
the  representatives  of  free  and  independent  States,  they  could  not, 
with  propriety,  send  any  of  their  members  to  confer  with  his  lordship 
in  their  private  capacity  ;  nevertheless,  they  would  send  a  committee 
to  inquire  into  his  authority  to  treat  with  persons  authorized  by  Con- 
gress, and  to  hear  such  propositions  as  he  should  think  proper  to 
make.  Instructions  were  sent  to  General  Washington  at  the  same 
time,  that  no  propositions  for  peace  ought  to  be  received,  unless 
directed  in  writing,  to  the  representatives  of  the  United  States ;  and 
to  inform  those  who  might  make  an  application  for  a  treaty,  that 
Congress  would  cheerfully  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace  whenever  such 
should  be  proposed  to  them  as  representatives  of  an  independent 
people. 

Doctor  Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Edward  Rutledge,  were  ap- 
pointed by  Congress  to  confer  with  Lord  Howe,  whom  they 
met  for  that  purpose  on  Staten  Island.*  t     The  interview 

*  Marshall,  vol.  ii.,  p.  509  ;  Howe's  Narrative,  pp.  4-5. 

f  The  house  in  which  this  interview  was  held,  is  still  standing.    It  is  an  ancient 


chap,  vi.]  EVENTS  OF  1776.  205 

Termination  of  the  Conference.  Preparations  to  drive  the  Americans  from  New  York  City. 

was  distinguished  by  courtesy  and  good  feeling  on  both  sides.  Lord 
Howe  had  nothing  new  to  offer  besides  what  had  already  been 
communicated  to  Congress  through  General  Sullivan ;  and,  as  he 
declined  conferring  with  the  committee  except  as  private  gentlemen, 
he  being  unauthorized  to  recognise  Congress  as  a  legal  body,  the 
conference  terminated  without  effecting  anything.  The  commission- 
ers absolutely  refused  to  entertain  any  propositions,  except  they 
were  made  to  them  as  the  representatives  of  a  free  and  independent 
people.  Lord  Howe  expressed  his  distress  because  of  the  obligation 
now  resting  upon  him  to  take  severe  measures  against  the  Americans, 
whom  he  so  kindly  regarded.  Doctor  Franklin  assured  him  that  the 
Americans  would  endeavor  to  lessen,  as  much  as  possible,  the  pain 
he  might  feel  on  their  account,  by  taking  the  utmost  care  of  them- 
selves.* Thus  ended  the  interview — war  or  absolute  independence 
were  the  only  alternatives  the  Americans  chose  to  recognise. 

General  Howe  now  took  measures  to  drive  the  Americans  out  of 
the  city  of  New  York.  He  made  preparations  to  have  troops  landed 
from  the  ships  on  opposite  sides  of  the  upper  part  of  the  Island, 
while  the  main  body  of  the  fleet  entered  the  harbor  and  took  a  posi- 
tion nearly  within  cannon-shot  of  the  city.  By  this  arrangement  the 
Americans  would  be  hemmed  in,  and  be  obliged  to  evacuate  the 
city,  or  suffer  the  privations  and  dangers  of  a  siege  from  a  far  supe- 
rior force. 

Washington  viewed  these  preparations  with  some  alarm,  for  he 
saw  no  chance  of  coping  successfully  with  such  a  body  of  thoroughly 
disciplined  troops,  and  felt  unwilling  to  jeopardize  the  safety 
of  his  army.     He  therefore  called  a  council  of  war,a  and       ep ' 

looking  stone  edifice,  situated  near  the  water,  on  the  extreme  west  end  of  Staten 
Island,  and  is  known  as  the  "  Billop  House."  It  was  built  upwards  of  a  century 
ago,  by  Captain  Billop,  of  the  British  Navy.  He  accepted  a  Colonel's  commission 
when  the  Revolution  broke  out,  and  joined  the  army  of  Lord  Howe  when  he  took 
possession  of  Staten  Island. 

*  Franklin  and  Lord  Howe  were  personal  acquaintances,  having  been  first  intro- 
duced to  each  other  at  the  house  of  a  sister  of  his  lordship,  on  Christmas  day,  1774. 
This  lady  had  been  made  acquainted  with  Franklin  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 
from  him,  if  possible  to  do  so,  during  social  conversation,  the  real  designs  of  Ame- 
rica, and  the  future  plans  of  the  Colonists.  It  was  supposed  that  in  the  freedom  of 
social  intercourse  with  a  lady  and  her  family,  the  caution  which  so  much  distin- 
guished that  statesman  would  be  somewhat  relaxed,  and  that  inadvertently  he  might 
drop  the  secret.  She  and  her  brother  flattered  him,  and  pretended  to  take  the  part 
of  the  Americans,  by  condemning  the  conduct  of  ministers,  and  especially  their 
petty  spite  as  manifested  in  his  dismissal  by  them  from  the  office  of  Postmaster 
General.  But  Franklin  was  not  to  be  cajoled,  and  he  had  seen  too  much  of  the 
duplicity  of  partisans  to  give  much  credit  for  sincerity  of  sympathy  coming  from 
such  a  quarter ;  and  when  their  interview  ended,  Lord  Howe  and  his  sister  were  as 
much  in  the  dark  respecting  American  affairs,  as  they  were  before  the  introduction. 


206  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776. 

Evacuation  of  New  York.  Skirmishes  near  Harlem. 

Tecommended  an  immediate  withdrawal  of  the  troops.  To  this, 
however,  many  of  the  officers  objected,  and  proposed  leaving  a  gar- 
rison of  five  thousand  men  in  the  city,  while  the  main  body  should 
occupy  a  strong  fort  at  King's  Bridge.  But  perceiving  the  British 
army  slowly  enclosing  them  on  all  sides,  a  total  evacuation  was 
determined  on,  and  with  great  activity  they  commenced  removing  the 
artillery  and  stores  far  above,  on  the  western  shore  of  the  Hudson. 
The  Commander-in-chief  retired  to  the  Heights  of  Harlem,  and  a 
force  of  nine  thousand  men  were  stationed  at  Mount  Washington, 
King's  Bridge,  and  the  smaller  posts  in  the  vicinity,  while  about  five 
thousand  remained  in  the  vicinage  of  the  city.  The  residue  were 
placed  between  these  extreme  points,  to  act  at  either  place  as  occa- 
sion might  require.* 

On  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth  three  ships  of  war  ascended  the 
Hudson  as  far  as  Bloomingdale,  and  at  the  same  time,  General  Clin- 
ton, with  a  strong  division  of  the  British  army,  consisting  of  British 
and  Hessians,  landed  at  Kipp's  Bay,  on  the  East  River,  under  the 
fire  of  two  forty  gun  ships  and  three  frigates,  and  attacked  the 
American  batteries  erected  there.  Hearing  the  cannonading,  Wash- 
ington left  Harlem  and  hastened  with  all  despatch  to  the  place  of 
landing,  where,  to  his  great  mortification,  he  found  the  troops  (eight 
regiments  in  all)  retreating  without  firing  a  gun ;  and  also  two 
brigades  sent  to  their  relief,  flying  in  the  greatest  confusion.  He 
endeavored  to  rally  them,  but  in  vain,  and  they  continued  their 
retreat  until  they  reached  the  main  body  of  the  army  at  Harlem. 

The  division  in,  or  near  the  city,  under  the  command  of  General 

Putnam,  retreated  with  great  difficulty,  leaving  behind  them  their 

heavy  artillery  and  stores.     Fifteen  of  the  Americans  were  killed, 

and  three  hundred  taken  prisoners.     The  British  entered 

the  city  without  much  loss,  and  took  formal  possession  of  it,a 

to  the  great  joy  of  the  tories ;  but  they  had  hardly  become  quiet 

*  Washington  was  extremely  anxious  to  know  the  intended  future  operations  of 
the  enemy,  and,  at  the  suggestion  of  Colonel  Knowlton,  he  requested  Captain 
Nathan  Hale,  who  commanded  a  company  of  Connecticut  militia,  to  go  as  a  spy 
into  the  British  camp,  and  learn  as  much  as  possible,  what  operations  were  in  pre- 
paration. Hale  was  a  young  man  just  past  his  majority,  and  with  all  the  ardor  of 
youth,  he  undertook  the  dangerous  enterprise.  He  had  succeeded  admirably,  and 
started  to  return  to  camp,  when  he  was  recognised  by  a  tory  cousin  of  his,  and  at 
once  arrested.  The  proof  of  his  object  was  clear,  and  he  frankly  acknowledged  it. 
Howe  gave  orders  for  him  to  be  hung  the  next  morning,  which  order  was  faithfully 
executed  by  the  bloody  Provost-marshal,  in  the  most  unfeeling  manner.  He  was 
refused  the  attendance  of  a  clergyman  ;  refused  the  use  of  a  Bible  for  devotion ;  and 
the  letters  which  he  wrote  to  his  mother  and  other  friends,  on  the  morning  of  his 
execution,  were  destroyed,  and  the  reason  assigned  was,  "  that  the  rebels  should  not 
know  that  they  had  a  man  in  their  army  who  could  die  with  so  much  firmness  !" 


chap,  vi.]  EVENTS  OF  1776.  207 

Great  Conflagration  in  New  York.  Passage  of  the  British  troops  up  the  East  River 

before  a  fire  broke  out,"    which  raged  until  it  destroyed  a  ^  (  15 
about  a  third  of  the  city.* 

Having  organized  a  temporary  government,  General  Howe  left  some 
troops  in  the  city,  and  with  the  main  body  of  his  army,  marched  up 
York  Island  and  encamped  near  the  American  lines,*  with 
his  front  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  Heights  of  Har- 
lem ;  his  right  leaning  on  Horen's  Hook,  on  the  East  River,  his  left 
on  Bloomingdale,  on  the  North  River ;  so  that  his  line  extended  quite 
across  the  Island.  On  the  sixteenth,  a  skirmish  took  place  between 
advanced  parties  of  both  armies,  in  which  the  Americans  gained  a 
decided  advantage,  though  with  the  loss  of  two  gallant  officers, 
Colonel  Knowlton  and  Major  Leitch.  This  event  greatly  revived 
the  drooping  spirits  of  the  Americans. 

After  spending  about  three  weeks  in  fortifying  the  city,  General 
Howe  placed  a  larger  part  of  his  army  into  flat-boats  and  sent  them 
up  the  East  River,  through  the  pass  of  Hell  Gate,t  to  a  point  called 
Throg's  Neck,  at  the  lower  extremity  of  Westchester,  where 
they  were  landed.0  The  Americans  were  there  to  receive 
them,  and  broke  down  the  bridge  that  connected  the  little  island  with 
the  main  land.  Howe  accordingly  reembarked  his  troops  and  landed 
higher  up,  at  Pell's  Point,  and  advanced  upon  New  Rochelle. 
The  object  of  this  movement  was,  to  gain  the  rear  of  the  American 
army,  and  cut  off  their  connexion  with  the  Eastern  States.  At  the 
same  time,  three  frigates  were  despatched  up  the  Hudson  to  inter- 
rupt the  American  communications  with  the  New  Jersey  shore, 
where  a  considerable  portion  of  their  stores  was  secured.  Wash- 
ington readily  perceived  the  designs  of  the  enemy,  and  at  onco 
withdrew  all  his  troops  from  York  Island,  except  a  force  of  three 
thousand  men  under  Colonel  Magaw,  in  garrison  at  Fort  Washing- 
ton, on  the  Hudson. 

Having  crossed  the  Harlem  River  at  King's  Bridge,  he  extended 

*  The  origin  of  this  conflagration  is  disputed.  At  the  council  of  officers  it  was 
proposed  to  fire  the  city,  rather  than  have  it  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  British ;  jus- 
tifying the  act  by  the  fact  that  the  largest  proportion  of  the  property  belonged  to 
tories.  British  writers  charge  the  conflagration  upon  the  American  soldiers,  and 
Some  even  go  so  far  as  to  assert  that  some  of  the  incendiaries  were  caught,  and  put 
to  the  sword,  or  thrown  into  the  flames.  But  this  is  not  proven  ;  and  the  account 
given  by  Washington,  and  also  by  Gordon,  is  doubtless  correct;  that  amid  the 
rejoicings  and  revelry  of  the  troops  on  their  entry,  the  flames  broke  out  in  an  obscure 
tavern  in  the  most  crowded  quarter,  and  from  the  same  circumstances  they  spread 
for  some  time  unchecked.— Gordon,  vol.  ii.,  p.  331 ;    Washington's  Letters,  vol.  ii., 

p.  24G.  I 

f  Helle-gat  was  the  name  given  by  the  Dutch  to  the  whirlpool  in  the  East  River, 

nearly  opposite  the  upper  end  of  York  Island.     The  latter  was  purchased  of  the 

Indians  in  1637,  by  Wouter  Van  Twiller,  for  a  trifle. 

14 


208  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776. 

Capture  of  Fort  Washington  by  the  British.  Cornwall's  attack  on  Fort  Lee. 

his  line  along  the  western  bank  of  the  Bronx  River,  towards  White 
Plains,  keeping  his  left  constantly  in  advance  of  the  right  of  the 
enemy.  On  the  nineteenth  and  twentieth  there  was  some  skirmish- 
ing, and  a  sharp  combat  ensued  at  a  narrow  pass,  which  the  Ameri- 
cans vainly  attempted  to  defend.  On  the  twenty-first,  Washington 
occupied  some  heights  near  New  Rochelle.  On  that  day,  Howe 
received  a  reinforcement  of  a  fresh  division  of  Hessians  under 
General  Knyphausen,  and  part  of  a  regiment  of  cavalry  from  Ireland.* 

On  the  twenty-second  Washington  fell  back  to  White  Plains,  and 
on  the  twenty-eighth,  a  partial  action  was  fought  there  which  resulted 
in  the  repulse  of  the  Americans,  with  some  loss.  During  the  night 
of  the  thirty-first,  Washington  retired  to  the  heights  of  North  Castle, 
about  five  miles  north  of  White  Plains,  but  Howe  discontinued 
further  pursuit,  and  directed  his  attention  to  the  American  posts  on 
the  Hudson,  with  a  view  of  crossing  the  river  and  penetrating  into 
New  Jersey,  thus  changing  the  seat  of  war  to  a  less  defensible  ter- 
ritory. His  first  step  was  to  attack  Fort  Washington,  on  York 
Island.  Colonel  Magaw,  the  commander,  was  disposed  to  evacuate 
it  and  save  the  garrison ;  but  General  Green,  who  commanded  at 
Fort  Lee,  opposite,  insisted  that  the  garrison,  if  bard  pushed,  could, 
at  any  time,  withdraw  and  cross  the  Hudson,  and  therefore  advised 
resistance  until  the  last  moment.  On  the  sixteenth  of  November 
Howe  attacked  Fort  Washington  with  a  large  body  of  British  and 
Hessians  ;  and  Lord  Percy  having  carried  the  advanced  works,  the 
garrison  saw  that  longer  resistance  was  vain,  and  laid  down  their 
arms.  Washington  had  sent  word  to  Colonel  Magaw,  that  if  he 
would  hold  out  till  evening,  he  should  have  reinforcements,  but  this 
he  was  unable  to  do.  The  whole  garrison,  consisting  of  nearly 
three  thousand  men,  became* prisoners  of  war.  The  British  lost 
nearly  a  thousand  men  in  this  assault. 

Washington,  in  the  meanwhile,  having  first  secured  the  strong 
positions  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Croton  River  and  at  Peekskill,  crossed 
the  Hudson  with  the  main  portion  of  his  army,  and  encamped  at 
Hackensack,  New  Jersey,  whence  he  reinforced  General  Green  at 
Fort  Lee. 

Immediately  after  the  capture  of  Fort  Washington,  Lord  Corn- 
„   wallis  crossed  the  Hudson*  at  Dobb's  Ferry,  with  six  thou- 

a  Nov.  18.  J 

sand  men,  and  attacked  Fort  Lee.  The  Americans,  to  save 
themselves,  were  obliged  to  make  a  hasty  retreat,  leaving  behind 
them  their  cannon,  tents,  and  stores,  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
victors.     The  garrison  joined  the  main  army,  and  for  three  weeks  the 

*  The  British  force  now  amounted  to  about  thirty-five  thousand  men ;  the  Ame- 
ricans from  eighteen  to  twenty  thousand. 


chap,  n.]  EVENTS  OP  1776.  209 

Americans  pursued  by  the  British  across  New  Jersey.  Indecision  of  General  Howe. 

Americans  fled  across  the  level  country  of  New  Jersey,  before  the 
pursuing  enemy,  at  the  end  of  which  time,  a  bare  remnant  of  it 
remained.  The  troops,  dispirited  by  late  reverses,  left  in  large 
numbers  as  fast  as  their  terms  of  enlistment  expired,  and  returned 
to  their  homes,  and  by  the  last  of  November,  the  American  army 
numbered  scarcely  three  thousand  troops,  independent  of  a  detach- 
ment left  at  White  Plains  under  General  Lee.  The  country  was  so 
level  that  it  afforded  no  strong  positions  to  fortify ;  indeed,  so  neces- 
sarily rapid  had  been  the  retreat,  that  no  time  was  allowed  for  pause 
to  erect  defences.  Newark,  New  Brunswick,  Princeton,  Trenton, 
and  smaller  places,  successively  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
and  so  hot  was  the  pursuit  that  the  rear  of  the  Americans  was  often 
in  sight  of  the  van  of  the  British.  On  the  eighth  of  December 
Washington  crossed  the  Delaware  in  boats,  and  Cornwallis  arrived 
at  Trenton  just  in  time  to  see  the  last  boat  reach  the  Pennsylvania 
shore.  The  Delaware  was  the  only  barrier  between  the  British 
army  and  Philadelphia,  where  Congress  was  in  session ;  and  Howe 
apparently  only  awaited  the  freezing  of  the  river  to  enable  him  to 
march  over  and  capture  that  city.  He  arranged  about  four  thousand 
troops  along  the  river  from  Trenton  to  Burlington,  and  strong  detach- 
ments occupied  Princeton  and  New  Brunswick.  I 

It  appears  from  Howe's  despatches,*  that  instead  of  pursuing  the 
Americans  further,  he  had  formed  a  plan  to  divide  the  Eastern  States 
from  the  others,  and  thus  interrupt  their  necessary  union  in  the 
warfare.  He  contemplated  marching  north  to  Albany,  where 
he  would  meet  Burgoyne  from  Canada,  and  thus  form  a  connected 
barrier  from  New  York  to  that  province.  But  better  counsels  pre- 
vailed, and  he  yielded  to  the  opinion  of  Cornwallis,  that  by  possess- 
ing himself  of  Philadelphia,  and  retaining  what  he  had  in  possession 
in  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  he  could  as  completely  separate  the 
Eastern  and  Southern  divisions  of  the  States,  and  with  far  less  dan- 
ger of  failure.  This  "  halting  between  two  opinions"  on  the  part 
of  Howe,  satisfactorily  accounts  for  his  not  continuing  the  pursuit  of 
Washington  across  the  Delaware,  and  seizing  Philadelphia.  Such 
a  course,  it  has  been  justly  remarked,  would  have  heightened  the 
panic  with  which  the  late  defeats  and  present  flying  retreat  of  their 
army,  had  struck  the  Americans. 

General  Lee,  whose  great  military  abilities  and  skill  none  doubted, 
and  in  whom  the  country  reposed  great  confidence,  was  left  at  White 
Plains  in  command  of  a  detachment  of  the  army.  Washington 
wrote  to  him  from  Hackensack,  requesting  him  to  lead  his  division 

*  Parliamentary  Register,  vol.  xi.,  pp.  260-362. 


210  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776* 

Capture  of  Major  General  Lee.  A  general  conditional  pardon  offered  to  the  Americans. 

into  New  Jersey.  He  did  not  heed  the  request;  and  finally  the 
Commander-in-chief  gave  him  a  positive  order  to  that  effect,  which 
was  often  repeated.  Lee  gave  various  excuses  for  delay,  and  finally, 
when  he  did  move,  his  marches  were  so  slow  that  he  was  three 
weeks  reaching  Morristown.  The  secret  of  this  tardiness  and  dis 
obedience  probably  was,  that  he  hoped  to  make  a  successful  descent 
upon  New  York,  or  execute  some  other  brilliant  feat,  for  he  was  as 
ambitious  as  he  was  impetuous  and  brave.  But  while  on  his  march, 
he  lodged  one  night  near  Baskingridge,  about  three  miles  from  his 
camp,  with  a  small  guard,  when  a  tory  in  the  neighborhood  gave 
notice  of  his  position  to  the  enemy,  and  early  in  the  morn- 
ing* a  company  of  light-horse  under  Colonel  Harcourt  sur- 
rounded the  house  and  took  him  prisoner.*  The  command  of  his 
division  devolved  on  General  Sullivan,!  who  marched  it  to  the  main 
army.  Four  regiments,  under  General  Gates,  soon  after  arrived  from 
Ticonderoga. 

The  general  expectation  that  the  British  would  cross  the  Delaware 

as   soon   as   the   ice    should    become   sufficiently   firm,    and    take 

possession  of  Philadelphia,  caused  Congress  to  adjourn  to 

Baltimore.6      General  Putnam  took   the   command  of  the 

militia  in  Philadelphia,  and  began  to  construct  fortifications  from  the 

Delaware  to  the  Schuylkill. 

About  this  time  a  joint  proclamation  of  Lord  Howe  and  Generai 
Howe  was  issued,  offering  pardon  to  all  who  should  accept  of  it 
within  sixty  days,  and  take  an  oath  of  allegiance.  So  great  was  the 
panic  and  so  dark  the  prospect,  that  great  numbers  accepted  the 
proffered  terms.  The  last  day  of  the  year  was  near  at  hand,  when 
the  terms  of  enlistment  of  many  of  the  old  troops  would  expire,  and 
under  the  present  gloomy  pressure  of  events,  Washington  saw 
nothing  ahead  but  the  almost  total  dissolution  of  his  army. 
Still  he  was  firm.j:  He  wrote  to  Congress  a  letter,0  por- 
traying in  strong  colors  the  destitution  and  decrease  of  his  army, 
and  the  stern  necessity  of  taking  measures  to  re-enlist  those  in  the 
service,  and  induce  others  to  join.  He  alluded,  in  pretty  plain  terms, 
to  the  tardiness  of  Congress,  and  justified  his  plainness  by  the  exi- 

*  The  fact  of  his  having  tardily  obeyed  the  orders  of  his  commander,  and  his 
lodging  at  a  private  house  so  far  from  his  army,  awakened  in  the  minds  of  many  the 
suspicion  that  his  capture  was  voluntary.  But,  as  Sparks  justly  observes,  there 
was  no  just  ground  for  such  a  conclusion,  for  nothing  ever  proved  him  inconstant  to 
the  best  interests  of  his  adopted  country. 

f  Sullivan  had  recently  been  exchanged  for  a  prisoner  of  similar  rank  in  the 
hands  of  the  Americans.  j 

X  When  asked  what  he  would  do  if  Philadelphia  should  be  taken,  he  replied  :-• 
"  We  will  retreat  beyond  the  Susquehanna  River,  and  thence,  if  necessary,  to  the 
Alleghany  Mountains."— Sparks  (1  vol.),  p.  206. 


chap,  vi.]  EVENTS  OF  1776.  211 

Washington  appointed  Military  Dictator.  Crossing  of  the  Delaware. 

gencies  of  the  case.  He  concluded  his  letter  by  saying,  "  A  charac- 
ter to  lose,  an  estate  to  forfeit,  the  inestimable  blessings  of  liberty  at 
stake,  and  a  life  devoted,  must  be  my  excuse." 

This  letter  had  due  effect  upon  Congress,  and,  by  a  formal  resolve, 
Washington  was  empowered  to  raise  sixteen  battalions  in  addition  to 
eighty-eight  already  voted  by  that  body,  and  they  also  empowered 
him  "  To  order  and  direct  all  things  relating  to  the  department,  and 
to  the  operations  of  war."  This  unlimited  power  in  that  sphere  was 
conferred  for  six  months — he  was  in  fact  made  a  Military  Dictator. 
It  was  a  fortunate  event  for  America,  and  the  wisdom  of  the  measure 
was  soon  seen  and  felt.  The  increased  pay  of  officers,  the  bounties 
offered,  and  the  great  personal  influence  of  the  Commander-in-chief, 
had  the  effect  to  retain  in  the  service  for  a  few  weeks  at  least,  more 
than  one  half  of  the  old  soldiers,  and  quite  a  large  number  of  new 
recruits  were  speedily  added,  the  enlistment  service  of  whom  was  to 
extend,  some  for  a  limited  period,  and  some  during  the  war.  By 
great  exertions,  he  mustered  between  five  and  six  thousand  men,  and 
then  conceived  the  bold  design  of  recrossing  the  Delaware,  and 
attacking  the  enemy,  then  in  complete  possession  of  the  Jerseys.*  At 
Trenton  were  about  fifteen  hundred  Hessians  and  a  troop  of  British 
light-horse ;  and  smaller  detachments  were  stationed  at  Bordentown, 
Burlington,  Black  Horse,  and  Mount  Holly. 

Washington  arranged  to  cross  the  river  in  three  divisions.  Gene- 
ral Cadwallader  was  to  cross  at  Bristol,  and  march  to  Burlington  ; 
General  Ewing  was  to  cross  a  little  below  Trenton,  to  intercept  the 
retreat  of  the  enemy  in  that  direction ;  while  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  with  twenty-four  hundred  men,  was  to  cross  nine  miles  above 
Trenton,  to  make  the  principal  attack.  But  Generals  Cadwallader 
and  Ewing  were  unable  to  pass,  on  account  of  the  floating  ice. 
Washington  alone  succeeded. 

On  the  night  of  Christmas  the  bold  expedition  was  undertaken. 
Owing  to  the  great  quantities  of  floating  ice,  the  crossing  was  not 
accomplished  until  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning, a  at      „    _ 

r  °  a  Dec.  26. 

which  time  there  was  a  considerable  fall  of  snow.     The 
troops  were  formed    into  two  divisions,   commanded  by  Generals 
Sullivan  and  Greene,  under  whom  were  Brigadier-Generals  Stirling, 
Mercer,  and  St.  Clair.     Washington  was  with   the  division  led  by 
General  Greene. 
About  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  enemy  was  attacked  at  two 

*  Adolphus  (an  English  writer)  claims  for  Arnold  the  merit  of  conceiving  this 
bold  design.  Upon  what  authority  he  hazards  the  assertion,  does  not  appear,  but 
there  is  not  the  least  shadow  of  probability  that  such  was  the  case,  for  Arnold  was 
at  that  time  with  the  northern  division  of  the  army,  under  General  Schuyler. 


212  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776. 

Battle  of  Trenton  and  capture  of  the  Hessians.  Seizure  of  Rhode  Island  by  the  British. 

points  simultaneously,  by  these  two  divisions.  The  surprised  Hes- 
sians, after  a  slight  skirmish,  attempted  a  retreat  to  Princeton,  but 
were  intercepted,  and  finding  themselves  hemmed  in  on  all  sides, 
were  obliged  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  surrender  themselves 
prisoners  of  war.  Between  thirty  and  forty  Hessians  were  killed, 
among  whom  was  Colonel  Rahl,  the  commanding  officer.  Tbe 
Americans  had  ten  killed  and  wounded.  The  number  of  prisoners 
was  nearly  one  thousand,  and  the  spoils  consisted  of  six  brass  field- 
pieces,  a  thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  considerable  ammunition.  As 
the  enemy  were  still  in  his  vicinity  and  superior  to  him  in  numbers, 
Washington  deemed  it  prudent  to  recross  the  Delaware  into  Penn- 
sylvania, with  all  his  prisoners,  on  the  same  day,  which  was  accom- 
plished at  evening.  The  British  and  Hessian  troops  at  Bordentown 
retreated  to  Princeton,  and  thus  the  whole  line  of  the  cantonments  of 
the  enemy  was  broken  up. 

This  brilliant  and  successful  feat  of  arms  greatly  surprised  the 
British  commander,  and  inspired  the  Americans  with  renewed 
courage.  Only  a  week  before,  General  Howe  was  waiting  for  the 
freezing  of  the  river  to  enable  him  to  take  quiet  possession  of  Phila- 
delphia, and  Lord  Cornwallis,  by  permission,  was  about  to  sail  for 
England.  He  was  immediately  ordered  back  to  New  Jersey  with 
additional  troops,  and  all  the  British  forces  assembled  at  Princeton, 
for  the  purpose  of  making  an  attack  upon  Washington,  who  had 
again  crossed  the  Delaware  and  took  post  at  Trenton,  with  a  view 
of  attacking  the  enemy  at  his  general  rendezvous.  General  Heath, 
stationed  at  Peekskill,  on  the  Hudson,  was  ordered  to  join  him  with 
the  main  body  of  the  New  England  forces  ;  and  the  militia  from  the 
surrounding  country,  flocked  to  his  standard  in  considerable  numbers. 
Upwards  of  three  thousand  Pennsylvania  militia,  under  Generals 
Cadwallader  and  Mifflin,  formed  a  junction  with  the  main  army  on 
the  thirtieth. 

On  the  day  that  Washington  crossed  the  Delaware,  the  British 
took  possession  of  Rhode  Island.  Admiral  Sir  Peter  Parker  and 
General  Clinton,  with  four  brigades  of  English  and  some  Hessian 
troops,  on  board  a.  numerous  squadron,  had  commenced  an  expedi- 
tion along  the  New  England  coast,  and  this  was  their  first  prize.  It 
was  a  loss  of  great  importance  to  the  Americans,  yet  it  cost  the 
British  a  great  deal  to  retain  possession  of  it.  For  three  years,  a 
large  number  of  men  were  kept  for  its  defence,  in  perfect  idleness. 
The  enemy  also  took  possession  of  the  islands  Conanicut  and  Pru- 
dence, and  for  a  long  time  kept  the  small  American  squadron,  under 
Commodore  Hopkins,  blocked  up  in  Providence  River. 

Meanwhile,  the  small  American  force  on  the  borders  of  Lakes 


chap,  vi.]  EVENTS  OF  1776.  215 

Operations  upon  Lake  Champlain.  Viv.tl  battle 

Champlain  and  George,  were  not  idle.  General  Schuyler  had  com- 
mand of  the  whole  northern  division  of  the  army,  assisted  by 
Adjutant-General  Gates,  who,  in  June,  was  made  a  Brigadier-Gene- 
ral, and  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  forces  in  Canada.  Con- 
gress also  voted  Gates  a  reinforcement  of  six  thousand  men,  and 
with  these  he  was  to  attempt  in  Canada  to  retrieve  the  severe 
losses  of  the  previous  year. 

It  was  deemed  necessary  to  maintain  the  command  of  the  lakes. 
The  Americans  had  fifteen  small  vessels  upon  the  two  lakes,  while 
the  British  had  not  a  single  boat.  The  vessels  of  the  former  carried, 
in  all,  ninety-six  guns,  fourteen  of  which  were  eighteen-pounders, 
twenty-three  twelves,  and  the  rest  six  and  four-pounders.  This 
squadron  was  placed  under  the  command  of  the  intrepid  Arnold, 
who,  at  the  beginning  of  the  year,  had  been  appointed  by  Congress 
a  Brigadier-General.  With  it  he  effectually  commanded  the  lakes 
and  the  military  posts  upon  their  shores,  and  prevented  a  desired 
union  of  the  British  forces  in  Canada  with  those  at  New  York  and 
its  vicinity.  Governor  Carleton  having  received  intelligence  of  the 
contemplated  expedition  of  Gates,  perceived  the  necessity  of  taking 
active  measures  to  secure  the  command  of  the  lakes  and  the  im- 
portant posts  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point.  He  immediately 
sent  about  seven  hundred  men  from  Quebec  to  construct  a  fleet,  and, 
as  if  by  the  wand  of  magic,  a  force  sufficient  to  sweep  the  lakes 
was  put  in  motion  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks.* 

On  the  eleventh  of  October,  Arnold  arranged  his  squadron  in  a 
line  across  the  passage  between  the  Isle  Vallicour  and  the  western 
shore  of  the  lake,  and  soon  after,  the  battle  was  opened  by  the  "  Car- 
leton" attacking  the  American  line.  The  engagement  continued  four 
hours,  and  the  wind  was  so  unfavorable  that  the  other  vessels  of  the 
English  fleet  could  not  aid  the  Carleton.  More  than  half  of  her 
crew  were  killed  and  wounded.  The  Americans  lost  their  largest 
brig  by  fire,  and  considering  it  dangerous  to  await  a  second  engage- 
ment at  that  time,  Arnold  sailed  with  his  vessels  towards  Crown 
Point.  The  English  at  once  pursued  them,  and  overtaking  them 
before  they  reached  their  place  of  destination,  another  severe  engage- 

*  They  consisted  of  the  "  Inflexible,"  of  three  hundred  tons  burden  (launched, 
rigged,  and  equipped  for  service,  in  twenty-eight  days),  carrying  eighteen 
twelve  pounders ;  two  schooners,  the  "  Maria,"  and  the  "  Carleton  ;"  the  "  Loyal 
Convert,"  a  gondola;  the  "Thunderer,"  a  kind  of  flat-bottomed  craft,  carrying 
twelve  heavy  guns,  and  two  howitzers ;  and  twenty-four  boats,  armed  each  with  a 
field-piece,  or  carriage-gun.  Captain  Pringle  was  Commodore,  and  the  "  Inflexi- 
ble" his  flag-ship.  Among  the  young  officers  of  the  "  Carleton"  was  Edward  Pel- 
lew,  afterwards  Admiral  Viscount  Exmouth,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of 
English  naval  commanders.—  Pic.  His.  of  the  Reign  of  Geo.  JIL,  vol.  i.,  p.  479. 


216  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1776. 

Indians  on  the  Southern  frontier.  Commissioners  sent  by  Congress  to  France. 

merit  took  place.  Perceiving  it  probable  that  his  vessels  would  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  Arnold  ran  them  ashore  and  set  fire  to 
them.  The  American  forces  then  withdrew  from  Crown  Point  to 
Ticonderoga ;  but  General  Carleton,  instead  of  following  up  his 
success  and  capturing  the  latter  fortress,  as  he  probably  could  have 
done,  put  his  forces  into  winter-quarters  at  Isle  Aux  Noix,  and 
returned  to  Quebec*  General  Schuyler  having  sufficiently  garri- 
soned the  fort,  retired  to  Albany,  while  Gates,  as  we  have  seen, 
joined  Washington  upon  the  banks  of  the  Delaware. 

During  the  spring,  English  agents  were  busy  among  the  Creek, 
Cherokee,  and  Chickasaw  Indians,  inciting  them,  by  promises  of 
ample  plunder,  not  only  to  join  the  royal  standard  against  the  Ameri- 
cans, but  to  attack  the  defenceless  inhabitants  of  the  frontiers  of 
Virginia  and  the  Carolinas,  hoping  thereby  to  weaken  the  American 
army  by  the  necessary  employment  of  large  numbers  of  the  militia 
in  the  protection  of  those  regions.  Too  well  they  succeeded  in  their 
atrocious  mission,  and  hundreds  of  innocent  old  men,  women,  and 
children,  were  butchered  in  cold  blood  ! 

While  these  various  belligerent  events  wrere  in  progress,  Congress 
was  assiduously  engaged  in  strengthening  the  military  arm,  and  in 
forming  a  general  provisional  government,  legislative  and  executive, 
with  properly-defined  powers,  upon  a  basis  that  should  promise  per- 
manency and  efficiency.  They  also  took  advantage  of  the  hostile 
feelings  of  France,  Spain,  and  Holland,  towards  Great  Britain ;  and 
directed  their  attention  towards  them  for  aid.  In  the  early  part  of 
this  year,  Silas  Deane  was  sent  by  Congress  as  a  sort  of  American 
Agent,  to  reside  near  the  Court  of  France.  He  performed  his 
assigned  duties  with  eminent  success  ;  and  during  the  summer,  found 
means  to  obtain  from  the  royal  arsenals  and  other  places,  fifteen 
thousand  muskets,  which  he  sent  to  America.  He  also  obtained 
men  and  money,  and  abundant  serious  promises  of  future  aid. 

After  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  Congress  thought  it  expe- 
dient to  send  men  possessing  greater  authority,  and  accordingly  they 
appointed  an  embassy  to  the  Court  of  France,"  consisting 
of  Doctor  Franklin,  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  Silas  Deane. 
Jefferson  excused  himself,  and  Arthur  Lee  was  appointed  in  his 
place.  He  and  Franklin  reached  Paris  on  the  thirteenth  of  Decem- 
ber, and  at  once  entered  industriously  upon  the  execution  of  their 
commission. 

*  During  the  stay  of  Carleton  at  Crown  Point  (where  he  remained  till  the  third 
of  November),  young  Pellew  came  very  near  capturing  Arnold.  Having  ventured 
upon  the  lake  in  a  boat,  he  was  observed  and  chased  so  closely  by  the  midshipman, 
that,  when  he  reached  the  shore  and  ran  off,  he  left  his  stock  and  buckle  in  the 
boat  behind  him. — Ostler,  Life  of  Admiral  Viscount  Exmouth. 


CHAP.   VI.] 


EVENTS  OF  1776. 


217 


Articles  of  Confederation  proposed. 


As  early  as  July,  1775,  Doctor  Franklin  submitted  to  Congress  a 
sketch  of  Articles  of  Confederation  between  the  Colonies,  to  con- 
tinue until  their  reconciliation  with  Great  Britain,  and  in  failure  of 
that  event,  to  be  perpetual.  On  the  twelfth  of  June,  1776,  a 
committee  consisting  of  one  from  each  Colony,  was  appointed 
to  prepare  and  digest  a  form  of  confederation,  but  their  report 
was  laid  aside,a  and  not  resumed  till   April,   1777.     Yet      .     ^ 

'  *■        '  a  Aug.  20. 

the  cause  in  which  the  thirteen  States  were  engaged, 
and  the  fearful  issues  at  stake,  in  which  all  were  equally  inte- 
rested, formed  a  sufficient  bond  of  union  to  bind  them  all  in  a 
close  tie  of  affiliation,  and  Congress  found  but  little  impediment 
in  the  exercise  of  its  powers,  from  the  jealousies  arising  from  the 
assumption  of  State  rights.  Like  Minerva,  starting,  full-armed, 
from  the  brain  of  Jove,  Congress  was  the  spontaneous  offspring  of 
the  great  patriot  heart  of  America,  and  found  itself,  by  general  will, 
possessed  of  unrestricted  powers.  And  these  powers,  at  the  close 
of  1776,  so  far  as  military  operations  were  concerned,  were  delegated 
to  Washington,  on  whom  all  eyes  were  bent,  all  hopes  reposed.  It 
was  a  gloomy  hour  for  America,  and  clouds  and  darkness  were 
gathering  thick  on  every  hand.  Yet  that  immortal  man  stood  up 
amidst  these  despondences,  like  a  firm  tower  of  strength,  and,  lean- 
ing upon  the  arm  of  that  Providence  which  had  so  signally  protected 
him  in  times  past,  he  felt  confident  of  success,  for  he  knew  the 
cause  was  a  righteous  one.  He  saw  sunny  spots  in  the  future,  and 
his  day  visions  were  all  pictures  of  glory  and  happiness  near  at  hand 
for  his  bleeding  country. 


Tha  "  Billop  House  "— 8tatea  Island. 


EVENTS  OF  1777. 


General  Philip  Schuyler— Lieutenant-General  J.  Burgoyne — General  Horatio  Gates. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

ENERALS  Mifflin  and  Cadwallader,  with 
the  forces  at  Bordentown  and  Crosswicks, 
joined  the  division  under  Washington  at 
Trenton,  on  the  night  of  the  first  of  Janu- 
ary. The  whole  effective  American  force 
did  not  then  exceed  five  thousand  men. 
Cornwallis  was  at  Princeton,  and  mustering 
all  his  army,  advanced  a  large  detachment 
against  Washington  on  the  afternoon  of  the  next  day.a  The 
Americans  immediately  withdrew  to  the  opposite  side  of  the 
Assumpinck  Creek,  which  runs  through  the  town,  and  commenced 


220  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 


Battle  of  Princeton. 


throwing  up  entrenchments  preparatory  to  a  battle.  The  enemy 
attempted  to  cross  in  several  places.  During  the  whole  afternoon  a 
considerable  skirmishing  took  place,  and  just  at  nightfall  there  was 
some  cannonading.  Finding  the  fords  well  guarded,  the  British 
General  considered  it  prudent  to  wait  for  reinforcements,  which  were 
in  the  vicinity,  and  deferred  an  attack  upon  Washington's  lines  until 
the  next  day. 

The  strong  force  of  the  enemy,  and  his  great  facility  for  rein- 
forcements, convinced  Washington  that  a  battle  would  be  very 
hazardous.  The  Delaware  was  so  full  of  floating  ice,  that  if  he 
should  be  repulsed,  it  would  be  almost  impossible  for  him  to  retreat 
across  the  river,  and  the  total  destruction  of  his  little  army  would 
be  the  inevitable  result.  Influenced  by  these  considerations,  he 
conceived  another  bold  design,  and  promptly  put  it  into  execution. 
During  the  dark  night  of  the  second  of  January,  while  the  enemy  were 
in  repose,  he  silently  withdrew  his  army  from  Trenton,  leaving  a 
few  men  at  work  with  pickaxes,  and  the  camp  fires  kindled,  for  the 
purpose  of  deceiving  the  British  sentinels  into  the  belief  that  the 
Americans  were  busily  engaged  in  throwing  up  their  entrenchments. 
Just  before  dawn,  these  men  left  their  work  and  hastened  to  the 
army,  then  on  a  rapid  march  towards  Princeton  with  the  design  of 
attacking  and  defeating  the  force  left  there  by  Cornwallis,  and  then 
to  proceed  to  New  Brunswick,  the  chief  depot  of  the  enemy,  and 
seize  the  military  stores  deposited  there.  But  two  British  regiments 
were  on  their  march  to  join  Cornwallis  at  Trenton,  and  met  Wash- 
ington a  mile  and  a  half  from  Princeton.  It  was  a  very  foggy  morn- 
ing, and  at  first  the  enemy  mistook  the  Americans  for  Hessians. 
The  mistake  was  soon  discovered,  and  a  hot  skirmish  ensued.  The 
commander  of  the  British  troops  sent  to  Princeton  for  the  other 
regiment,  which  was  soon  on  the  spot,  and  after  a  battle  of  more 
than  an  hour,  the  American  militia  wheeled  and  fell  back  in  great 
confusion.  General  Mercer,  in  attempting  to  rally  them,  was  mor- 
tally wounded.  Washington,  perceiving  the  rout  of  the  vanguard, 
and  feeling  that  all  hopes  for  the  salvation  of  the  army  now  depended 
upon  restoring  order,  pushed  forward  at  the  head  of  his  division, 
rallied  the  flying  troops,  separated  the  enemy,  and  obliged  them  to 
retreat  in  various  directions.  The  English  lost  in  killed  and  prison- 
ers, about  four  hundred  men,  and  the  slain  of  the  Americans  was  about 
one  hundred.  The  brave  General  Mercer  was  universally  beloved 
by  the  army  and  highly  esteemed  by  Washington,  and  therefore  his 
loss  was  greatly  deplored. 

Jan  At  break  of  daya  Cornwallis,  to  his  great  astonishment, 

perceived  that  the  Americans  had  deserted  their  camp,  and 


cHAr.  vii.]                            EVENTS  OF  1777. 

221 

Amerlcaa  Encampment  at  Watertown. 

Outrage*  committed  by  the  Bessi  m<. 

at  once  penetrating  their  designs  upon  Brunswick,  sped  hastily  to 
that  place,  to  protect  his  stores.  His  van  reached  Princeton  about 
the  same  time  that  the  American  rearguard  did,  and  Washington 
found  himself  again  in  a  perilous  situation,  for  his  men  were  com 
pletely  exhausted.*  He  at  once  made  the  prudent  resolve  to  retreat 
towards  the  northern  and  mountainous  part  of  New  Jersey,  and 
finally  halted  at  Morristown  and  established  his  head-quarters  there, 
where  he  could  find  shelter  and  repose  for  his  little  army.  Corn- 
wallis  probably  deemed  it  unwise  to  pursue  the  Americans,  and 
therefore  pushed  on  to  New  Brunswick,  where  he  found  General 
Mathews  busily  engaged  in  removing  the  baggage  and  warlike  stores. 

Meanwhile,  Washington,  having  given  his  army  some  rest,  entered 
the  field  again  in  an  offensive  attitude,  and  in  a  short  time  overran 
the  whole  country  from  there  to  the  Raritan.  He  even  crossed  that 
river  and  took  possession  of  Newark,  Elizabethtown,  and  Wood- 
bridge,  and  thus  commanded  the  whole  coast  in  front  of  Staten 
Island.  The  British  army,  meanwhile,  was  restricted  in  its  opera- 
tions to  the  lower  sections  of  New  Jersey,  and  the  proud  enemy, 
who  a  few  weeks  before  were  driving  the  Americans  before  them, 
sweeping  the  whole  country,  from  the  Hudson  to  the  Delaware,  with 
victorious  march,  and  frightening  Congress  away  from  Philadelphia, 
now  only  occupied  a  line  from  New  Brunswick  to  Amboy,  and  held 
a  footing  in  New  Jersey  by  a  feeble  tenure. 

The  mercenary  Hessians,  whose  sole  gratification  and  interest 
seemed  to  be  plunder,  had  treated  the  people  of  all  parties  in  New 
Jersey  with  unfeeling  cruelty,  and  committed  outrages  which  only  the 
most  barbarous  nations  would  be  willing  to  sanction.!  The  decre- 
pitude of  old  age,  the  defenceless  virtue  of  woman,  and  the  innocence 
of  little  children,  were  regarded  as  naught  when  weighed  in  the 
scale  of  their  acquisitiveness  and  lust.  These  enormities,  which 
English  writers  have  only  excused  but  not  denied,  were  soon  instru- 
mental in  destroying  the  loyalty  of  tories ;  and  when  the  victo- 
rious arm  of  Washington  gave  earnest  of  success,  the  people  made 
common  cause  against  the  invaders.  In  small  parties  they  scoured 
the  country  in  every  direction,  suddenly  falling  upon  the  outposts  of 
the  enemy  here,  and  cutting  off  stragglers  there,J  and  thus  the  winter 

*  For  two  days  preceding  they  had  no  rest,  and  after  the  battle  at  Princeton 
had  ended,  they  actually  fell  down  through  the  overpowering  influence  of  sleep. 
They  were  almost  naked,  and  constantly  endured  the  torments  of  hunger,  while 
the  enemy  had  everything  in  abundance. 

f  The  British  troops  were  not  far  behind  them  in  these  scenes  of  violence. 

X  At  Springfield  between  forty  and  fifty  Germans  were  killed,  wounded,  anu 
taken  prisoners,  by  New  Jersey  militia;  and  General  Dickenson,  with  a  small  force, 
defeated  a  foraging  party  of  more  than  six  hundred  men,  near  Somerset  Court  Housa. 


222  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 

Small-pox  in  the  American  Army.  Capture  of  Stores  at  Peekskill. 

passed,  while  both  the  Commanders-in-chief  were  preparing  for  the 
next  campaign ;  Washington  at  Morristown,  and  General  Howe  in 
New  York. 

During  the  lull  in  military  operations  which  took  place  in  February 
and  March,  Washington  occupied  a  portion  of  the  interval  in  inocu- 
lating his  whole  army  with  the  small-pox,  which  had  made  dreadful 
ravages  in  some  quarters,  and  had  begun  its  work  of  death  in  his 
camp  at  Morristown.  In  this  he  was  eminently  successful,  and  very 
soon  disarmed  that  subtle  enemy  of  nearly  all  its  terrors. 

General  Howe's  plan  for  the  next  campaign  was  extensive,  and, 
if  he  had  possessed  activity  and  a  numerical  force  sufficient,  might 
have  been  eminently  successful,  for  it  was  well  conceived.  He 
determined  to  leave  a  sufficient  detachment  in  New  Jersey  to  protect 
the  strip  of  territory  he  then  held  there,  while  one  expedition  was  to 
ascend  the  Hudson  and  capture  the  immense  depot  of  stores  in  the 
vicinity  of  Peekskill,  where  still  remained  a  detachment  of  the 
American  army  under  General  Heath  ;  and  another  expedition  was 
to  land  at  Rhode  Island,  after  devastating  the  coast,  and  from  thence 
push  on  to  Boston.  These  expeditions  were  planned  in  expectation 
of  a  reinforcement  of  fifteen  thousand  men  from  Europe  in  the  spring.* 
Towards  the  last  of  March,0  Howe  sent  a  powerful  ar- 

o  March  23.  r 

mament  up  the  Hudson  to  capture  or  to  destroy  the 
military  stores  at  Peekskill.  In  this  they  succeeded.  The  Ameri- 
cans, finding  themselves  threatened  with  an  overwhelming  force,  set 
fire  to  their  magazines  and  retreated.  About  the  same  time,  General 
Lincoln,  who  was  stationed  at  Boundbrook,  in  New  Jersey,  was 
surprised  in  his  camp  by  the  sudden  appearance  of  Cornwallis 
marching  his  forces  on  both  sides  of  the  Raritan  River.  Lincoln 
retreated  with  the  loss  of  part  of  his  baggage  and  about  sixty  men. 

Elated  with  this  success,  a  similar  expedition  was  undertaken  upon 
the  borders  of  Connecticut.  Tryon,  the  late  royal  Governor  of  New 
York,   who  fled  on  board   the   "  Asia"   ship   of  war  after   hearing 

*  Parliament  assembled  on  the  thirty-first  of  October,  and  after  several  stormy 
debates,  they  finally  voted  large  supplies  for  the  army  in  America,  and  also  entered 
into  negotiations  for  more  German  troops.  They  also  issued  "  Letters  of  Marque," 
for  the  purpose  of  reprisals  on  the  American  waters.  Chatham  took  an  active  part 
in  the  debates,  and  strenuously  opposed  the  scheme  for  employing  more  German 
troops.  "  You  have,"  said  he,  "  ransacked  every  corner  of  Lower  Saxony ;  but 
forty  thousand  German  boors  can  never  conquer  ten  times  the  number  of  British 

freemen.     You  may  ravage — you  cannot  conquer  the  Americans You  have 

got  nothing  in  America  but  stations.  You  have  been  three  years  teaching  them  the 
art  of  war.  They  are  apt  scholars,  and  I  will  venture  to  tell  your  Lordships  that 
American  gentry  will  make  officers  enough  to  command  the  troops  of  all  the  Euro- 
pean powers.  What  you  have  sent  there  are  too  many  to  make  peace,  too  few  to 
make  war." 


cha  .  vii.l  EVENTS  OF  1777.  223 

Burning  of  Danbury.  Death  of  General  Wooster. 

of  the  evacuation  of  Boston  by  Howe,  was  placed  in  command  of 
two  thousand  troops,  and  proceeded  to  the  execution  of  a  commission 
exactly  suited  to  his  taste  and  ability — sacking  and  burning  peaceful 
and  defenceless  towns,  and  plundering  the  people.  He  sailed  with 
his  troops  from  New  York  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  April,  and  landed 
between  Fairfield  and  Norwalk,  in  Connecticut ;  and  on  the      ,    11M 

a  April  26. 

following  daya  reached  Danbury  without  interruption.     A 

small  garrison  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Huntington,  perceiving 

resistance  vain,  retired  to  a  stronger  position  in  the  rear  of        ril27 

the  town.    On  Sunday  morning  b  Tryon  ordered  the  town  to 

be  burnt,  and  in  a  short  time  many  of  the  houses  were  laid  in  ashes, 

and  the  magazine  was  entirely  destroyed. 

The  loss  was  very  severe  to  the  Americans,  for  among  the  pro- 
perty destroyed  were  several  hundred  tents,  which  the  army  greatly 
needed,  and  materials  for  more  could  not  be  procured.*  This  event 
aroused  the  whole  country,  and  the  militia  assembled  in  large  num- 
bers, in  the  vicinity  of  Danbury.  General  Arnold,  who  happened  to 
be  in  the  neighborhood,  engaged  in  recruiting  men  for  the  service, 
hastened  to  join  them.  General  Wooster,  who  held  the  rank  of 
Brigadier,  arrived  about  the  same  time  from  another  quarter,  with 
Connecticut  troops,  and  the  English,  observing  this  addition  to  the 
American  force  with  alarm,  began  a  retreat  by  way  of  Ridgefield. 
The  Americans  endeavored  to  intercept  them,  and  Wooster  with 
his  force  hung  upon  their  rear,  frequently  engaging  them  in  skir- 
mishes. In  one  of  these,  Wooster  was  mortally  wounded,  and 
died  soon  after  being  carried  off  the  field. t  Seeing  their  commander 
fall,  his  soldiers  fled  in  confusion. 

Arnold  took  the  command,  and  in  the  meantime  got  possession  of 
Ridgefield,  and  constructed  a  sort  of  entrenchment  to  cover  his 
front.  He  was  soon  attacked  by  the  English,  and  a  hot  skirmish 
ensued  for  some  timet  The  Americans  were  finally  repulsed  and 
fled  in  haste  to  Paugatuck,  three  miles  from  Norwalk.  Tryon 
remained  at  Ridgefield  that  night,  and  having  satis-ned  his  ^  ^ 
brutality  by  setting  fire  to  several  houses,  in  thp  morningc 

*  They  burned  eighteen  houses,  sixteen  hundred  bar-els  of  pork  and  beef,  six 
hundred  barrels  of  flour,  two  thousand  bushels  of  wh/4*.  rye»  and  Indian  corn,  two 
thousand  tents,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  pilitary  clothing.  Nothing  was 
spared  but  the  houses  and  other  property  of  the  +jries. 

t  General  Wooster  was  then  nearly  seven*  years  of  age,  but  was  as  actively 
engaging  in  the  service  of  his  country  as  »  he  had  but  just  passed  the  years  of, 
adolescence.  Congress  resolved  that  a  .nonument  should  be  erected  to  Wooster, 
and  testified  their  satisfaction  towards  irnold  by  the  gift  of  a  horse  richly  caparisoned. 

%  During  this  engagement  Arnold  had  his  horse  shot  under  him,  and  while  trying 
to  extricate  himself,  was  ch*rg*l  with  a  fixed  bayonet  by  a  tory  soldier.  He  drew 
his  pistol  and  shot  the  soldier  dead. 

V  15 


224  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 

Destruction  of  British  Vessels  and  Stores  at  Sag  Harbor.  Opening  of  the  Campaign. 


marched  towards  the  Sound.  He  was  harassed  by  Arnold  all  the 
way,  and  before  he  was  able  to  embark  was  obliged  to  engage  in 
several  skirmishes.  During  this  expedition  the  British  lost  in  killed, 
wounded,  and  prisoners,  nearly  three  hundred  men.  The  American 
loss  was  much  less. 

About  this  time  the  Connecticut  Generals  were  informed  that  an 
immense  magazine  of  forage,  grain,  and  other  necessaries  for  the 
troops,  had  been  formed  by  the  British  at  Sag  Harbor,  on  Long 
Island.  They  at  once  planned  an  expedition  to  destroy  it,  and  sent 
Colonel  Meigs,  one  of  Arnold's  companions  in  the  expedition  to  Cana- 
da, to  execute  the  dangerous  commission.  He  arrived  theie 
before  dawn,a  burned  a  dozen  brigs  and  sloops  which  lay  at 
the  wharf,  and  entirely  destroyed  everything  on  shore.  He  then, 
without  loss,  returned  to  Guilford,  in  Connecticut,  with  a  number  of 
prisoners.  Congress  ordered  an  elegant  sword  to  be  presented  to 
Colonel  Meigs  for  his  gallant  conduct  on  this  occasion. 

Strange  inaction  characterized  the  British  army  during  the  spring. 
Instead  of  commencing  operations  early,  and  thus  taking  advantage 
of  the  still  small  force  under  Washington,  it  was  near  the  middle  of 
June  before  General  Howe  thought  it  expedient  to  open  the  campaign. 
Washington,  in  the  meanwhile,  was  gradually  increasing  his  army  at 
Morristown,  and  awaiting  the  development  of  the  plans  of  the  ene 
my.  He  suspected  Howe's  intentions  to  be  either  to  direct  his  first 
movements  towards  the  Delaware,  and  attempt  to  capture  Philadel- 
phia, or  to  seize  the  passes  of  the  Hudson,  and  thus  form  a  conjunc 
tive  cooperation  with  General  Burgoyne,  then  mustering  a  large 
army  in  Canada,  to  invade  the  States  from  the  north.  With  a  view 
of  preventing  the  success  of  either  movement,  the  northern  forces 
of  the  Americans  were  concentrated  on  the  Hudson,  and  a  strong 
division  under  Arnold  was  encamped  on  the  western  shore  of  the 
Delaware.  Thus  disposed,  the  whole  of  the  forces  could  be  soon 
brought  together,  to  act  at  either  point,  as  occasion  might  require. 

Towards  the  last  0f  May,  seeing  no  movement  on  the  part  of 
General  Howe,  Washington  broke  up  his  encampment  at  Morris- 
town,  and  marched  to  kiddlebrook,  a  strong  position  within  ten  miles 
of  the  British  camp  at  ^Tew  Brunswick,  and  covering  the  route  to 
Philadelphia  from  Howe's  head-quarters  in  New  York. 

On  the  twelfth  of  June,  Genial  Howe,  with  the  main  division  of 
his  army,  passed  over  from  New  York,  and  concentrated  nearly  all 
his  forces  at  New  Brunswick.  Th*  American  army,  which  num- 
bered about  eight  thousand  men  whet.  Washington  left  his  head 
quarters  at  Morristown,  was  now  swelled  to  about  fourteen  thousand 
General  Howe,  after  remaining  in  front  of  the  Americans  two  days, 


chap,  m]  EVENTS  OF  1777.  225 

Stratagem  of  General  Howe.  Evacuation  of  New  Jersey  by  the  British. 

and  reconnoitring  their  camp,  concluded  it  was  too  strong  to  be 
attacked  with  success,  and  he  resolved  to  effect  by  strategy  what  he 
could  not  accomplish  by  force, — get  Washington  away  from  his 
strong  post.  For  this  purpose  he  advanced,  rapidly,  with  nearly  his 
whole  army,  towards  Somerset  Court  House,  feigning  a  design  to 
cross  the  Delaware.0  Failing  to  draw  Washington  from  his  a  JuneU 
post  by  this  manoeuvre,  he  made  another  feint,  a  few  days 
afterwards,  which  succeeded  better.  He  suddenly  retreated 
first  towards  Brunswick,*  and  then  to  Amboy,c  and  even  c  June  ^ 
sent  some  detachments  over  to  Staten  Island.  Partly  deceived  by 
these  movements,  and  hoping  to  reap  some  advantage  by  harassing  the 
British  rear,  Washington  sent  strong  detachments  after  the  retreating 
enemy,  and  also  advanced  with  his  whole  force  to  Quibbletown,  five 
or  six  miles  from  Middlebrook.  This  was  what  General  Howe 
desired,  and  accordingly,  on  the  night  of  the  twenty-fifth,  he  suddenly 
recalled  his  troops  from  Staten  Island  and  Amboy,  and  eirly  the 
next  morning  marched  rapidly  towards  the  American  lines,  loping  to 
prevent  their  retreat  back  to  Middlebrook,  and  thus  bring  jn  a  gene- 
ral action.  But  Washington  was  too  vigilant  for  hirr,  and  with 
the  greatest  celerity  reached  his  strong  position  at  Middlebrook 
again.  Lord  Cornwallis  pursued  a  detachment  under  Lord  Stirling 
for  some  distance,  and  finally,  an  engagement  took  place,  which 
resulted  in  routing  the  Americans  and  driving  them  to  th-ir  d  June^ 
camp.  Other  skirmishes  took  place/  but  with  little  loss  on 
either  side. 

Finding  it  useless  to  attempt  to  dislodge  Washington,  or  to  cross 
the  Delaware,  and  seeing  the  militia  flocking  to  his  standard  in  large 
numbers,  General  Howe  again  withdrew  all  his  forces  to  Amboy, 
and  finally  passed  over  a  bridge  of  boats  to  St^en  Island  with  his 
entire  army,  leaving  the  Americans  in  full  and  quiet  posses- 

TVT  T  e   JUIie  30- 

sion  of  New  Jersey.6 

General  Howe,  having  abandoned  all  ^ea  of  forming  a  junction 
with  Burgoyne,  turned  his  attention  towards  Philadelphia.  Fearing 
to  attempt  to  cross  the  Delaware,  he  resolved  to  proceed  thither  by 
the  way  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  *ss  avoid  the  forts  on  the  Dela- 
ware. The  British  fleet,  undcr^ord  Howe,  was  then  lying  at  Sandy 
Hook,  and  the  Commanders-chief  ordered  it  to  Staten  Island, 
where  he  embarked  abou-'  eighteen  thousand  troops/  and  ^ 
sailed  for  Philadelphia.  He  left  General  Sir  Henry  Clinton  " 
with  a  laro-e  force  tr  defend  New  York,  and  on  the  twenty-third  of 
July  appeared  off  the  Capes  of  Delaware. 

As  soon  as  Washington  received  intelligence  of  the  embarkation 
of  the  British  troops,  he  felt  quite  sure  that  their  destination  wag 


226  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 

Capture  of  Major-General  Prescott.  Landing  of  the  British  at  Elk  River. 

lip  the  Hudson  River.  This  belief  was  strengthened  by  the  report 
that  General  Burgoyne  had  appeared  with  a  large  force  in  the  vicinity 
of  Ticonderoga,  and  Washington  ordered  General  Sullivan  with  a 
detachment  to  cross  the  Hudson  and  encamp  in  the  rear  of  Peeks- 
kill.  Lord  Stirling  was  also  ordered  to  cross  and  join  General 
Putnam,  who  guarded  the  heights  at  that  place  ;*  and  other  measures 
were  taken  to  prevent  the  passage  of  the  British  army  up  the  Hudson. 

Washington,  however,  soon  learned  the  destination  of  General 
a  July  23  Howe,  and  immediately  put  the  main  body  of  his  army  in 
motion  towards  Philadelphia.*  A  few  days  previous  to 
b  July  io.  t^-s^  an  event  occurred  which  greatly  elated  the  army. 
Major-General  Prescott,  who  commanded  the  British  forces  on  Rhode 
Island,  believing  himself  perfectly  secure  at  the  head  of  a  powerful 
army,  and  within  sight  of  a  numerous  fleet,  had  taken  quarters  some 
distance  from  his  camp  and  with  few  guards.  On  the  night  of  the 
tenth  oi  July,  Colonel  Barton,  with  forty  picked  men,  left  Warwick 
Point  on  ♦.he  main  land,  in  five  whale  boats,  landed  quietly  upon  the 
Island,  matched  silently  to  the  lodgings  of  General  Prescott,  seized 
him  in  bed,  conducted  him  safely  through  the  midst  of  his  own 
troops  on  land,  and  the  vessels  of  the  fleet,  and  reached  the  main 
land  before  he  was  missed  !  The  Americans  thus  became  possessed 
of  an  officer  of  equal  rank  with  General  Lee,  for  whom  they  offered, 
him  in  exchange,  but  were  refused.f  Congress  honored  Barton  with 
the  gift  of  an  elegant  sword. 

The  British  fleet,  having  sailed  up  the  Chesapeake,  reached  Elk 
River  on  the  twehty-fifth  of  August,  where  the  troops  were  landed, 
and  immediately  commenced  their  march  towards  Philadelphia.  In 
the  meanwhile,  "Washington  had  moved  the  main  body  of  his  army 

Whilst  General  Putnar,  occupied  this  post,  a  spy  by  the  name  of  Palmer,  from 
General  Clinton's  camp  at  Ntv  York,  was  caught  and  brought  in.  Governor  Tryon, 
then  with  Clinton,  demanded  hls  release.  General  Putnam  answered  the  demand 
as  follows : — 

"  To  Governor  Tryon  .'—Sir— IN  ,t_han  Palmer,  a  lieutenant  in  your  service,  was 
taken  in  my  camp  as  a  spy ;  he  was  <ried  as  a  spy ;  he  was  condemned  as  a  spy ; 
and  you  may  rest  assured,  sir,  he  shall  k  hanged  as  a  spy. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  l^  &Cj  Israel  Putnam. 

•'  P.S. — Afternoon — He  is  hanged." 

f  The  British  Commander-in-chief  refused  *  exchange  Lee,  on  the  ground  that 
ne  was  a  deserter  from  the  English  army,  havin^  served  in  Portugal  under  Bur- 
goyne, and  also  under  General  Amherst,  in  Americc  He  therefore  was  not  con- 
sidered a  prisoner  of  war,  and  the  general  expectation  ~vaS}  that  he  would  be  shot. 
Congress,  on  hearing  of  this  refusal,  directed  Washingtoi.  to  inform  General  Howe 
that  five  Hessian  field-officers,  then  prisoners,  and  Lieutei«nt-Colonel  Campbell, 
who,  just  after  Howe  evacuated  Boston,  sailed  in,  and,  with  tvree  hundred  men, 
was  made  prisoner,  should  be  placed  in  confinement,  and  receive  precisely  such 
treatment  as  might  be  given  to  Lee. 


chap,  vii.]  EVENTS  OF  1777.  227 

Acceptance  of  the  Services  of  La  Fayette.  Meeting  of  the  two  armies  at  the  Brandy  wine  River. 

to  Germantown,  lo  await  certain  information  of  the  destination  of 
General  Howe.  During  a  suspense  of  twTo  or  three  days,  he  took 
the  opportunity  of  conferring  with  Committees  of  Congress  at  Phila- 
delphia, and  it  was  at  that  time  that  he  had  his  first  interview  with 
the  young  Marquis  de  La  Fayette.*  The  numerous  applications  of 
foreigners  to  Congress  for  leave  to  join  the  army,  caused  the  first 
overture  of  this  young  nobleman  to  be  rejected  by  that  body ;  but 
when,  by  a  letter  to. Hancock,  he  assured  them  he  desired  to  join  it 
as  a  volunteer ,  and  without  pay,  it  was  so  extraordinary  that  he  was 
accepted.  As  soon  as  Washington  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  he  was 
introduced  to  him,  and  during  the  interview,  the  accomplishments, 
enthusiasm,  and  evident  patriotism  of  La  Fayette  made  a  very 
favorable  impression  upon  the  mind  of  the  Commander-in-chief.  He 
was  appointed  by  Congress  a  Major-General  t  in  the  army,  and  was 
invited  by  Washington  to  become  a  member  of  his  military  family, 
which  position  he  maintained  during  the  wrar. 

Not  hearing  of  the  British  fleet,  Washington  determined  to  return 
to  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  and  attack  New  York,  or  march  against 
Burgoyne,  now  advancing  with  a  large  army  in  the  direction  of 
Albany  ;  but  on  the  very  day  he  was  to  march,  intelligence  arrived 
of  the  landing  of  Howe  near  Elk  River.  He  immediately  recalled 
his  detachments  from  New  Jersey,  and  with  his  whole  force  marched 
to  Wilmington.  Advance  parties  from  each  army  soon  met,  and 
several  skirmishes  took  place,  during  which  the  Americans  captured 
about  sixty  prisoners. 

As  the  British  army  approached,  Washington  took  post  upon  the 
high  ground  near  Chad's  Ford,  on  the  river  Brandywine.  His  right 
wing,  under  Sullivan,  was  posted  so  as  to  guard  the  fords  above,  and 
the  Pennsylvania  militia,  under  General  Armstrong,  were  stationed 
about  twro  miles  below.  Thus  prepared,  the  Americans  awaited  the 
attack  of  the  enemy. 

At  daybreak  on  the  morning  of  the  eleventh  of  September,  Howe 
put  his  army  in  motion  in  two  divisions  ;  one  under  Knyphausen, 
taking  the  direct  road  to  Chad's  Ford  ;  the  other,  led  by  Cornwallis, 
moving  along  the  Lancaster  road,  which  ran  nearly  parallel  with  the 
Brandywine  River.  Sir  William  Howe  was  with  this  division. 
The  action  commenced  by  Colonel  Maxwell  attacking  Knyphausen's 

*  The  circumstances  connected  with  the  first  impulses  which  led  La  Fayette  to 
espouse  the  cause  of  the  Republicans,  and  the  patriotic  manner  in  which  he  obeyed 
that  impulse,  are  too  well  krown  to  Americans  to  render  a  recital  necessary  here 
The  names  of  Washington  and  La  Fayette  are  so  inseparably  connected,  that  it 
seems  to  be  a  sort  of  treason  against  the  just  laws  of  patriotic  sentiment  for  any 
American  to  be  ignorant  of  the  life  of  either. 

t  He  then  lacked  one  month  of  being  twenty  years  of  age. 


228  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 


Battle  of  Brandywinc. 


advanced  parties  ;  but  he  was  soon  repulsed.  Knyphausen  kept  up 
a  heavy  fire  of  artillery,  but  made  no  attempt  to  cross  the  river, 
contented  to  send  small  bodies  over  for  the  purpose  of  skirmishing. 
His  object  was  thus  to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  Americans  until 
Cornwallis  should  silently  march  round  and  attack  their  rear.  Sus- 
pecting this,  Washington  sent  patrols  above,  and  he  was  soon 
informed  by  a  message  from  General  Sullivan,  that  a  large  division 
of  the  enemy  was  crossing  the  forks  of  the  Brandy  wine.  Wash- 
ington immediately  ordered  Sullivan  to  push  across  the  river  and 
attack  them,  while  he  should  perform  the  same  service  against 
Knyphausen.  But  it  was  too  late,  and  about  two  o'clock  Cornwallis 
gained  the  heights  near  Birmingham  Meeting  House,  within  two 
miles  of  Sullivan's  flank.  Sullivan  immediately  began  to  form  his 
troops  for  action,  but  before  he  could  accomplish  it,  he  was  furiously 
attacked  by  Cornwallis,  his  line  was  broken,  the  rest  thrown  into 
confusion,  and  he  was  obliged  to  retreat. 

As  soon  as  this  firing  was  heard,  Knyphausen  crossed  the  river 
and  assaulted  the  American  entrenchments  at  Chad's  Ford.  He 
was  met  by  General  Wayne,  who  defended  the  post  with  his  usual 
gallantry,  but,  at  the  head  of  a  single  division  only,  he  was  in  no 
condition  to  withstand  half  of  the  British  army.  General  Greene, 
with  another  division,  had  removed  to  a  central  point  between  Chad's 
Ford  and  Sullivan's  scene  of  action,  whence  he  could  give  support 
to  either  party,  as  circumstances  might  require.  Covering  Sullivan's 
retreat,  and  seizing  a  pass  about  a  mile  from  Dilworth,  he  checked 
the  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  and  sustained  a  warm  engagement  until 
dark.  The  firing  then  ceased.  The  British  remained  on  the  field 
of  battle,  and  the  Americans  retreated  in  much  disorder  by  differ- 
c  sept  12    ent  routes>  t0  Chester,  and  the  next  daya  to  Philadelphia.* 

According  to  Marshall,  the  British  force  in  this  engage 
ment  amounted  to  eighteen  thousand  men ;  that  of  the  Americans,  to 
a  little  more  than  eleven  thousand.  The  number  of  Americans  slain 
is  not  accurately  knowrn,  as  Washington  could  not  make  a  return  to 
Congress.  Howe  states  that  there  were  three  hundred  killed,  six 
hundred  wounded,  and  four  hundred  taken  prisoners.!  He  computes 
the  British  loss  at  ninety  killed,  four  hundred  and  eighty  wounded, 
and  six  missing. 

*  Sparks's  Life  of  Washington  (1  vol.),  pp.  231-234.  Howe's  Narrative,  pp.  2(J-27. 

t  Count  Pulaski,  a  brave  Polander,  distinguished  himself  in  this  battle,  and'  was 
soon  after  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  Brigadier-General.  La  Fayette  was  severely 
wounded  in  the  leg,  and  disabled  from  active  service  for  two  months.  He  would,  no 
doubt,  have  been  made  prisoner,  had  not  his  aide-de-camp,  M.  Gemat,  put  him  upon 
his  horse  and  escaped. 


chap,  vn.]  EVENTS  OF  1777.  229 

Entrance  of  the  British  into  Philadelphia.  Adjournment  of  Congress  to  Lancaster. 

After  a  few  days'  rest,  notwithstanding  the  disparity  of  numbers, 
Washington  resolved  to  risk  another  battle,  and  if  possible,  save 
Philadelphia.     He   accordingly  recrossed   the    Schuylkill,   and  ad- 
vanced against  the  enemy  near  Goshen,  about  eighteen  miles 
west  of  Philadelphia.     A  violent  rain  storm,fl  which  injured 
their   powder,    obliged   both   armies   to  defer  the  battle.     General 
Wayne,  who  with  fifteen  hundred  men  had  been  ordered 
to  harass  the  enemy's  rear,  was  surprised  at  night6  near       e|>;  !* 
Paoli,  and  three  hundred  of  his  troops  were  killed. 

Alarmed  for  the  safety  of  his  military  stores  and  extensive  maga- 
zines at  Reading,  Washington  abandoned  Philadelphia  and 
took  post  at  Pottsgrove.  The  next  dayc  the  British  army 
crossed  the  Schuylkill  ;  and  on  the  twenty-sixth  entered  Philadel- 
phia without  opposition,  and  pushed  forwards  to  Germantown. 
Congress,  alarmed  at  the  proximity  of  the  British  forces,  had  pre- 
viously adjourned  to  Lancaster,  where  they  remained  until  General 
Howe  left  the  city. 

A  large  portion  of  the  British  troops  were  now  employed  in 
reducing  the  forts  on  the  Delaware.  General  Howe  had  previously 
ordered  the  fleet  to  sail  around  the  Capes  and  pass  up  the  river  to 
cooperate  with  him.  They  ascended  as  far  as  New  Castle,  but 
were  there  impeded  by  a  chevaux-de-frise,  and  were  obliged  to 
remain  there  inactive  for  some  time. 

On  the  twenty-first  of  October,  a  detachment  of  Hessians,  under 
Count  Donop,  crossed  the  Delaware,  and  attacked  the  fort  at  Red 
Bank ;  but  they  were  repulsed  with  a  loss  of  about  four  hundred 
men,  among  whom  was  the  commander.  Soon  after,  a  gap  having 
been  made  in  the  chevaux-de-frise,  a  part  of  the  fleet  passed  through, 
but  two  of  the  vessels  got  aground,  and  were  put  in  much  jeopardy 
by  two  or  three  fire-ships  sent  down  upon  them  by  the  Americans. 
One  of  the  vessels  was  burned,  but  the  others,  with  great  difficulty, 
escaped. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  November,  the  Americans  were  forced  to 
leave  the  fortifications  on  Mud  Island,  and  on  the  seventeenth,  Lord 
Cornwallis,  with  a  large  force,  marched  against  Red  Bank,  from 
whence  the  Americans  at  once  retreated,  and  joined  the  main  body 
of  the  army.  The  chevaux-de-frise  was  soon  after  removed,  and 
the  fleet  had  an  unobstructed  passage  up  the  Delaware  to  Philadel- 
phia. 

While  the  British  camp  at  Germantown  was  weakened  by  the 
absence  of  these  several  detachments  on  the  Delaware,  Washington 
resolved  to  attack  it,  and  endeavor  to  re-obtain  possession  of  Phila- 
delphia.    Accordingly,  about  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  the 


'230  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 

Battle  of  Germantown.  Encampment  at  Valley  Forge. 

third  of  October,  the  Americans  advanced  in  four  divisions,  and, 
after  a  march  of  fourteen  miles,  at  day-break  the  next  morn- 
ing* took  the  British  by  surprise.  A  battle  immediately 
commenced,  and  for  a  time  victory  seemed  to  tender  the  palm  to  the 
Americans ;  but  finally,  after  a  severe  action,  they  were  repulsed 
with  great  slaughter.  They  lost  about  twelve  hundred  men  in 
killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners.  The  British  loss  was  not  more 
than  half  that  number.  Soon  after  that,  General  Howe  broke  up 
his  encampment  at  Germantown,  and,  with  his  whole  force,  took 
quarters  in  Philadelphia. 

When  the  Delaware  was  cleared,  and  there  was  a  free  communi- 
cation for  the  British  between  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  by  way 
of  that  river,  General  Howe  determined  to  close  the  campaign  by  an 
attack  upon  Washington,  then  stationed  at  Whitemarsh,  about  eleven 
miles  northwest  from  the  metropolis.  On  the  night  of  the  fourth  of 
December,  Howe  marched  out  of  Philadelphia,  and  took  post  upon 
Chestnut  Hill,  in  front  of  the  American  army,  now  reinforced  by 
about  four  thousand  men  from  the  victorious  battalions  of  the  north. 
Howe  found  Washington's  position  too  strong  to  risk  a  general 
attack,  and,  after  a  few  days'  skirmishing,  he  fell  back  upon  Phila- 
delphia again. 

Washington  now  anxiously  sought  the  most  favorable  place  for  his 
winter-quarters.  He  saw  that  if  he  encamped  at  Lancaster,  York, 
or  Carlisle,  where  his  army  would  have  comfortable  quarters,  he 
would  leave  a  large  and  fertile  territory  entirely  exposed  to  the  ene- 
my. He  therefore  resolved  to  make  his  quarters  near  enough  to  the 
capital  to  keep  the  British  within  strait  bounds,  and,  if  opportu- 
nity offered  that  seemed  to  promise  success,  to  attack  him  in  his 
camp.  He  selected  a  dreary,  but  strong  position  at  Valley  Forge,  a 
deep  hollow  about  twenty  miles  northwest  from  Philadelphia  ;  and 
upon  the  mountainous  borders  of  this  valley  the  whole  American 
army  encamped,  during  one  of  the  most  rigorous  winters  ever  expe- 
rienced in  this  country.  The  American  soldiers  were  too  ill  clad  to 
admit  of  their  passing  the  inclement  season  under  tents,  and  Wash- 
ington therefore  ordered  that  a  sufficient  number  of  huts  large 
enough  to  accommodate  twelve  men  each,  should  be  erected,  made 
of  logs,  and  filled  between  with  mortar.  So  intensely  cold  was  the 
weather,  and  so  exhausted  were  the  soldiers  when  they  commenced 
their  march  towards  Valley  Forge,  that  some  were  seen  to  drop  dead 
under  the  benumbing  influence  of  the  frost ;  others,  without  shoes, 
had  their  feet  cut  by  the  ice,  and  left  their  tracks  in  blood  !  But  the 
huts  were  soon  erected,  and  the  whole  army  were  comfortably 
lodged  in  these  barracks.     Of  the  subsequent  hardships  and  great 


chap,  vn.]  EVENTS  OF  1777.  233 

Military  operations  at  the  Xorth.  Concentration  of  British  forces. 

privations  of  this  band  of  patriots  during  their  encampment  at  Val- 
ley Forge,  we  shall  again  speak. 

We  now  turn  our  attention  to  the  operations  of  the  northern  division 
of  the  army.  While  the  Commander-in-chief  was  suffering  reverses 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  the  northern  army,  under  Generals 
Schuyler  and  Gates,  was  achieving  glorious  victories.  The  re- 
verses of  the  previous  year  had  not  at  all  dampened  the  ardor  of  the 
troops  in  that  quarter,  and,  expecting  the  successes  of  the  British 
in  expelling  the  Americans  from  Canada  at  the  close  of  1776  would 
be  followed  up  in  the  spring  by  an  invasion,  they  had  made  prepara- 
tions for  such  an  event.  Early  in  the  year,  Governor  Carleton  was 
superseded  in  his  command  of  the  British  forces  in  Canada,  by 
General  Burgoyne,  a  brave  and  experienced  officer  ;  but  the  reasons 
for  this  act  on  the  part  of  ministers  are  not  known,  as  no  censure 
seems  ever  to  have  been  cast  upon  Carleton.*  A  plan  was  concerted 
by  the  ministry  f  by  which  Burgoyne,  with  a  large  force,  was  to 
penetrate  the  back  settlements  of  New  York,  and  form  a  junction 
with  General  Howe  at  the  metropolis,  and  thus  effect  the  plan  con- 
templated by  the  British  Commander-in-chief  after  his  successful 
pursuit  of  Washington  across  the  Jerseys  at  the  close  of  the  previous 
year. 

Burgoyne  arrived  at  Quebec  on  the  sixth  of  May.  Between  the 
seventeenth  and  twentieth  of  June,  his  forces,  consisting  of  a  large 
body  of  veterans  from  England,  about  two  thousand  five  hundred 
French  Canadians,  and  as  many  Hessians,  to  the  number  of  seven 
thousand  two  hundred  men,  exclusive  of  a  corps  of  artillery,  assem- 
bled at  Cumberland  Point,  on  Lake  Champlain,  and  on  the  twenty- 
first,  he  was  joined  by  about  four  hundred  Indians  of  various  tribes.^ 
On  the  thirtieth,  he  left  St.  John,s  for  Crown  Point,  where  he  esta- 
blished magazines,  and  then  proceeded  to  invest  Ticonde- 

■^  ,  r       ■    ■  t»  •  a  Jul>' 2- 

roga.a     By  express  orders  of  ministers,  Burgoyne  lmmedi- 

atelv  put  under  arms,  and  secured  for  the  British  service,  several 
tribes  of  Indians  inhabiting  the  country  between  the  Mohawk  River 
and  Lake  Ontario. 


*  General  Carleton  felt  very  much  aggrieved,  and  at  once  sent  his  resignation  of 
the  office  of  Governor  of  Canada  to  ministers.  Still  he  was  obliged  to  remain  until 
the  arrival  of  his  successor,  and  with  the  most  honorable  and  patriotic  spirit,  he  ren- 
dered Burgoyne  all  the  assistance  in  his  power  in  the  meanwhile.  Burgoyne  him- 
self, testifies  to  "  the  assiduous  and  cordial  manner  in  which  the  different  services 
were  forwarded  by  Sir  Guy  Carleton." — Burgoyne' s  J\"arrative,  quarto,  p.  6.  Lon- 
don :  1750. 

t  It  is  believed  that  the  plan  was  the  joint  invention  of  George  III.,  Burgoyne, 
and  Lord  George  Germaine. 

X  Algonquins,  Iroquois,  Abenekies,  and  Ottawaa. 


234  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 

Investment  of  Ticonderoga. Retreat  of  the  Americans  and  destruction  of  their  Stores. 

At  the  same  time  that  Burgoyne*  marched  upon  Ticonderoga, 
Colonel  St.  Leger  was  despatched  with  about  two  thousand  men 
mostly  Canadians  and  Indians,  by  way  of  Oswego,  against  Fort 
Schuyler,  on  the  Mohawk.t  He  was  directed  to  conquer  that  fort, 
and  then  rejoin  the  army  upon  the  Hudson  River. 

Before  proceeding  to  attack  Ticonderoga,  Burgoyne  gave  a  great 
war-feast  to  the  Indians,  and  issued  a  proclamation  calling  upon  the 
Americans  to  surrender,  or  suffer  the  consequences  of  savage  fero- 
city.J  General  St.  Clair  was  the  commander  of  the  garrison,  which 
consisted  of  about  three  thousand  men,  and  perceiving  the  overwhelm- 
ing numbers  of  the  enemy,  withdrew  from  the  fort  to  its  immediate 
vicinity.  He  had  previously  fortified  Mount  Independence,  a  high 
hill  opposite  Ticonderoga,  and  on  retiring  from  the  fort,  St.  Clair 
contemplated  fortifying  Mount  Defiance  also ;  but  finding  his  num- 
bers insufficient  to  garrison  any  new  works,  the  design  was  abandoned. 
The  British  lines  were  extended  in  front  of  the  peninsula  on  which 
Ticonderoga  was  erected,  and  invested  the  place  on  the  northwest, 
while  the  Hessians  were  posted  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  lake,  in 
the  rear  of  Mount  Independence.  Perceiving  the  great  advantage 
that  would  be  secured  by  placing  their  artillery  on  the  summit  of 
Mount  Defiance,  the  British  generals  at  once  commenced 
the  labor  of  effecting  this  end.  This  was  soon  accomplished,* 
and  the  artillery  was  speedily  placed  in  proper  position  for  attack. 

Resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Americans  seemed  rash,  and  St. 
Clair  determined  to  evacuate  the  works  and  retreat  to  Skeenesbo- 
rough.  Accordingly  he  let  his  camp-fires  go  out,  struck  his  tents, 
and  amid  the  profound  silence  of  the  forest  and  the  night,  placed 
the  baggage  and  provisions  on  board  batteaux,  and  retreated.  The 
accidental  burning  of  a  building  on  Mount  Independence,  discovered 
to  the  British  the  flight  of  the  Americans,  and  they  immediately  gave 
chase.  The  batteaux,  which  were  embarked  on  South  River,  were 
in  a  few  hours  overtaken  and  destroyed.*  The  main  body 
of  the  army  continued  to  retreat  as  the  British  approached, 
leaving  behind  them  artillery  and  stores  ;  but  they  were  overtaken 
at  Hubbardton§  on  the  morning  of  the  seventh,  by  General  Fraser, 

who  had  hotly  pursued  them  all  the  way,  a  distance  of  about  twenty 

0 

*  Burgoyne  had  with  him  some  of  the  best  officers  then  in  America.  Major- 
General  Philips,  Brigadier-General  Fraser,  Brigadiers  Powell  and  Hamilton,  the 
Brunswick  Major-General  Reidesel,  and  Brigadier-General  Specht. 

t  Situated  on  the  site  of  the  present  village  of  Rome.  It  was  first  called  Fort 
Stanwix. 

%  Pictorial  History  of  the  Reign  of  George  III.,  vol.  i.,  p.  307. 

§  Within  the  limits  of  Vermont,  and  about  seventeen  miles  southeast  from  Ticon- 
deroga. 


chap,  vii.]  EVENTS  OF  1777.  235 

Retreat  of  the  Americans  towards  the  Hudson.  Murder  of  Miss  McCrea. 

miles.  A  skirmish  ensued,  and  the  Americans  were  routed,  with 
great  loss,  having  two  hundred  killed,  six  hundred  wounded,  and 
two  hundred  taken  prisoners.  Soon  after  this,  the  remnants 
of  the  various  divisions  reached  Fort  Edward/  the  head- 
quarters of  General  Schuyler.  In  these  disastrous  retreats  and  con- 
flicts, the  Americans  lost  nearly  two  hundred  pieces  of  artillery, 
and  a  large  amount  of  provisions  and  stores. 

The  British  generals  followed  up  their  successes  with  vigor,  and 
General  Schuyler,  whose  force  was  reduced  to  about  four  thousand 
men,  considered  it  prudent  to  evacuate  Fort  Edward  and  retreat 
towards  the  Hudson.  Being  well  acquainted  with  the  country, 
he  retreated  along  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  until  he  reached  the 
islands  situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk,  where  he  established 
his  head-quarters.  Here  he  was  soon  after  reinforced  by  the  New 
England  militia  under  General  Lincoln,  and  several  detachments 
from  the  regular  army,  accompanied  by  the  celebrated  Polish 
General,  Thaddeus  Kosciusko,  who  in  October,*  1776,  had 
been  appointed  Chief-Engineer  of  the  Continental  army,  with  the 
rank  of  Colonel.  By  these  reinforcements  Schuyler's  army  wras 
augmented,  by  the  middle  of  August,  to  about  fifteen  thousand  men. 

Burgoyne,  having  despatched  General  Phillips  by  the  way  of  Lake 
George,  towards  Fort  Edward,  with  the  baggage  and  stores,  proceeded 
in  pursuit  of  the  Americans  across  the  country  ;  but  Schuyler  in  his 
retreat  had  felled  trees  athwart  the  roads,  destroyed  the  bridges,  and 
thus  so  impeded  his  progress,  that  he  did  not  reach  Fort  Edward 
until  the  thirteenth  of  July.*  He  now  learned  that  a  part  of  the 
original  plan  had  been  abandoned  by  Howe.     Instead  of  marching 

*  Burgoyne  was  obliged  to  construct  forty  bridges  on  his  route,  and  his  batteaux 
had  to  be  dragged  from  creek  to  creek  by  oxen.  During  the  halt  of  the  British 
army  at  Fort  Edward,  an  incident  occurred  which  greatly  increased  the  odium 
justly  cast  upon  the  British  ministry,  because  of  their  barbarous  order  for  Burgoyne 
to  form  an  alliance  with  the  ferocious  savages  of  the  wilderness.  A  young  lady 
named  McCrea,  represented  as  beautiful  and  accomplished,  the  daughter  of  an 
American  loyalist,  was,  just  previous  to  the  war,  affianced  to  a  young  English 
officer  named  Jones.  He  was  with  Burgoyne  when  he  reached  Fort  Edward,  and 
hearing  that  his  intended  bride  was  in  the  vicinity,  lie  despatched  a  party  of  Indians 
with  a  letter  and  his  horse,  to  bring  Miss  McCrea  in  safety  to  the  camp,  promising 
to  reward  them  with  a  barrel  of  rum.  The  young  lady  unhesitatingly  put  herself 
under  their  protection,  and  set  out  for  the  British  camp.  On  the  way,  two  of  the 
principal  savages  got  into  a  dispute  about  which  should  present  her  to  her  lover, 
and  receive  the  reward,  when  one  of  them  lulled  her  with  his  tomahawk  to  prevent 
the  other  from  receiving  it !  The  murderer  was  given  up  to  Burgoyne,  hut,  as  a 
matter  of  expediency,  the  savage's  life  was  spared.  This  bloody  deed  awakened  a 
feeling  of  horror  throughout  the  whole  country,  and  many  warm  loyalists,  depre- 
cating the  employment  of  these  savages,  abandoned  the  cause  of  the  Crown  and 
joined  the  Patriots. 


236  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 

Battle  of  Bennington.  Siege*  of  Fort  Schuyler  and  Death  of  General  Herkimer. 

up  the  Hudson,  and  joining  him,  he  learned  that  Howe  had  retreated 
to  Staten  Island  with  the  view  of  proceeding  from  thence  by 
water,  to  capture  Philadelphia.  About  a  week  before  Burgoyne 
reached  Fort  Edward,  the  forces  of  Howe  were  off  the  Capes  of 
Delaware. 

Burgoyne  now  determined  to  await  the  arrival  of  St.  Leger  and 
General  Phillips  before  commencing  his  march  anew.     Finding  his 
supply  of  provisions  greatly  reduced,  he  despatched  Colonel 
Baum,a  a  distinguished  German  officer,  with  between  five 
and  six  hundred  men,   to  Bennington,   in  Vermont,  to  seize   upon 
a  large  quantity  of  stores  which  the  Americans  had  collected  there. 
This  detachment  was  met  near  Bennington6   by    General 
Stark,*  at  the  head  of  a  large  body  of    New  Hampshire 
militia  on  their  way  to  join  the  northern  army,  and  a  furious  battle 
ensued.     Baum  was  mortally  wounded,  and  his  party  totally  dis- 
persed.    Learning  that  the  Americans  were  gathering  in  large  num- 
bers, he  had  previously  sent  to  Burgoyne  for  reinforcements  ;  but 
Colonel  Breyman,  who  was  sent  with  five  hundred  men,  did  not 
arrive  at  Bennington  until  the  battle  was  over.     Colonel  Warner, 
who   had  just  arrived   with   a    Continental  regiment,  attacked  this 
detachment,  and  defeated  it.     The  loss  of  the  British  in  these  two 
battles  was  about  seven  hundred  men  (mostly  prisoners),  while  the 
American  loss  was  less  than  one  hundred. 

The  intelligence  of  the  result  of  the  Bennington  expedition,  the 
first  reverse  the  British  had  yet  met  with  in  this  campaign,  was  a 
sad  tale  for  the  ear  of  Burgoyne  ;  and  in  verification  of  the  apothegm, 
"  misfortunes  seldom  come  single,"  he  heard  about  the  same  time 
of  the  defeat  of  St.  Leger.  It  was  about  the  first  of  August  that 
St.  Leger  reached  Fort  SchuyleY,  and  commenced  a  siege.  General 
Herkimer,  hearing  of  the  investment  of  the  fort,  at  once  raised  the 
militia  in  the  vicinity,  to  the  number  of  about  one  thousand, 
and  proceeded  to  the  relief  of  the  garrison/  Hearing  of 
this  movement,  St.  Leger  despatched  Sir  John  Johnson  and  a  large 
body  of  Indians  to  form  an  ambuscade  along  the  route  which  it 
was  presumed  General  Herkimer  would  take.  This  plan  was 
successful,  and  so  sudden  was  the  furious  attack  of  the  savages, 
that  Herkimer,  and  nearly  four  hundred  of  his  men,  were  killed 

*  General  Stark  had  been  in  the  old  French  and  Indian  war,  and  was  at  Bunker 
Hill  and  Trenton.  It  is  said  that  he  greatly  animated  his  troops  a  moment  before 
the  charge  at  Bennington,  by  shouting,  with  uplifted  sword,  "  My  fellow-soldiers, 
we  conquer  to-day,  or  Mary  Stark  sleeps  a  widow  to-night !"  He  was  the  last 
surviving  general  of  the  Revolution,  and  died  at  Manchester,  New  Hampshire,  in 
1S22,  aged  ninety-four  years. 


chap,  vti.]  EVENTS  OF  1777.  237 

British  Encampment  at  Saratoga.  Battle  of  Stillwater. 

or  wounded.*  About  the  same  time,  Colonel  Gansevoort,  com- 
manding the  garrison,  made  a  successful  sortie  from  the  fort.  He 
penetrated  the  camp  of  the  besiegers,  killed  a  great  many,  and 
carried  off  a  large  supply  of  stores.  Rumors  having  been  received 
that  Burgoyne's  army  was  all  cut  to  pieces,  and  that  Arnold  (which 
was  true)  was  approaching  with  a  considerable  force,  the  savages, 
frightened,  commenced  deserting.  St.  Leger  saw  that  a  retreat  was 
necessary,  and  he  abandoned  the  siege.  Arnold  did  not  arrive  at  the 
fort  until  two  days  after  the  siege  had  been  raised. 

Burgoyne  now  found  difficulties  fast  gathering  around  him.  He 
was  in  the  midst  of  a  vast  wilderness  with  enemies  on  every  side, 
and  feeling  but  little  reliance  upon  his  savage  allies  ;  his  provisions 
were  nearly  exhausted,  and  he  felt  that  he  must  soon  conquer  or 
surrender,  for  retreat  was  almost  impossible.  Accordingly,  having 
collected  his  artillery  and  a  supply  of  provisions  for  thirty  days,  he 
constructed  a  bridge  of  boats,  and  on  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth 
of  September,  passed  his  whole  army  across  the  Hudson,  and 
encamped  on  the  heights  and  plains  of  Saratoga.  The  American 
army  under  General  Gates,  who  had  recently  been  appointed  to  the 
chief  command  of  the  northern  division,  moved  from  their  encamp- 
ment at  the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk,  and  pitched  their  tents  near 
Stillwater,  about  twenty  miles  north  of  Albany,  and  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Hudson.  Here  they  were  joined  by  about  two  thousand 
men  under  Arnold,  making  the  force  of  the  Americans  about  thirteen 
thousand  strong.  The  two  armies  were  now  within  about  four  miles 
of  each  other,  and  on  the  eighteenth,  Burgoyne  formed  the  British 
army  close  in  front  of  the  American  left,  determined  to  attempt  the 
desperate  effort  of  cutting  his  way  through  to  Albany,  and  form  a 
junction  with  the  expected  forces  of  Clinton. 

General  Gates  had  erected  a  star  redoubt,  and,  notwithstanding  he 
had  an  inferior  force,  he  wTas  determined  to  resist  the  further  pro- 
gress of  the  British  southward  to  the  utmost.  At  noon  on  the  nine- 
teenth, he  sent  out  about  five  thousand  men  to  make  an  attempt  to 
fall  upon  Burgoyne's  rear,  but  discovering  the  strong  position  of 
General  Frascr,  they  fell  back.  Being  reinforced,  and  led  on  by 
Arnold,  they  attacked  the  right  wing  of  the  enemy,  and  about  three 
o'clock  a  general  engagement  ensued,  which  lasted  till  after  sunset, 

*  The  popular  tradition  among  the  people  of  the  Mohawk  Valley,  concerning  the 
death  of  General  Herkimer,  is,  that  being  severely  wounded  in  the  leg,  it  was 
necessary  to  amputate  it.  This  being  done,  and  properly  bandaged,  the  two  sur- 
geons in  attendance  having  discovered  some  liquor  in  the  cellar,  drank  of  it  until 
they  were  very  drunk.  The  bandages  got  loose,  and  the  blood  began  to  flow  freely, 
but  the  surgeons  were  too  drunk  to  perform  their  duty,  and,  notwithstanding  the 
efforts  of  Herkimer's  wife  to  staunch  the  wound,  he  soon  bled  to  death. 


238  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 

Expected  reinforcements  from  New  York.  Expedition  of  Colonel  Brown. 

without  intermission.  At  dark  the  contest  ceased.  The  Americans 
retired  within  their  redoubt,  and  the  British  reposed  upon  their 
arms  on  the  field  of  battle.  The  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was 
nearly  alike  on  both  sides,*  and  each  claimed  the  victory. 

The  two  armies  remained  near  to  each  other,  from  the  day  of  the 
battle,  until  the  seventh  of  Octooer  ;  Gates  strengthening  his  position, 
and  Burgoyne  waiting  to  hear  from  Clinton.  This  delay  was  disas- 
trous, for,  in  the  meanwhile,  he  consumed  nearly  all  his  provisions. 
Howe  was  too  much  occupied  with  'Washington,  upon  the  Dela- 
ware, to  bestow  a  thought  upon  Burgoyne.  But  General  Clinton 
took  the  responsibility  of  affording  aid,  and  informed  Burgoyne  that 
he  would  do  what  he  could  to  effect  a  junction,  by  attacking  forts 
Montgomery  and  Clinton,  and  others  of  less  note,  on  the  Hudson 
nearly  opposite  Peekskill.  Relying  upon  this  promise,  Burgoyne 
agreed  to  remain  in  his  position  until  the  twelfth,  hoping  that  Clin- 
ton would  be  successful,  and  by  a  rapid  march,  reinforce  him  by  that 
time.     But  circumstances  obliged  him  to  move  previous  to  that  date. 

General  Gates  having  been  joined  also  by  General  Lincoln,  with 
about  two  thousand  men,  and  finding  his  forces  augmenting  by  fresh 
supplies  of  militia,  determined  to  attempt  the  recapture  of  Forts  In- 
dependence, George,  and  Ticonderoga,  and  to  capture  or  destroy  the 
provisions  of  the  enemy,  atf  various  depots,  and  thus  cut  off  all  his  com- 
munication with  Canada.  Accordingly,  an  expedition  under  Colonel 
Brown  was  sent  northward,  and  at  the  north  end  of  Lake  George  they 
captured  a  sloop  carrying  provisions  to  Burgoyne,  and  soon  after  some 
other  vessels  fell  into  their  hands.  They  then  proceeded  to  take 
possession  of  Mount  Hope  and  Mount  Defiance,  and  attacked 
Ticonderoga.  They  were  repulsed,  however,  and  proceeded  in  the 
vessels  they  had  captured  tov  Diamond  Island,  where  there  was  a 
considerable  depot  of  provisions,  but  were  there  also  repulsed. 
They  then  pushed  for  the  shore,  burned  the  vessels,  and  returned  to 
the  rear  of  Burgoyne's  army.  This  partial  success  caused  other 
large  bodies  of  Americans  to  collect  along  the  line  of  Brown's  expe- 
dition, and  completely  cut  off  all  supplies  of  provisions  for  the  British 
from  the  north.  The  soldiers  were  reduced  to  half  rations,  and  the 
Indians,  finding  Burgoyne  would  not  allow  them  to  plunder,  became 
dissatisfied,  and  deserted,  whole  tribes  at  a  time. 

Thus  situated,  Burgoyne  found  it  necessary  to  make  a  movement 
for  his  own  preservation.  I  On  the  seventh  of  October,  he  sent  out 
about  fifteen  hundred  men  to  forage  and  reconnoitre.  They  ad- 
vanced within  half  a  mile  of  the  left  wing  of  the  Americans,  when 

*  The  loss  is  variously  stated,  from  three  to  six  hundred  on  each  side. 


chap,  m]  EVENTS  OF  1777.  239 

Second  Battle  at  Stillwater.  Burgoyne's  attempted  retreat  northward. 

Arnold  sallied  forth,  attacked,  and  drove  them  back  to  their  camp.  In 
the  meanwhile,  Morgan  and  his  riflemen  stole  round  through  the  woods 
and  opened  a  fire  on  the  flank  of  the  enemy's  column,  and  other  troops 
went  out  from  the  American  entrenchments,  and  attempted  to  throw 
themselves  between  Burgoyne's  column  of  fifteen  hundred  men,  and 
his  line,  but  were  prevented  by  the  grenadiers  under  Major  Ackland. 
Burgoyne,  however,  was  obliged  to  abandon  six  field-pieces  which 
he  took  out  with  him,  and  retreated  to  his  camp.  The  brave  Gene- 
ral Fraser  attempted  to  dislodge  Morgan  and  his  men,  but  fell  mor- 
tally wounded  ;  and  at  this  moment  a  general  battle  commenced  all 
along  the  lines.  From  the  British  quarter,  the  Americans  were 
repulsed,  but  they  carried  the  entrenchments  of  the  Germans,  and 
completely  routed  them.  About  two  hundred  of  them  were  taken 
prisoners,  and  several  leading  officers  were  killed,  among  whom  was 
Colonel  Breyman.  The  entire  loss  of  the  enemy  was  more  than 
four  hundred  men ;  that  of  the  Americans  about  eighty. 

On  the  night  after  the  battle, a  Burgoyne  retired  to  the    0  0ct  7  8 
high  ground  a  little  above  Stillwater,  and  finally,  with  his 
whole  army,  retreated  to  Saratoga,6  and  endeavored  to  con- 
tinue his  retrogression  to  Fort  Edward.     He  was  obliged  to  leave 
behind  him  about  three  hundred  sick  and  wounded,  which  were 
taken  care  of  in  the  best  manner,  by  General  Gates. 

On  the  ninth,  Burgoyne  received  intelligence  from  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  of  his  operations  among  the  lower  Hudson  highlands,  and 
he  was  in  hourly  expectation  of  seeing  an  attack  upon  the  American 
rear  by  British  troops,  which  he  doubted  not  were  then  as  far  north 
as  Albany.*  This  expedition  was  one  inducement  for  him  to  delay 
his  attempted  retreat  towards  Fort  Edward.  Despairing  of  the 
arrival  of  Clinton,  he  made  preparations  to  continue  his  retreat  north- 
ward, on  the  right  bank  of  the  Hudson,  and  endeavor  to  reach  Fort 
George,  on  the  southern  end  of  the  lake  of  that  name.  But  he  was  met 
by  strong  detachments  of  Americans  at  Fishkill,  a  small  creek  a  little 
northward  of  Saratoga.  Finding  himself  unable  to  retreat  to  Fort 
George  by  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  he  determined  to  abandon  his 
artillery,  place  about  three  days'  provisions  in  the  knapsacks  of  his 
soldiers,  cross  the  river,  dash  through  the  American  lines  drawn  out 
upon  the  opposite  side,  and,  by  this  sudden  movement,  make  his 
escape  to  the  lakes,  and  reach  the  British  shipping  upon  them. 

Burgoyne,  however,  learned  that  the  Americans  were  too  strongly 
entrenched  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  to  render  the  success 
of  his  plans  in  the  least  probable,  and  he  endeavored,  as  a  last  resort, 

*  Burgoyne's  Narrative,  p.  16. 


240  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777, 

Burgoyne's  offer  of  Capitulation.  His  Surrender. 

to  tempt  the  Americans  out  from  their  entrenchments,  and  engage 
in  battle,  notwithstanding  his  army  was  greatly  reduced — a  mere 
skeleton  of  what  it  was  when  he  invested  Ticonderoga.  Finding  his 
provisions  exhausted,  and  no  chance  either  for  battle  or  re- 
treat, he  called  a  council  of  war,a  at  which  it  was  decided  to 
open  negotiations  with  General  Gates  to  capitulate  on  the  most 
honorable  terms  that  might  be  procured.* 

A  communication  was  accordingly  sent  to  General  Gates,* 
offering  to  capitulate.  He  at  once  demanded  the  uncondi- 
tional surrender  of  Burgoyne  and  his  army  as  prisoners  of  war. 
He  stipulated  that  the  British  troops  should  be  drawn  up  in  their 
encampment,  and  there  ground  their  arms.  To  this  Burgoyne  re- 
plied, that  rather  than  submit  to  such  terms,  he  would  rush  upon  the 
Americans  at  all  hazards,  determined  to  give  no  quarter,  and  if 
slain,  to  die  as  brave  soldiers.  Unwilling  to  insist  upon  extreme 
measures,  which  might  unnecessarily  produce  great  effusion  of 
blood,  and  learning  that  Clinton  was  making  a  successful  march  up 
the  Hudson,  Gates  humanely  and  prudently  proposed  an  honorable 
surrender  for  Burgoyne.  He  agreed  to  accept  of  a  surrender,  and 
to  grant  them  the  "  honors  of  war,  and  a  free  passage  to  Great  Bri- 
tain, on  condition  of  their  not  serving  again  in  North  America  during 
the  contest."  Considering  the  situation  of  the  two  armies,  these 
terms  were  highly  honorable  to  the  British  General,  favorable  to  his 
nation,  and  reflected  great  credit  upon  the  humanity  and  judgment 
of  General  Gates. 

The  articles  of  capitulation  were  signed  on  the  seventeenth  of 
October,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  that  day  the  British  troops  marched 
out  of  their  encampment  down  to  the  water  side,  to  a  place  called 
the  Old  Ford,t  where  they  piled  their  arms  at  the  word  of  command 
from  their  own  officers.  Several  of  the  officers  could  scarcely  pro- 
nounce the  words,  and  many  of  the  men  wept  as  they  grounded 
their  arms.     Gates  was  a  man  of  fine  feelings.     He  kept  away  from 

*  In  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War  (Lord  George  Germaine),  Burgoyne  thus 
describes  his  situation  : — "  A  series  of  hard  toil,  incessant  effort,  stubborn  action, 
until  disabled  in  the  collateral  branches  of  the  army,  by  the  total  defection  of  the 
Indians,  the  desertion  or  timidity  of  the  Canadians  and  provincials,  some  individu- 
als excepted  ;  disappointed  in  the  last  hope  of  any  cooperation,  from  other  armies ; 
the  regular  troops  reduced  by  losses  from  the  best  parts,  to  thirty-five  hundred 
fighting  men,  not  two  thousand  of  whom  were  British  ;  only  three  days'  provisions, 
upon  short  allowance,  in  store ;  invested  by  an  army  of  sixteen  thousand  men,  and 
no  appearance  of  retreat  remaining,  I  called  into  council  all  the  generals,  field- 
officers,  and  captains  commanding  corps,  and  by  their  unanimous  concurrence  and 
advice,  I  was  induced  to  open  a  treaty  with  Major-General  Gates." 

t  On  the  ruins  of  Fort  Hardy,  which  was  built  during  the  French  and  Indian 
wars. 


Surrender  of  Burgoyne.    P.  2*0. 


chap,  vn.]  EVENTS  OF  1777.  243 

Entire  Dispersion  of  the  northern  British  army.  Narrative  of  the  Baroness  Reidesel 

the  spot  himself,  and  he  would  not  suffer  his  own  people  to  be  wit- 
nesses to  the  sad  spectacle.*  Every  possible  courtesy  was  shown  to 
the  officers,  and  when  the  act  of  surrender  was  accomplished,  the 
most  friendly  intercourse  commenced  between  Generals  Gates  and 
Burgoyne.f 

The  surrender  of  Burgoyne  was  the  most  important  event  of  the 
year  ;  indeed  it  was  one  of  the  most  important  events  of  the  whole 
war.  There  were  surrendered  five  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
ninety  men,  of  all  ranks  ;  which  number,  added  to  the  killed,  wound- 
ed, and  prisoners,  lost  by  the  army  during  the  preceding  part  of  the 
campaign,  made  altogether  upwards  of  ten  thousand  men.  There 
were  also  surrendered  to  the  captors,  thirty-five  brass  field-pieces, 
nearly  five  thousand  muskets,  and  an  immense  quantity  of  other 
munitions  of  war.  Thus,  within  the  space  of  a  few  months,  a  pow- 
erful British  army  was  entirely  broken  up,  and  the  whole  country,  to 
the  confines  of  Canada,  fell  into  the  quiet  possession  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. 

*  This  is  the  testimony  of  several  English  and  other  foreign  writers ;  among 
them,  Stedman,  Burke,  Gordon,  Botta,  &c. 

f  The  Baroness  Reidesel,  who  accompanied  her  husband,  Major-General  Reidesel, 
during  the  whole  of  this  campaign,  and  with  Lady  Ackland,  endured  all  the  priva- 
tions of  the  camp,  gives,  in  her  very  interesting  narrative,  the  following  pleasing 
account  of  her  first  interview  with  the  American  officers  : — "  As  soon  as  the  con- 
vention was  signed,  my  husband  sent  a  message  to  me  to  come  over  to  him  with  my 
children.  I  seated  myself  once  more  in  my  dear  calash,  and  then  rode  through  the 
American  camp.  As  I  passed  on,  I  observed,  and  this  was  a  great  consolation  to 
me,  that  no  one  eyed  me  with  looks  of  resentment,  but  that  they  all  greeted  us, 
and  even  showed  compassion  in  their  countenances  at  the  sight  of  a  woman  with, 
small  children.  I  was,  I  confess,  afraid  to  go  over  to  the  enemy,  as  it  was  quite  a 
new  situation  to  me.  When  I  drew  near  the  tents,  a  handsome  man  approached 
and  met  me,  took  my  children  from  the  calash,  and  hugged  and  kissed  them,  which 
affected  me  almost  to  tears.  '  You  tremble,'  said  he,  addressing  himself  to  me,  '  be 
not  afraid.'  '  No,'  I  answered  ;  '  you  seem  so  kind  and  tender  to  my  children,  it 
inspires  me  with  courage.'  He  now  led  me  to  the  tent  of  General  Gates,  where  I 
found  Generals  Burgoyne  and  Phillips,  who  were  on  a  friendly  footing  with  the 
former.  Burgoyne  said  to  me,  '  Never  mind ;  your  sorrows  have  now  an  end.'  I 
answered  him, '  that  I  should  be  reprehensible  to  have  any  cares,  as  he  had  none,' 
and  I  was  pleased  to  see  him  on  such  friendly  footing  with  General  Gates.  All 
the  generals  remained  to  dine  with  General  Gates.  The  same  gentleman  who 
received  me  so  kindly,  now  came  and  said  to  me,  '  you  will  be  very  much  embar- 
rassed to  eat  with  these  gentlemen  ;  come  with  your  children  to  my  tent,  where  1 
will  prepare  for  you  a  frugal  dinner,  and  give  it  with  a  free  will?  I  said,  '  you 
are  certainly  a  husband  and  a  father,  you  have  shown  me  so  much  kindness.'  I 
now  found  that  he  was  General  Schuyler  !  "  She  further  states  that  General 
Schuyler  invited  her  and  also  Burgoyne,  to  become  his  guests  at  Albany,  which  they 
accepted.  They  were  treated  with  great  hospitality.  On  the  occasion  Burgoyne 
remarked  to  General  Schuyler,  "  You  show  me  great  kindness,  though  I  have  done 
you  much  injury  ;"  alluding  to  the  fact  that  he  had  caused  Schuyler's  beautiful  house 
to  be  burnt.  "  That  was  the  fate  of  war,"  replied  the  brave  man  ;  "  let  us  say  no 
more  about  it." 


244  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 

Gold  Medal  struck  by  order  of  Congress.  Movement  of  General  Clinton. 

'  The  news  of  this  brilliant  victory  caused  the  greatest  joy  through- 
out the  whole  country,  and  at  once  dispelled  the  gloom  occasioned  by 
the  reverses  upon  the  Delaware.  The  timid  became  bold,  the  tones 
were  dismayed,  and  the  patriots  no  longer  doubted  the  final  and  speedy 
independence  of  the  American  States.  Congress  passed  a 
vote  of  thanks*  to  Generals  Gates;  Arnold,  and  Lincoln,  and 
all  the  troops  under  their  command ;  and  also  ordered  a  gold  medal 
to  be  struck  in  honor  of  the  event,  "  and  in  the  name  of  the  United 
States  presented  by  the  President  to  Major-General  Gates." 

Intelligence  of  the  event  reached  England  on  the  third  of  Decem- 
ber, while  the  Parliament  was  in  session,  and  it  produced  a  powerful 
effect  upon  that  body.  Ministers,  alarmed  at  the  failure  of  their 
plans,  endeavored  to  throw  the  blame  on  the  commanders  ;  declared 
that  everything  that  could  be  done,  had  been  done,  on  their  part ; 
that  large  armies  had  been  sent,  and  amply  supplied  ;*  and  they 
claimed,  that,  before  being  condemned,  they  were  entitled  at  least 
to  a  full  inquiry.  The  opposition  justified  the  commanders,  and 
cast  the  whole  blame  upon  the  ministry.  Chatham  denominated 
the  expedition  "  a  most  wild,  uncombined,  mad  project."  Fox  said 
that  ten  thousand  men  had  been  destroyed  by  the  wilful  ignorance 
and  incapacity  of  Lord  George  Germaine,  the  Secretary-at-War ; 
and  on  all  hands,  the  ministers  had  their  full  share  of  censure. 
Chatham  moved  for  an  immediate  cessation  of  hostilities,  and 
although  his  motion  was  negatived,  committees  were  appointed  in 
each  House  for  an  inquiry  into  the  state  of  the  nation,  and  instructed 
to  report  at  the  beginning  of  February  next  ensuing.  Parliament 
then  adjourned  till  the  twentieth  of  January,  1778. 
i  General  Clinton,  to  whom  Burgoyne  looked  so  anxiously  for  aid, 
moved  from  New  York'wilh  three  thousand  troops,  and  pro- 
ceeded up  the  Hudson .h  He  was  left  in  defence  of  New 
York,  the  chief  depot  for  the  stores  of  the  British  army ;  and  its 
accessibility  from  numerous  points,  and  the  fact  that  Putnam,  with 
an  army  of  regulars  and  numerous  bands  of  intrepid  Connecticut 
militia,  was  hovering  near,  made  Clinton  hesitate,  and  delay  his 
departure  until  expected  reinforcements  from  England  should  arrive. 
It  was  late  in  September  when  these  new  recruits  came,  and  hence 
it  was  only  ten  days  before  Burgoyne's  surrender,  that  Clinton  began 
his  march  northward.     His   movement  then  was  upon  his   own 

*  General  Burgoyne's  statement  contradicts  this  assertion.  He  says,  "  certain  parts 
of  the  expected  force,  nevertheless,  fell  short.  The  Canadian  troops,  stated  in  the 
plan  at  two  thousand,  consisted  only  of  three  companies,  intended  to  be  of  one 
hundred  men  each,  but  in  reality  not  amounting  to  more  than  one  hundred  and 
fifty  upon  the  whole." — Burgoyne's  Narrative,  p.  7. 


CHAP.vn.]  EVENTS  OF  1777.  245 

Passage  of  the  Dunderberg  and  Capture  of  Forts  Clinton  and  Montgomery. 

responsibility,  for  he  had  not  received  orders  from  General  Howe  of 
any  description  whatever. 

He  placed  his  forces  upon  water  craft  of  all  kinds,  and  under  con- 
voy of  some  ships  of  war,  he  proceeded  as  far  as  Yerplanck's  Point, 
about  forty  five  miles  north  of  New  York,  where  he  landed  without 
opposition,  the  small  battery  upon  the  peninsula  having  been  aban- 
doned on  his  approach.  This  was  a  feint  to  deceive  Putnam,  then 
stationed  at  Peekskill,  five  miles  above,  and  it  succeeded.  Put- 
nam, supposing  it  to  be  Clinton's  intention  to  push  on  towards 
Albany  along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Hudson,  drew  as  many  troops 
as  could  possibly  be  spared  from  forts  Clinton,  Montgomery,  and 
one  or  two  other  stations,  and  assembled  about  two  thousand  men  to 
oppose  the  progress  of  the  British  General.  As  soon  as  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  perceived  that  his  stratagem  was  successful,  he  put  his 
plan  into  execution.  He  immediately  passed  two  thousand  of 
his  troops  over  to  Stony  Point,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Hudson, 
leaving  one  thousand  to  guard  the  peninsula.  Notwithstanding  it 
was  late  in  the  afternoon,  he  at  once  commenced  a  march  towards 
forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton,*  knowing  their  weakened  state  by  the 
withdrawal  of  large  numbers  by  Putnam  on  that  day.  The  distance 
was  about  twelve  miles,  and  the  rugged  pathway  was  over  the  pre- 
cipitous and  almost  inaccessible  Dunderberg. t  It  was  sunset  before 
they  reached  the  crest  of  this  lofty  mountain,  yet  they  rushed  forward, 
and,  according  to  previous  arrangements,  attacked  both  forts  at  once. 
The  garrisons  were  taken  completely  by  surprise,  for  they  could  not 
believe  that  a  regular  army  would  ever  attempt  a  march  over  the 
Dunderberg  ;  and  the  first  intimation  they  had  of  the  approach  of 
Clinton's  forces,  was  their  actual  precipitate  descent  of  the  mountain 
towards  the  fort.  A  desperate  battle  ensued,  but  the  Americans, 
overpowered  by  numbers,  were  obliged  to  yield,  and  the 
forts  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  British.*1  Governor  George 
Clinton  was  commanding  in  the  fort  that  bore  his  name,  and  he  and 
his  brother,  General  James  Clinton,  together  with  a  majority  of  the 
survivors,  made  their  escape  under  cover  of  the  darkness  of  night. 
The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  about  three  hundred  men,  among 
whom  were  Lieutenant-Colonels  Livingston  and  Bruyn,  and  Majors 
Hamilton  and  Logan,  who  were  taken  prisoners.  The  British  had 
about  one  hundred  and  forty  killed  and  wounded.  Among  the 
former  was  the  Count  Gabrowski,  a  brave  Pole,  and  one  of  General 
I 

*  These  forts  were  situated  amid  the  Highlands  nearly  sixty  miles  above  the  city 
of  New  York.  They  were  separated  by  Peploap's  Kill,  a  small  stream  that  forms 
the  boundary  line  between  Orange  and  Rockland  counties 

t  Thunder  Mountain. 


246  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 

Obstructions  in  the  River,  and  burning  of  American  vessels.  Destruction  of  Continental  Village. 

Clinton's  aides.     He  and  Lord  Rawdon  led  the  British  grenadiers  to 
the  charge  at  the  beginning  of  the  assault. 

Meanwhile,  the  fleet  of  the  enemy  attempted  to  co-operate  with  the 
troops,  but  a  very  serious  obstruction  in  the  river  checked  their  pro- 
gress effectually.  The  Americans  had  constructed  a  chevaux-de-frise 
of  great  strength  across  the  river,  which  is  there  about  six  hundred 
yards  wide.*  To  make  the  obstruction  still  more  complete  and  effi 
cient,  a  ponderous  boom  or  iron  chain  was  also  stretched  across  the 
river  by  the  side  of  the  chevaux-de-frise,  similar  to  one  placed 
across  the  stream  at  West  Point  in  1778.  This  obstruction  was 
prepared  at  an  expense  of  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
dollars.  Two  frigates,  two  galleys,  and  a  sloop,  were  placed  just 
above  the  chevaux-de-frise,  and  under  the  guns  of  the  fort.  These, 
the  Americans  who  escaped  from  the  forts,  set  on  fire,  to  prevent  their 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  they  were  burnt  to  the 
water's  edge.  That  conflagration,  amid  the  darkness  of  a  cloudy 
night,  presented  a  magnificent  spectacle  ;  and  when  the  fire  reached 
the  loaded  guns,  and  at  length  the  magazines,  the  scene  was  sublime 
to  sight  and  ear,  beyond  all  conception.  The  echoes  of  those 
detonations  and  final  thunder-peals  were  awakened  upon  a  hundred 
hills,  and  every  crest  for  a  moment  glowed  with  a  brilliant  illumina- 
tion. 

A  few  miles  higher  up,  and  opposite  West  Point,  was  another 
strong  fort,  called  Constitution,  which  the  Americans,  on  hearing 
of  the  fall  of  Forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton,  abandoned,  after 
demolishing  a  part  of  the  works.  Being  thus  in  possession  of 
the  keys  to  the  northern  country,  the  British  immediately  set 
about  removing  the  obstructions  in  the  river  at  Forts  Montgomery 
and  Clinton.!  This  being  accomplished,  the  whole  fleet  passed  up 
the  river,  and  anchored  a  little  above  West  Point.  All  impediments 
being  now  removed,  Sir  James  Wallace,  with  a  flying  squadron 
of  light  frigates,  and  General  Vaughan,  with  a  considerable  number 
of  troops,  were  sent  up  the  Hudson,  commissioned  to  mark  their 
progress  by  desolation.  A  detachment  of  tories  or  loyalists,  under 
Governor  Tryon,  was  sent  at  the  same  time  to  destroy  the  flour- 
ishing settlement  in  Westchester,  known  as  Continental  Village, 
where  the  Americans  had  barracks  for  fifteen  hundred  men, 
and  a  large  deposit   of  military   stores.a      That  infamous 

*  A  short  distance  above  the  landing-place  now  known  as  "  Caldwell's.** 
t  It  has  been  stated  to  the  writer,  second-hand  from  an  eye-witness,  that  so 
strong  was  the  boom  that  the  whole  force  of  the  British  fleet,  sailing  up  abreast, 
was  insufficient  to  sever  it ;  and  that  the  vessels  all  rebounded  when  they  struck  it, 
greatly  to  the  astonishment  of  those  on  board.  They,  however,  soon  contrived  to 
sunder  it. 


chat    vil]  EVENTS  OF  1777.  247 

Burning  of  Esopus.  Retreat  of  Clinton  to  Ne  w  York- 

enemy  of  republicanism  executed  his  cruel  commission  most  faith- 
fully. The  expedition  that  passed  up  the  river,  burned  every  vessel 
that  fell  in  their  way,  and  with  fire  and  sword  desolated  the  country, 
and  spread  death  and  ruin  among  a  peaceful  and  innocent  population 
They  penetrated  northward  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  Kingston  or 
Esopus  Creek,  and  proceeded  to  the  village  of  that  name  lying  about 
two  miles  and  a  half  west  of  the  Hudson,  where  the  Americans  had 
a  large  quantity  of  stores.  They  cannonaded  the  place,  and  the 
people,  without  resistance,  retreated.  But  the  wanton  barbarity  of 
the  troops  pleaded  for  gratification,  and  the  boon  was  cheerfully  grant- 
ed— that  beautiful  village  was  fired  in  several  places,  and  in 
a  few  short  hours  not  a  single  house  was  left  standing  !  a  A  ' 
vast  amount  of  provisions  and  other  military  stores  was  consumed. 

Not  a  word  can  be  said  in  justification  of  these  atrocities,  for 
neither  necessity  nor  utility  demanded  this  destruction  of  life  and 
property.  And  had  the  army  of  Clinton,  after  the  first  success  in 
the  Highlands,  pushed  immediately  forward  to  the  relief  of  Bur- 
goyne,  instead  of  being  engaged  in  these  brutal  expeditions,  that 
General,  with  the  remnant  of  his  army,  might  have  been  enabled  to 
retreat  safely  back  to  Canada  ;  and  there  might  also  have  been  a 
possibility  of  defeating  Gates.  It  is  probable  General  Clinton  was 
unwilling  to  depart  too  far  from  New  York  and  leave  it  compara- 
tively unprotected,  and  therefore  took  this  method  of  drawing  off  a 
portion  of  the  American  troops  from  the  north,  sufficient  to  give 
Burgoyne  a  fair  chance  of  success.  This  is  the  most  charitable 
view  that  can  be  taken  of  those  wanton  acts  of  barbarism.*  And  it 
is  worthy  of  note,  that  at  the  very  time  Vaughan  was  committing 
these  wicked  depredations,  Burgoyne  was  receiving  from  General 
Gates  the  most  honorable  and  generous  conditions  for  himself  and 
his  ruined  army.  i 

Immediately  after  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne,  General  Gates 
despatched  quite  a  large  number  of  troops  to  reinforce  Putnam,  and 
stay  the  devastating  progress  of  Vaughan  and  Wallace.  As  soon 
as  General  Clinton  heard  of  this  movement,  he  ordered  the  immedi- 
ate return  of  the  expeditions  ;  and  having  dismantled  the  forts,  and 
destroyed  all  the  places  they  had  taken,  in  order  to  leave  the  river 

I 

*  General  Gates,  on  hearing  of  the  expedition  of  Vaughan,  wrote  a  severe  letter  to 
j  that  officer,  complaining  of  the  devastations  on  each  bank  of  the  Hudson,  and  the 
1  burning  of  Esopus,  and  concluded  by  saying : — "  Is  it  thus  that  the  generals  of  the 
King  expect  to  make  converts  to  the  royal  cause  ?  Their  cruelties  operate  as  a 
contrary  effect ;  independence  is  founded  upon  the  universal  disgust  of  the  people. 
The  fortune  of  war  has  delivered  into  my  hands  older  and  abler  generals  than 
General  Vaughan  is  reputed  to  be :  their  condition  may  one  day  become  his,  and 
then  no  human  power  can  save  him  from  the  just  vengeance  of  an  offended  people  "4 


'248  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1777. 

American  loss  of  Provisions  and  Stores.  Articles  of  Confederation. 

open  for  future  operations,  Clinton  re-embarked  his  men  and  returned 
to  New  York,  having  completely  swept  the  Hudson. 

This  expedition  of  Clinton  was  extremely  disastrous  to  the  Ame- 
ricans. Among  the  seemingly  inaccessible  Highlands,  a  vast  quan- 
tity of  provisions  and  stores  was  deposited,  in  supposed  perfect 
security.  These  were  nearly  all  taken  or  destroyed  ;  and  a  hundred 
pieces  of  artillery,  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand  pounds  of  powder,  and 
balls  in  proportion,  and  all  the  implements  necessary  for  the  daily 
artillery  service,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

During  the  year,  Congress  effected  several  important  measures, 
all  tending  towards  the  maintenance  of  the  declared  independence  of 
the  United  States.*  It  has  already  been  stated,  that  as  early  as 
June,  1775,  Doctor  Franklin  proposed  a  confederation  of  the  States 
or  Colonies;  and  on  the  eleventh  of  June,  1776,  a  committee  was 
appointed  by  Congress  to  prepare  a  plan  of  confederation.  The 
committee  reported  in  July  following,  but  the  report  was  laid  upon 
the  table,  and  no  more  was  done  in  the  premises  until  1 777.  During 
this  year,  the  subject  of  a  confederation  was  frequently  discussed 
upon  the  floor  of  Congress,  and  finally,  after  various  changes,  the 
report  of  the  committee  of  the  foregoing  year  was  adopted 
by  that  body  on  the  fifteenth  of  November.*  Congress  then 
resolved  as  follows : — "  These  Articles  of  Confederation  shall  be 
proposed  to  the  Legislatures  of  all  the  United  States,  to  be  con- 
sidered, and  if  approved  of  by  them,  they  are  advised  to  authorize 
their  delegates  to  ratify  the  same  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  ;  which  being  done,  the  same  shall  become  conclusive."! 
.  These  Articles  of  Confederation  were  nothing  more  than  pro- 
visions for  a  league  of  friendship,  and  for  mutual  aid  and  protection ; 
and  so  widely  different  were  the  conditions  of  the  several  Colonies 
or  States,  and  so  defective  were  the  Articles  of  Union,  that  it  was 
not  until  March,  1781,  that  Maryland,  the  last  remaining  State, 
ratified  the  agreement,  and  thus  made  the  Articles  ol  Confederation 
the  Constitution  of  the  country. 

Through  the  active  agency  of  Doctor  Franklin,  in  conjunction  with 
Silas  Deane  and  Arthur  Lee,  who  were  sent  out  in  November,  1776, 
as  resident  commissioners  for  the  United  States  at  the  Court  of  Ver- 
sailles, a  treaty  of  alliance  and  commerce  was  negotiated  with  the 
French  government.     As  early  as  the  twenty-eighth  of  De- 
cember/ these  commissioners  opened  their  business  in  a 

*  For  two  vears  the  clear-headed,  patriotic  John  Hancock,  presided  over  the  delibe- 
rations of  tnat  body,  but  his  health  requiring  a  relaxation  from  his  arduous  duties, 
he  took  leave  of  Congress  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  October,  1777,  and  Henry  Laurens 
was  elected  to  succeed  him. 

f  See  Appendix,  Note  VIII. 


chap,  til]  EVENTS  OF  1777.  249 

Negotiations  with  the  Count  de  Vergennes.  Conclusion  of  a  Treaty  with  Franco 

private  audience  with  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  the  Prime  Minister 
of  Louis  XVI.  Congress  could  not  have  applied  to  the  Court  of 
France  under  more  favorable  auspices.  The  throne  was  filled  by  a 
prince  in  the  flower  of  his  age,  and  animated  with  a  desire  to  make 
his  reign  illustrious.  Count  de  Vergennes  was  not  less  remarkable 
for  his  extensive  political  knowledge,  than  for  true  greatness  of  mind. 
He  had  the  superior  wisdom  to  discern  that  there  were  no  present 
advantages  to  be  obtained  by  unequal  terms,  that  would  compensate 
for  those  lasting  benefits  that  were  likely  to  flow  from  a  kind  and 
generous  beginning.  Instead  of  grasping  at  too  much,  or  taking 
any  advantage  of  the  humble  situation  of  the  invaded  Colonies,  he 
aimed  at  nothing  more  than,  by  kind  and  generous  terms  to  a  dis- 
tressed country,  to  perpetuate  the  separation  which  had  already 
taken  place  between  the  component  parts  of  an  empire,  from  the 
union  of  which  his  sovereign  had  much  to  fear.  A  haughty  reserve 
would  have  discouraged  the  Americans  ;  an  open  reception,  or  even 
a  legal  countenance  of  their  deputies,  might  have  alarmed  the  rulers 
•of  Great  Britain,  and  disposed  them  to  a  compromise  with  the  Colo- 
nies', or  have  brought  on  an  immediate  rupture  between  France  and 
England.  A  middle  line,  as  preferable  to  either,  was  therefore  pur- 
sued.* 

What  the  French  government  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  do,  pri- 
vate enterprise  accomplished ;  and  during  the  whole  year,  the 
Americans  received  more  or  less  aid  from  France,!  while  the  govern- 
ment was  continually  alternating  between  encouragement  and  con- 
demnation, according  to  the  development  of  events.  The  reverses 
of  1776  sank  the  credit  of  the  Americans  very  low,  and  much  of  the 
French  ardor  for  the  cause  of  republicanism  was  abated.  But  the 
battles  of  Trenton  and  Princeton,  and  subsequently  the  capture  of 
Burgoyne,  clearly  foretold  the  ultimate  success  of  the  Americans, 
and  the  French  government  no  longer  hesitated.  The  Commission- 
ers of  Congress  were  informed  by  Mr.  Gerard,  one  of  the  Secretaries 
of  the  King's  Council  of  State,  that  the  treaty  of  alliance  and  com- 
merce which  had  been  for  some  time  under  consideration,  would  be 
ratified  ;  "  that  it  was  decided  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of 
the  United  States,  and  to  make  a  treaty  with  them  ;"  and,  on  the 
sixth  of  February,  1778,  Louis  XVI.  entered  into  treaties  of  amity 

*  Ramsay's  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  62,  0.3. 

f  On  the  first  of  December,  1777,  the  French  ship  L'Henrcux,  laden  with  arms 
and  munitions  of  war,  for  the  United  States,  arrived  at  Portsmouth,  New  Hamp 
shire.  Baron  Steuben,  a  Prussian  officer,  and  one  of  the  aides-de-camp  of  Frede- 
rick the  Great,  came  passenger  in  her,  and  tendered  his  services  to  Congress,  which 
were  accepted,  and  he  became  one  of  the  most  efficient  officers  in  the  Continental 
army. 


250 


THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


[1777. 


Conditions  of  the  Treaty  of  Alliance. 


and  commerce,  and  of  alliance,  with  the  United  States,  on  the  footing 
of  the  most  perfect  equality  and  reciprocity.  It  was  declared  in  the 
treaty  of  alliance,  that  if  war  should  break  out  between  France  and 
England,  during  the  existence  of  that  with  the  United  States,  it 
should  be  made  a  common  cause ;  and  that  neither  of  the  contract- 
ing parties  should  conclude  either  truce  or  peace  with  Great  Britain, 
without  the  formal  consent  of  the  other  first  obtained  ;  and  they 
mutually  engaged  not  to  lay  down  their  arms  "  until  the  independence 
of  the  United  States  shall  have  been  formally,  or  tacitly,  assumed, 
by  the  treaty  or  treaties,  that  should  terminate  the  war."  Thus 
closed  the  year  1777.  The  future  looked  far  brighter  than  it  did  at 
the  close  of  the  preceding  year,  and  it  was  joyfully  believed  that  the 
late  successes  of  the  American  arms,  and  the  alliance  with  France 
would  terminate  hostilities  ere  another  campaign  should  open. 


' 


DCLXk 


Washington's  Head-quartsrs,  at;  Morrietown,  H.  3. 


EVENTS  OF  1778 


Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  aged  25 — Baron  Steuben— Commodore  John  Paul  Jones 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

HE  American  encampment  at  Valley 
Forge  during  the  severe  winter  of 
1777-8,  presented  a  spectacle  for 
which  the  pen  of  History  never  drew 
a  parallel.  A  large  army*  was  there 
concentrated,  whose  naked  foot-prints 
in  the  snow,  converging  to  that  bleak 
hill-side,  were  often  marked  with 
blood.  Absolute  Destitution  there 
held  high  court ;  and  never  was  the 

*  The  whole  number  of  men  in  the  field  was  eleven  thousand  and  ninety-eight, 
when  the  encampment  commenced.  Of  this  number  two  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  ninetv-eight  were  unfit  for  duty. — Sparks  (1  vol.),  p.  256. 


252  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1778. 


Sufferings  of  the  American-i  :U  Valley  Forge. 


chivalric  heroism  of  patient,  suffering  more  tangibly  manifested  than 
was  exhibited  by  that  patriot  hand  within  those  frail  log  huts  that 
barely  covered  them  from  the  falling  snow,  or  sheltered  them  from 
the  keen  wintry  blasts.  Many  were  utterly  without  shoes  or  stock- 
ings, and  nearly  naked,  obliged  to  sit  night  after  night  shivering  round 
their  fires  in  quest  of  the  comforts  of  heat,  instead  of  taking  that 
needful  repose  which  nature  craves.  Hunger  also  became  a  resi- 
dent tormentor,  for  the  prevalence  of  toryism  in  the  vicinage  ;  the 
avarice  of  commissaries,  the  lardy  movements  of  Congress  in  sup- 
plying provisions,  and  the  close  proximity  of  a  powerful  enemy, 
combined  to  make  the  procurement  of  provisions  absolutely  imprac- 
ticable without  a  resort  to  force.  But  few  horses  were  in  the  camp; 
and  such  was  the  deficiency  in  this  respect  for  the  ordinary,  as  well 
as  extraordinary  occasions  of  the  army,  that  the  men  in  many  in- 
stances cheerfully  yoked  themselves  to  vehicles  of  their  own  con- 
struction, for  carrying  wood  and  provisions  when  procured  ;  while 
others  performed  the  duty  of  pack-horses,  and  carried  heavy  burdens 
of  fuel  upon  their  backs.*  Yet  amidst  all  this  suffering  day  after 
day,  surrounded  by  frost  and  snow,  patriotism  was  still  warm  and 
hopeful  in  the  hearts  of  the  soldiers,  and  the  love  of  self  was  merged 
into  the  one  great  sentiment,  love  of  country.  Although  a  few 
feeble  notes  of  discontent  were  heard,  and  symptoms  of  an  intention 
to  abandon  the  cause  were  visible,  yet  the  great  body  of  that  suffer- 
ing phalanx  were  content  to  wait  for  the  budding  spring,  and  be 
ready  to  enter  anew  upon  the  fields  of  strife  for  the  cause  of  Free- 
lorn. t  Unprovided  with  materials  to  raise  their  beds  from  the  cold 
ground,  the  dampness  occasioned  sickness  and  death  to  rage  among 
them  to  an  astonishing  degree.  "  Indeed,  nothing  could  surpass  their 
suffering,  except  the  patience  and  fortitude  with  which  it  was  en- 
dured by  the  faithful  part  of  the  army."J  Amid  all  this  distress,  in 
the  neighborhood  of  a  powerful  British  army,  fearless  of  its  num- 
bers   and   strength,  and  licentiousness,^    a   striking   proof  of  their 

*  Mrs.  Warren's  History  of  the  Revolution,  vol.  i.,  p.  389. 

f  General  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  Congress,  thus  wrote : — "  For  some  days 
there  has  been  little  less  than  famine  in  the  camp.  A  part  of  the  army  have  been 
a  week  without  any  kind  of  flesh,  and  the  rest  three  or  four  days.  Naked  and 
starving  as  they  are,  we  cannot  enough  admire  the  incomparable  patience  and  fidelity 
of  the  soldiery,  that  they  have  not  been,  ere  this,  excited  by  their  sufferings  to  a 
general  mutiny  and  dispersion.  Strong  symptoms,  however,  of  discontent  have 
appeared  in  particular  instances ;  and  nothing  but  the  most  active  efforts  every- 
where, can  long  avert  so  shocking  a  catastrophe." 

%  Letter  of  the  Committee  of  Congress,  to  Mr.  Laurens,  President  of  that  body. 

§  It  is  admitted,  even  by  English  writers,  that  General  Howe  and  his  officers, 
during  that  winter  in  Philadelphia,  abandoned  themselves  to  idleness  and  debauche- 
ry ;  while  the  soldiers  were  left  to  indulge  their  own  social  habits. 


chap,  vni.]  EVENTS  OF  1778.  253 

American  ladies  in  camp.  Conspiracy  against  Washington. 

intrepidity  in  suffering  was  exhibited  by  the  Americans.  The 
Commander-in-chief,  and  several  of  the  principal  officers  of  the 
American  army,  in  defiance  of  danger  either  to  themselves  and  such 
tender  connexions,  sent  for  their  ladies  from  the  different  States  to 
which  they  belonged,  to  pass  the  remainder  of  the  winter  there.* 
Nothing  but  the  inexperience  of  the  American  ladies,  and  their  con- 
fidence in  the  judgment  of  their  husbands,  could  justify  this  hazard 
to  their  persons,  and  to  their  feelings  of  delicacy.t 

It  was  an  arduous  task  for  Washington  to  keep  together  and  sup- 
ply with  provisions,  that  army  of  suffering  men,  and  night  and  day 
his  efforts  were  almost  unceasing  for  their  comfort  and  convenience. 
As  a  last  resort,  he  compelled  those  who  had  withheld  provisions  to 
furnish  them  forthwith.  Sheer  necessity  obliged  him,  in  this  in- 
stance, to  treat  the  American  tories  with  as  little  consideration  as  the 
English  soldiery4  In  the  midst  of  these  difficulties,  jealous  and 
restless  minds  had  formed  a  conspiracy  to  tarnish  the  fair  fame  of 
the  Commander-in-chief,  to  weaken  the  affections  of  the  people  for 
him,  and  to  place  the  supreme  command  in  other  hands.  He  was 
attacked  by  anonymous  letters,  censuring  him  for  his  apathetic 
movements — his  "Fabian  slowness,"  and  strongly  contrasting  his 
reverses  upon  the  Delaware  and  its  vicinity  with  the  brilliant  victory  of 
Gates  at  the  north.  Most  of  these  letters  bore  the  signature  of  De  Lisle, 
the  authorship  of  which  was  never  publicly  known,  but  generally 
attributed  to  Conway,  a  brigadier  in  the  army,  who  had  been  in  the 
French  service  from  his  youth.  The  other  chief  actors  in  this  con- 
spiracy, called  "  Conway's  Cabal,"  were  Generals  Mifflin  and  Gates  ; 
and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  several  Members  of  Congress  partook 
of  the  disaffection,  doubted  the  ability  of  Washington  to  execute 
his  high  trust,  and  countenanced  the  scheme  for  his  supersession. § 


*  Mrs.  Washington  joined  her  husband  at  Valley  Forge  in  February.  Writing 
a  month  afterwards,  to  Mrs.  Mercy  Warren,  the  historian  of  the  Revolution,  she 
said,  "  The  General's  apartment  is  very  small ;  he  has  had  a  log  cabin  built  to  dine 
in,  which  has  made  our  quarters  much  more  tolerable  than  they  were  at  first." — 
Sparks,  p.  256. 

f  Mrs.  Warren,  vol.  i.,  p.  389. 

\  In  obedience  to  a  resolution  of  Congress,  Washington  issued  a  proclamation, 
requiring  all  the  farmers  within  seventy  miles  of  Valley  Forge  to  thresh  out  one 
half  of  their  grain  by  the  first  of  February,  and  the  rest  by  the  first  of  March, 
under  the  penalty  of  having  the  whole  seized  as  straw.  Many  farmers  refused, 
defended  their  grain  and  cattle  with  muskets  and  rifle,  and  in  some  instances  burnt 
what  they  could  not  defend. 

§  Even  Samuel  Adams  was  suspected  of  unfriendly  designs  towards  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief. But  there  were  never  sufficient  grounds  to  suppose  that  Mr. 
Adams  ever  harbored  any  disaffection  towards  the  person  of  Washington ;  on  the 
contrary,  he  respected  and  esteemed  his  character,  and  loved  the  man.     But  zeal- 

17 


254  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1778. 

Forged  letters  attributed  to  Washington.  General  Conway  the  actor  in  the  cabal. 

Attempts  were  made,  through  persuasion,  and  flattery,  and  promised 
honors,  to  link  La  Fayette  with  them,  but  it  proved  a  signal  failure. 
The  firmness  with  which  the  young  patriot  clung  to  Washington 
during  this  trial  of  the  hero's  sensitive  heart,  shamed  the  secret  ene- 
mies and  jealous  rivals  of  that  great  man,  and  was  mainly  instru- 
mental in  dissolving  the  cabal.*  A  pamphlet  was  also  published  in 
London,  containing  several  reputed  letters  of  Washington,  wherein 
he  was  made  to  speak  disparagingly  of  Congress,  and  express  strong 
wishes  for  a  reconciliation.  This  pamphlet  was  industriously  cir- 
culated in  America,  but  it  had  but  little  effect  upon  the  public  mind, 
other  than  contempt  for  the  infamous  forger.  This  was  likewise 
attributed  to  Conway,  who  was  a  man  of  considerable  literary 
talents,  and  was  quite  above  mediocrity  in  military  tactics.  Like 
many  others,  the  glowing  promises  of  rank  and  influence,  injudi- 
ciously made  by  the  ardent  Silas  Deane,  caused  him  great  disap- 
pointment when  he  arrived  and  found  that  subordinate  station  was 
all  he  could  command.  He  was  appointed  Inspector-General  of  the 
American  forces,  and  yet  saw  no  chance  for  preferment,  except  by 
a  pathway  over  the  ruins  of  the  character  and  influence  of  the 
Great  Leader,  and  to  this  path  heartless  ambition  beckoned  him.  But, 
finding  his  expectations  not  half  realized,  and  being  generally  sus- 
pected of  an  identity  with  De  Lisle,  he  resigned  his  commission  and 
returned  to  Europe.!  He  was  succeeded  in  office  by  Baron  Steuben, 
whose  great  experience  under  Frederick  the  Great  eminently  quali- 
fied him  for  its  duties,  and  in  a  short  time,  he  introduced  a  system 
of  tactics  and  discipline  into  the  army,  which  met  with  the  hearty 


cms  and  ardent  in  his  defence  of  his  injured  country,  he  was  startled  at  everything 
that  appeared  to  retard  the  operations  of  the  war,  or  impede  the  success  of  the 
Revolution  ;  a  revolution  for  which  posterity  is  as  much  indebted  to  the  talent  and 
exertions  of  Mr.  Adams,  as  to  those  of  any  one  in  the  United  States. — Mrs.  Warren, 
vol.  i.,  p.  393. 

*  A  new  Board  of  War  was  about  this  time  instituted,  with  Gates  at  its  head. 
This  Board,  without  consulting  Washington,  planned  an  expedition  to  Canada,  and 
appointed  La  Fayette  to  the  command,  hoping  thereby  to  win  him  over.  By  the 
advice  of  Washington,  he  accepted  the  proffered  honor,  and  before  starting  for 
Albany  he  visited  the  Board  at  Yorktown,  Virginia,  for  instructions.  He  met  them 
at  table,  and  as  the  wine  passed  round,  several  toasts  were  given.  Determined  to 
let  his  sentiments  be  known,  La  Fayette  gave,  "  The  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
American  Armies."  It  was  coldly  received,  and  perceiving  the  true  sentiments  of 
the  patriotic  Frenchman,  they  soon  after  abandoned  the  project,  and  La  Fayette 
returned  to  Valley  Forge.  I 

f  Before  leaving  the  country,  he  got  into  a  dispute  with  an  American  officer, 
which  led  to  a  duel.  Conway  was  severely,  and  as  he  thought,  mortally,  wounded ; 
and  believing  he  should  die,  he  wrote  to  Washington,  expressing  sorrow  for  his 
conduct,  and  concluded  by  saying,  "  May  you  long  enjoy  the  love,  veneration,  and 
esteem  of  these  States,  whose  liberties  you  have  asserted  by  your  virtues." 


chap,  vm.]  EVENTS  OF  1T78.  255 

Washington's  firmness  and  patriotism.  Proceedings  in  Parliament. 

approval  of  Congress  and  of  Washington,  and  which,  for  many- 
years  after  the  close  of  the  war,  was  used  by  the  States  for  training 
the  militia. 

The  unworthy  efforts  of  the  secret  enemies  of  Washington  were 
like  a  viper  biting  a  file.  They  only  served  to  increase  the  confi- 
dence and  affections  of  the  people  in  and  for  him ;  and  his  dignified 
silence  while  the  waves  of  opposition  were  beating  fiercely  against 
him — a  silence  warranted  by  his  conscious  integrity,  and  the  injustice 
of  the  attack,  was  a  more  fitting  rebuke  than  words  could  have 
administered.  Though  deeply  wounded,  yet  Washington's  remark- 
able prudence  too  clearly  perceived  that  a  public  defence  would 
necessarily  involve  the  development  of  facts  which  the  enemy  ought 
not  to  know  ;  and  he  chose  rather  to  suffer  contumely  in  silence, 
than  to  endanger  the  cause  by  a  self-defence. 

Before  proceeding  to  a  consideration  of  the  military  events  of 
1778,  let  us  for  a  moment  glance  at  the  movements  of  the  British 
Parliament.  British  statesmen,  particularly  those  of  the  ministerial 
party,  had,  previous  to  the  defeat  of  Burgoyne,  deemed  a  speedy 
termination  of  the  war  an  unquestionable  certainty.  But  whe/i  the 
news  of  the  surrender  of  the  whole  British  army  of  the  north  reached 
them,  they  were  utterly  confounded,  and  profound  dejection  marked 
the  whole  British  realm.  The  pompous  boasts  of  ministers,  the 
confident  tone  of  the  King,  and  the  high  character  of  generals  chosen 
to  direct  the  war,  had  awakened  the  most  sanguine  expectations  of 
a  speedy  peace,  and  hence  the  news  of  these  reverses  was  as  de- 
jecting as  unexpected.  Lord  North  was  greatly  alarmed,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  listen  to  the  thousand-tongued  voice  of  public  senti- 
ment in  favor  of  measures  to  secure  an  honorable  peace.  Abroad, 
in  all  parts  of  the  country,  ministers  were  censured ;  and  in  Parlia- 
ment, the  opposition  were  more  vehement  than  ever.  In  the  House 
of  Lords,  the  indignant  eloquence  of  Chatham  when  he  commented 
upon  the  employment  of  German  troops,  had  a  powerful  effect. 
"  You  may  swell,"  said  he,  "every  expense,  and  every  effort  still 
more  extravagantly ;  pile  and  accumulate  every  assistance  you  can 
buy  or  borrow ;  traffic  and  barter  with  every  little,  pitiful  German 
prince,  that  sells  and  sends  his  subjects  to  the  shambles  of  a  foreign 
power  :  your  efforts  are  for  ever  vain  and  impotent — doubly  so  from 
this  mercenary  aid  on  which  you  rely ;  for  it  irritates  to  an  incurable 
resentment  the  minds  of  your  enemies — to  overrun  them  with  the 
mercenary  sons  of  rapine  and  plunder ;  devoting  them  and  their 
possessions  to  the  rapacity  of  hireling  cruelty  !  If  I  were  an  Ame- 
rican, as  I  am  an  Englishman,  while  a  foreign  troop  was  landed  in  my 
country,  I  never  would  lay  down  my  arms — never — never — never  !" 


256  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1778. 

Concessions  of  Ministers.  Virtual  Declaration  of  War  against  France. 

In  the  lower  House,  both  Lords  North  and  Germaine  were  assailed 
with  equal  violence,  and  the  latter  with  not  a  little  severe  ridicule. 
Burke  compared  North  to  the  "  pigmy  physician"  who  was  set  to 
watch  over  the  health  of  Sancho  Panza  ;  while  Fox,  by  a  more  apt 
illustration,  compared  Lord  George  Germaine,  the  Secretary  of  War, 
and  chief  director  of  American  affairs,  to  Doctor  Sangrado,  whose 
grand  and  only  remedy  was  to  bleed.  "  Bleeding,"  said  he,  "  has 
been  his  only  prescription.  For  two  years  that  he  has  presided  over 
American  affairs,  the  most  violent  scalping,  tomahawking  measures 
have  been  pursued.  If  a  people,  deprived  of  their  ancient  rights, 
have  grown  tumultuous — bleed  them  !  If  they  are  attacked  with  a 
spirit  of  insurrection — bleed  them  !  If  their  fever  should  rise  into 
rebellion — bleed  them  !  cries  this  State  physician  :  more  blood : 
more  blood  :  still  more  blood  !" 

■  On  the  seventeenth  of  February,0  Lord  North  produced  a 

conciliatory  plan,  included  in  two  bills,  by  which  England 
virtually  conceded  all  that  had  been  the  cause  of  controversy  be- 
tween the  two  countries.  In  fact,  more  was  offered  than  the  Colo- 
nies had  ever  asked  or  desired  before  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence. The  right  of  taxation  was  to  be  renounced  ;  the  violated  con- 
stitutions were  to  be  restored;  every  act  since  1763  was  to  be 
abrogated,  except  such  as  were  manifestly  beneficial  to  the  Colonies  ; 
and  in  the  course  of  his  speech  in  support  of  his  plan,  Lord  North 
recommended  that  Congress  should  be  treated  with  as  a  legal  body. 
This  renunciation  by  ministers  of  all  their  high  pretensions  to  abso- 
lute sovereignty  over  the  American  Colonies,  was  a  signal  triumph 
for  the  opposition,  who,  for  thirteen  years,  had  battled  manfully  for 
American  liberty  upon  the  floor  of  Parliament.  The  bills  passed 
rapidly  through  both  Houses,  and  received  the  royal  signa- 

i  March  11.  . 

ture.* 

On  the  seventeenth  of  March,  Parliament  was  informed  of  the 
treaty  between  the  United  States  and  France.  The  British  Minister 
at  that  Court  was  immediately  recalled  ;  the  French  Ambassador  in 
London  received  his  passports  at  the  same  time,  and  thus  war  was 
virtually  declared  between  the  two  countries.  In  the  meanwhile, 
commissioners  had  been  sent  to  America  with  proposals  for  an 
amicable  adjustment  of  all  difficulties. 

Many  of  the  opposition  now  advocated  the  acknowledgment  of 
American  Independence ;  but  Chatham,  with  all  his  fervor  in  the 
cause  of  freedom  for  the  Americans  to  the  fullest  extent  known  in 
the  British  constitution,  could  not  brook  the  thought  of  a  dismem- 
berment of  that  mighty  empire,  which  he  had  been  so  instrumental 


chap,  vra.]                             EVENTS  OF  1778.                                      257 
, • — 

The  last  speech  of  William  Pitt  in  Parliament.  Arrival  of  British  Commissioners  in  America. 

in  widely  extending.  He  appeared  in  the  Hou^e  of  Lords,* 
and  taking  his  hand  from  his  crutch,  he  raised  it  and  ex- 
claimed, "  I  thank  God  that  I  have  been  enabled  to  come  here  this 
day  to  perform  my  duty,  and  to  speak  on  a  subject  that  has  so  deeply 
impressed  my  mind.  I  am  old  and  infirm ;  I  have  one  foot,  more 
than  one  foot,  in  the  grave  ;  I  am  risen  from  my  bed,  to  stand  up  in 
the  cause  of  my  country — perhaps  never  again  to  speak  in  this 
House.*  I  rejoice  that  the  grave  has  not  closed  over  me  ;  that  I  am 
still  alive  to  lift  up  my  voice  against  the  dismemberment  of  this 
ancient  and  most  noble  monarchy.  Shall  this  great  kingdom,  that 
has  survived  the  Danish  depredators,  the  Scottish  invaders,  and  the 
Norman  conquest ;  that  has  stood  the  threatened  invasion  of  the 
Spanish  Armada,  now  fall  prostrate  before  the  house  of  Bourbon  ? 
Surely,  my  Lords,  this  nation  is  no  longer  what  it  was  !  Shall  a 
people,  that  fifteen  years  ago  were  the  terror  of  the  world,  now  stoop 
so  low  as  to  tell  their  ancient,  inveterate  enemy — '  take  all  we  have, 
only  give  us  peace  !'  It  is  impossible  !  In  God's  name,  if  it  is 
absolutely  necessary  to  declare  either  for  peace  or  war,  and  the 
former  cannot  be  preserved  with  honor,  why  is  not  the  latter  com- 
menced without  hesitation  ?  I  am  not,  I  confess,  well  informed  of 
the  resources  of  this  kingdom ;  but  I  trust  it  has  still  sufficient  to 
maintain  its  just  rights,  though  I  know  them  not.     But,  my  Lords, 

any  state  is  better  than  despair Let  us  at  least  make  one  effort ; 

and  if  we  must  fall,  let  us  fall  like  men."  The  proposition  to 
acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  United  States  was  negatived 
by  a  large  majority. 

The  British  Commissioners!  landed  at  Philadelphia  about  the  first 
of  June,  and  sent  to  Congress  copies  of  their  commission,  the  acts 
of  Parliament  in  reference  to  their  appointment,  and  the  terms  they 
were  instructed  to  offer.  These  were  referred  to  a  committee  of 
five,  and  when  they  reported,  the  President  was  directed  to  reply  to 
the  Commissioners,  and  inform  them  that  the  preliminaries  to  any 
negotiation  with  Great  Britain  on  the  subject  must  be  the  withdrawal 
of  her  fleets  and  armies.  The  Commissioners  made  a  second,  but 
unsuccessful  attempt  at  negotiation,  and  also  made  public  declara- 
tions, but  these  were  derided.     Finally,  they  attempted  to  win  some 

*  This  was  the  last  speech  he  ever  made  in  that  House.  In  the  course  of  his 
address,  when  excited  to  the  highest  degree  of  eloquence,  he  was  suddenly  seized 
with  illness  of  an  apoplectic  character,  and  he  would  have  fallen  to  the  floor  had 
not  some  members  caught  him  in  their  arms.  The  House  was  in  great  confusion  : 
all  pressed  round  with  anxious  solicitude,  and  the  debate  closed  without  another 
word.  He  was  removed  to  his  residence,  where  he  expired  on  the  eleventh  of 
May,  in  the  seventieth  year  of  his  age. 

t  Earl  Carlisle,  Governor  Johnstone,  and  William  Eden 


258  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1778. 

Reception  of  the  Treaty  with  France.  Recall  of  General  Sir  William  Howe. 

of  the  Members  of  Congress  over  to  the  British  interest,  by  large 
bribes,*  but  they  were  not  only  foiled  in  this,  but  the  effort  created 
universal  indignation.  Congress  at  once  resolved  to  hold  no  further 
communication  ;  and  the  Commissioners,  after  attempting  to  affect 
the  people  by  addresses  and  proclamations,  returned  to  England. 

A  few  weeks  previous  to  this,  the  French  frigate  "  La  Sensible," 
arrived  in  Casco  Bay,  bearing  the  joyful  tidings  to  the  Americans,  in 
an  official  form,  of  the  treaty  concluded  between  the  United  States 
and  France,  and  also  the  intelligence  that  other  European  powers 
were  favorably  inclined  to  the  Republican  cause.  Congress  was 
immediately  convened,!  and  the  treaties  were  ratified  as  soon  as 
read.  Congress  also  issued  a  proclamation,  embodying  the  various 
foreign  documents  they  had  received,  touching  the  independence  of 
America.  It  spoke  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  and  alliance  with 
France,  and  asserted  that  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  and  the  Kings 
of  Spain  and  Prussia  were  determined  to  support  the  Americans ; 
that  armies  and  fleets  from  France  were  preparing  to  come, — per- 
haps were  on  their  way — to  America,  and  that  ample  strength  would 
be  vouchsafed  them  for  absolute  success  in  the  next  campaign. 
This  proclamation,  and  an  energetic  address  which  Congress  sent 
forth,  produced  universal  joy,  and  the  people  were  anxious  to  see 
the  next  campaign  open,  which  they  fondly  hoped  would  be  a  short 
one.  They  rejoiced  in  the  prospect  of  seeing  the  Sword  exchanged 
for  the  Olive-branch  of  Peace,  and  obedience  to  a  transatlantic 
monarch  and  a  partial  legislature,  substituted  by  self-sovereignty 
and  just  and  equal  representation. 

Early  in  the  spring,  General  Howe  requested  his  recall,  which 
request  was  immediately  granted,  and  on  the  eighteenth  of  May  his 
officers  gave  him  a  great  fete,  as  a  "  leave-taking."  The  pompous 
and  contemptible  show  on  that  occasion,  was  a  fit  finale  to  the  dis- 
graceful scenes  in  which  Howe  and  his  officers  had  borne  a  con- 
spicuous part  during  the  winter  in  Philadelphia.!     This  fete  was 

*  The  President  (Henry  Laurens),  Joseph  Reed,  Francis  Dana,  Robert  Morris, 
and  others,  were  thus  approached.  General  Reed  was  offered  ten  thousand  pounds 
sterling  and  the  most  valuable  office  in  the  Colonies,  if  he  would  exert  his  abilities 
to  promote  a  reconciliation.  To  this  base  proposition  he  replied : — "  I  am  hot  worth 
purchasing ;  but  such  as  I  am,  the  King  of  Great  Britain  is  not  rich  enough  to  buy 
me." 

t  It  was  Saturday  afternoon,  and  Congress  had  adjourned  to  ten  o'clock  Monday 
morning.  The  despatches  were  brought  by  Simeon  Deane,  brother  of  Silas,  the 
American  Commissioner,  and  the  Members  of  Congress  were  called  together,  and 
the  despatches  opened  and  read. — See  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  iv.,  p.  255. 

t  Stedman,  a  British  officer  under  Cornwallis,  says  :  "  During  the  winter  a  very 
unfortunate  inattention  was  shown  to  the  feelings  of  the  inhabitants,  whose  satis- 
faction should  have  been  vigilantly  consulted,  both  from  gratitude  and  from  inte- 


chap,  m]  EVENTS  OF  1778.  259 

fiir  Henry  Clinton  called  to  the  chief  command.  Grand  Fete  in  honor  of  the  Howes. 

called  a  Mischianza,  an  Italian  word,  signifying  a  medley,  and  is 
said  to   have  exceeded  in  magnificence  of  exhibition  even  those  of 
Louis  XIV.*     Six  days  after  the  fetea  Sir  William  Howe 
took  his  departure,  and  at  the  same  time,  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
arrived  from  New  York  to  assume  the  chief  command.     He  was 
instructed  by  his  government  to  evacuate  Philadelphia,  and  concen- 
trate all   his   forces  at  New  York,   Philadelphia   being  deemed   a 
disadvantageous  position,  being  so  far  inland,  and  liable  to  be  block- 
aded by  the  expected  French  fleets.     He  immediately  set  about  the 
execution  of  this  order,  but  in  a  very  secret  manner,  so  as  to  conceal 
from  Washington,  at  Valley  Forge,  his  real  designs.     But  the  vigi- 
lance of  the  American  chief  soon  discovered  the  movement  ; 
and  he  sent  out  from  Valley  Forgea  a  detachment  of  two  thou- 
sand men,  under  General  La  Fayette,  to  cover  the  country  between 

rest.  They  experienced  many  of  the  horrors  of  civil  war.  The  soldiers  insulted 
and  plundered  them :  and  their  houses  were  occupied  as  barracks  without  any 
compensation.  Some  of  the  first  families  were  compelled  to  receive  into  their 
habitations  individual  officers,  who  were  even  indecent  enough  to  introduce  their 
mistresses  into  the  mansions  of  their  hospitable  entertainers.  Gaming  of  every 
description  was  allowed,  and  officers  and  soldiers  were  debased  by  their  vicious 
habits."  In  view  of  these  things,  Dr.  Franklin  remarked,  that  Howe  had  not 
taken  Philadelphia,  but  Philadelphia  Howe. 

*  In  the  Annual  (British)  Register  for  177S,  is  a  minute  description  of  this 
Mischianza,  occupying  thirteen  columns,  said  to  have  been  written  by  the  unfor- 
tunate Major  Andre,  who  was  present  on  the  occasion,  from  which  we  gather  the 
following :  A  grand  regatta  on  the  Delaware  began  the  entertainment,  with  all  the 
bands  on  shore  playing  "  God  save  the  King."  All  the  colors  of  the  army  were 
arranged  in  a  grand  avenue  three  hundred  feet  long,  and  lined  with  the  King'3 
troops,  with  two  principal  arches,  for  the  two  brothers  (the  Admiral  and  General),  to 
march  along  in  pompous  procession,  followed  by  a  numerous  train  of  attendants  f 
with  seven  silken  Knights  of  the  Blended  Rose,  and  seven  more  of  the  Burning 
Mountain  ;  and  fourteen  damsels  dressed  in  the  Turkish  fashion  ;  each  knight  bear- 
ing an  appropriate  motto,  in  allusion  to  the  damsel  of  his  choice.  After  this 
procession  followed  a  tilt,  or  tournament,  in  which  Lord  Cathcart  acted  the  part  of 
chief  knight,  his  device  being  Cupid  riding  on  a  lion  ;  his  motto,  "  Surmounted  by 
Love  ;"  and  the  lady  he  professed  to  honor,  Miss  Auchmuty,  of  Philadelphia.  This 
was  followed  by  a  ball,  not  omitting  the  faro  table  !  After  this  a  magnificent  sup- 
per, where  there  were  four  hundred  and  thirty  covers,  and  twelve  hundred  dishes. 
Twenty-four  black  slaves  in  oriental  costume,  with  silver  collars  and  armlets,  were 
ranged  in  two  lines,  and  bent  themselves  to  the  earth  as  the  General  and  Admiral 
approached  the  table.  The  evening  closed  with  healths  to  the  King,  Queen,  and 
royal  family,  and  a  grand  flourish  of  trumpets.  Paine,  in  one  of  the  numbers  of 
his  paper  called  the  "  Crisis,"  gave  a  laughable  account  of  this  farce.  Alluding  to 
General  Howe,  he  says,  "  He  bounces  off',  with  his  bombs  and  burning  hearts  set 
upon  the  pillars  of  his  triumphant  arch,  which  at  the  proper  time  of  the  show,  burst 
out  with  a  shower  of  squibs  and  crackers,  and  other  fire-works,  to  the  delight  and 
amazement  of  Miss  Craig,  Miss  Chew,  Miss  Redman,  and  all  the  other  Misses 
dressed  out  as  the  fair  damsels  of  the  Blended  Rose,  and  of  the  Burning  Mountain, 
for  this  farce  of  knight-errantry."  How  strange  that  such  sensible  men  as  these 
two  commanders  were,  should  have  consented  to  receive  such  gross  adulation. 


260  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1778. 

Evacuation  of  Philadelphia  by  the  British.  The  British  pursued  by  the  Americans. 

the  Delaware  and  Schuylkill,  to  obstruct  incursions  of  the  enemy's 
parties,  and  obtain  accurate  information  respecting  their  movements. 
La  Fayette  marched  to  Barren  Hill,  towards  which  the  British  sent 
a  large  force  at  night,  and,  through  the  negligence  or  perfidy  of  one 
of  La  Fayette's  piquet  guard,  he  was  nearly  surrounded  before  he 
was  aware  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  He  quickly  perceived 
and  executed  a  most  skilful  manoeuvre,  by  which  he  gained  a  ford, 
and  marched  his  whole  army  across  the  Schuylkill,  with  the  loss  of 
only  nine  men. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  eighteenth  of  June,  General  Clinton 
commenced  his  march  from  Philadelphia.  The  news  of  this  move- 
ment of  the  British  army  was  received  by  Washington  while  hold- 
ing a  council  of  war  with  his  officers,  to  determine  the  numbers  of 
the  respective  armies,*  and  the  chances  of  success  in  a  general 
engagement.  In  the  meanwhile,  General  Maxwell  had  been  ordered 
to  cross  the  Delaware,  and  act  in  concert  with  General  Dickenson, 
who  was  in  command  of  the  New  Jersey  militia.  As  soon  as  the 
British  army  had  crossed  the  Delaware,  a  detachment  under  Arnold 
took  possession  of  Philadelphia.!  Generals  LeeJ  and  Wayne  took 
the  road  to  Coryell's  Ferry ;  and  six  days  afterwards  the  whole  Ame- 
rican army  landed  upon  the  New  Jersey  shore,  and  marched  to 
Hopewell,  five  miles  from  Princeton.  The  British  army  had  crossed 
at  Gloucester  Point,  and  proceeded  by  the  way  of  Haddonfield  and 
Mount  Holly,  to  Allentown,  where,  in  consequence  of  the  approxi- 
mation of  Washington  to  his  front,  Clinton  determined  to  keep  him 
to  the  right,  and  took  the  road  leading  to  Monmouth  and  Sandy 
Hook.  He  was  greatly  harassed  all  the  way  by  Morgan's  corps  of 
six  hundred  riflemen  hanging  upon  his  right  flank,  while  Generals 
Maxwell  and  Scott  constantly 'galled  the  left  and  rear. 

At  Hopewell,  Washington  called  a  council  of  war,  to  discuss  the 
best  mode  of  attack  upon  the  enemy.  The  council  was  divided,  Lee 
and  others  advising  to  avoid  a  general  battle,  but  to  harass  the  enemy 
upon  flank  and  rear.  Finding  these  dissentient  councils  an  impedi- 
ment, Washington  determined  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  dictates 

*  The  number  of  troops  at  Valley  Forge  was  about  eleven  thousand  on  the  eighth 
of  May,  when  a  private  council  was  held  ;  and  the  whole  American  force  then  in 
the  field,  including  all  the  garrisons  at  other  places,  did  not  exceed  fifteen  thousand 
men.  The  British  army  in  Philadelphia  and  New  York  amounted  to  nearly  thirty 
thousand,  of  which  nineteen  thousand  were  in  the  former  place.  There  were 
besides  three  thousand  seven  hundred  at  Rhode  Island. 

f  In  consideration  of  his  previous  eminent  services,  and  to  allow  him  to  recover 
from  some  wounds,  and  adjust  some  long  accounts  with  Congress,  Washington 
appointed  Arnold  to  the  tranquil  post  of  military  Governor  of  Philadelphia.  Here 
was  opened  the  first  scene  in  the  drama  of  his  subsequent  treason. 

X  Lee  had  been  very  lately  exchanged  for  General  Prescott. 


chap,  vm.]  EVENTS  OF  1778.  261 

Conduct  of  Major-General  Lee.  Battle  of  Monmouth. 

of  his  own  judgment,  and  at  once  sent  forward  between  three  and 
four  thousand  men  to  commence  an  attack,  while  he,  with  the  rest 
of  the  army,  remained  a  few  miles  behind,  ready  to  support  them  if 
necessary.  The  command  of  this  force  was  given  to  La  Fayette 
and  Wayne  ;  and  General  Lee,  who  was  next  in  command  to  Wash- 
ington, was  ordered  with  two  additional  brigades  to  join  them. 

Perceiving  these  threatening  movements  of  the  pursuing  Ameri- 
cans, Clinton  placed  his  baggage  train  in  front,  and  his  best  men  in 
the  rear,  and  with  his  army  thus  arranged,  encamped  in  a  strong 
position  near  Monmouth  Court  House  at  Freehold.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  the  British  front  began  to  march, 
intelligence  of  which  reached  Washington  about  five  o'clock,  he 
being  distant  six  or  seven  miles.  He  instantly  put  the  army  in 
motion,  and  despatched  the  light-horse  of  La  Fayette  to  make  an 
attack.  The  British  wheeled,  and,  under  Clinton  and  Cornwallis, 
made  a  furious  charge,  which  compelled  La  Fayette  to  fall  back, 
much  to  the  surprise  of  Lee,  who  was  also  advancing  with  about 
five  thousand  men.  Lee  at  once  ordered  a  retreat  across  a  morass 
in  his  rear,  to  a  stronger  position  ;  but  his  troops  mistaking  his  order, 
as  he  alleged,  continued  to  retreat  until  they  met  the  advance  of  the 
main  army,  under  Washington,  and  thereby  produced  great  confu- 
sion, no  notice  of  the  retreat  having  been  given.  Washington  was 
greatly  surprised  and  mortified  at  this  unexpected  retreat,  and 
addressing  Lee  with  much  warmth,  ordered  him  to  rally  his  troops 
and  bring  them  immediately  into  action.*  Lee  promptly  obeyed, 
and  the  order  of  battle  was  restored  in  time  for  him  to  oppose  a 
powerful  check  to  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  until  the  main  division 
came  up. 

Generals  Greene  and  Wayne  simultaneously  attacked  the  enemy's 
front  and  left  flank.  The  battle  became  general,  and  lasted  till 
night.  Intending  to  renew  the  contest  in  the  morning,  Washington 
directed  the  troops  to  lie  upon  their  arms,  while  he,  wrapped  in  his 
cloak,  passed  the  night  upon  the  battle-field.     At  dawn  the 

•  ,  n.    „  a  June  2a 

next  morning,0  no  enemy  was  to  be  seen,  bir  Henry  Clinton 

having  silently  withdrawn  his  troops  during  the  night,  and  followed 

his  baggage-train  to  Middlebrook.     His  position  was  there  so  strong, 

*  General  Lee  was  greatly  irritated  by  the  reprimand  of  Washington.  His  haughty 
pride  was  touched ;  and  the  next  day  he  addressed  two  offensive  letters  to  the 
Commander-in-chief,  demanding  reparation.  He  was  soon  put  under  arrest,  charged 
with  disobedience  of  orders;  misbehavior  before  the  enemy;  and  disrespect  to 
the  Commander-in-chief.  He  was  found  guilty  of  all  the  charges,  and  was  sen- 
tenced to  suspension  from  all  command  in  the  American  army  for  one  year.  He 
left  the  service,  and  never  returned  to  it.  He  died  four  years  afterwards,  in  Phila- 
delphia. 


262  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1773. 

Retreat  of  the  British  to  New  York.  Arrival  of  a  French  fleet  under  D'Estaing. 

and  so  intense  was  the  heat,  and  so  exhausted  were  the  Continental 
soldiers,  that  Washington  deemed  it  expedient  to  abandon  the  pur- 
suit. This  battle,  although  favorable  to  the  Americans,  was  not  .a 
decided  victory  ;  yet  Congress  viewed  it  somewhat  in  that  light, 
and  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  commander  and  the  army.  The 
loss  of  the  British  was  considerably  more  than  that  of  the  Ame- 
ricans. Four  British  officers,  and  two  hundred  and  forty-five 
privates,  were  left  dead  on  the  field,  and  were  buried  by  the 
Americans.  The  whole  loss  of  the  enemy  was  nearly  three  hundred. 
The  American  loss  was  sixty-nine  killed.  On  both  sides  many  died 
of  the  intense  heat  of  the  weather  and  the  fatigues  of  the  day. 

After  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  the  British  proceeded  to  Sandy 
Hook,  where  Lord  Howe's  fleet,  which  had  come  round  from  the 
Delaware,  was  in  readiness  to  transport  them  to  New  York,  at 
which  place  they  arrived  at  evening  of  the  same  day  on 
which  the  battle  was  fought.a  While  marching  through 
New  Jersey,  Clinton's  army  was  considerably  reduced  ;  the  loss  at 
Monmouth  being  the  least  moiety.  One  hundred  were  taken  pri- 
soners ;  and  nearly  six  hundred  deserted  to  Philadelphia,  where  many 
of  them  had  formed  tender  attachments  during  the  winter.  When 
Clinton  reached  New  York  his  army  had  suffered  a  reduction  of  at 
least  two  thousand  men.  The  loss  of  men  was  more  serious  to  the 
British  than  to  the  Americans,  for  the  latter  could  soon  recruit  from 
the  militia  of  the  country.  Washington  crossed  the  Hudson  and 
encamped  at  White  Plains,  where  he  remained  until  November, 
when  he  retired  to  winter-quarters,  at  Middlebrook,  in  New  Jersey. 
As  soon  as  France,  by  treaty,  had  openly  declared  in  favor  of  the 
United  States,  she  promptly  commenced  the  fulfilment  of  her  agree- 
ment, by  fitting  out  a  fleet  of  twelve  sail  of  the  line,  and  sent  them 
to  America,  under  the  Count  D'Estaing.  At  the  same  time,  the 
British  government  sent  a  fleet  of  about  equal  numbers,  under  Admi- 
ral Byron,  to  co-operate  with  Admiral  Lord  Howe,  but  both  fleets 
were  delayed  by  contrary  winds,  and  did  not  reach  their  destination 
until  months  afterwards.  The  French  fleet  arrived  first,* 
and  proceeded  immediately  to  the  Chesapeake,  expecting  to 
find  Lord  Howe  there,  but,  as  we  have  already  seen,  he  had  pro- 
ceeded to  New  York.*  D'Estaing  immediately  repaired  to  Sandy 
Hook,  but  feared  to  venture  over  the  bar  into  New  York  Bay,  with 
his  large  ships,  and  accordingly  waited  outside  eleven  days,  with  the 
hope  of  either  encountering  the  inward-bound  vessels  of  Byron,  or 
that  Howe  might  be  hardy  enough  to  attack  him.     On  the  twenty- 

*  M.  Gerard,  French  Ambassador  to  Congress,  came  with  the  French  fleet  and 
was  landed  at  Sandy  Hook. 


chap,  vm.]  EVENTS  OF  1778.  263 

Siege  of  Newport.  Refusal  of  the  French  fleet  to  co-operate,  and  retreat  of  Sullivan. 

second  of  July  he  weighed  anchor  and  proceeded  to  Rhode  Island, 
to  assist  the  American  land  forces  in  their  efforts  there  to  dislodge 
the  English. 

General  Sullivan  was  then  in  Providence  with  a  considerable  body 
of  Continental  troops,  and  he  was  soon  reinforced  by  the  militia  of 
Rhode  Island,  Massachusetts,  and  Connecticut.  Washington  also 
sent  a  detachment  of  two  brigades  under  La  Fayette,  who  was  soon 
after  followed  by  a  small  force  under  Greene,  making  in  all  nearly 
ten  thousand  men.  The  British  force  in  Rhode  Island,  under 
General  Pigot,  was  about  six  thousand  men,  stationed  principally 
at  Newport.  It  was  agreed  to  attack  that  place  by  land  and  water 
on  the  ninth  of  August,  but  on  that  very  morning,  Howe,  with  the 
British  fleet,  appeared  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbor.  The  French 
Admiral  at  once  sailed  out  to  attack  Howe,  who  immediately  put  to 
sea,  and  soon  both  fleets  were  out  of  sight. 

The  British  at  the  same  time  abandoned  some  posts  on  the  island, 
and  Sullivan  immediately  crossed  over  and  took  possession  of  them. 
He  then  proceeded  towards  Newport,  and  on  the  morning  a  Aug  15 
of  the  fifteenth*  commenced  a  siege  of  the  place.  During 
the  siege6  D'Estaing  came  into  the  harbor.  A  storm  had  ftAug-19- 
separated  the  two  fleets  before  coming  to  an  engagement,  and  both 
were  very  much  injured.  The  French  Admiral  sent  word  to  Sulli- 
van that  he  could  not  aid  him  in  the  siege,  but  should  proceed  to 
Boston  to  repair,  and  to  this  determination  he  firmly  held,  notwith- 
standing the  earnest  entreaties  of  La  Fayette  and  Greene  for  him  to 
remain.  Sullivan  was  obliged  to  abandon  the  siege  and  retreat  at 
night.  He  was  pursued  by  the  British  in  the  morning,  and  on  the 
north  end  of  the  island  a  pretty  severe  engagement  took  place.  The 
British  lost  in  killed  and  wounded,  two  hundred  and  sixty  men  ;  the 
Americans  two  hundred  and  eleven,  of  whom  thirty  were  killed  or 
missing. 

General  Sullivan  having  received  information  that  General  Clin- 
ton with  four  thousand  men  was  on  a  rapid  march  for  Rhode  Island, 
immediately  commenced  evacuating  it,  and  in  an  admirable 
manner  withdrew  all  his  troops0  to  the  main  land  before 
the  arrival  of  the  British  Commander-in-chief. 

General  Clinton  finding  Newport  safe,  immediately  returned  to 
New  York,  intending  to  attack  New  London  on  the  way,  but  was 
prevented  by  a  storm.  He  detached  General  Grey  to  attack  some 
privateering  stations  at  Buzzard's  Bay,  where  he  destroyed  seventy 
vessels  and  numerous  store-houses/*  After  destroying  much  d  ^  t  5 
property  in  New  Bedford  and  Fairhaven,  he  proceeded  to 
Martha's  Vineyard/  and  plundered  the  inhabitants  of  about     e  Sept" '' 


264  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1778, 

Predatory  expeditions  of  the  British.  Dissatisfaction  of  the  Americans  with  the  French. 

ten  thousand  sheep  and  three  hundred  oxen,  with  which  he  marched 
to  Clinton's  head-quarters  at  New  York.  This  General  Grey  was 
particularly  famous  for  these  plundering  expeditions.  He  was  more 
noted  for  stealthy  seizures  of  property,  and  the  murder  at  midnight 
of  sleeping  soldiers,  than  for  manly  courage  in  open  daylight  combat. 
Soon  after  his  exploits  at  Buzzard's  Bay,  he  was  sent  by  Clinton 
against  the  village  of  Old  Tappaan,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson, 
where,  at  midnight,  he  surprised  a  body  of  American  light-horse 
under  Colonel  Baylor,  gave  no  quarter,  cruelly  massacred  a  large 
majority  of  the  privates,  and  carried  away  the  officers  as  prisoners. 

Little  Egg  Harbor,  on  the  New  Jersey  coast,  a  rendezvous  of 
a  sailed  American  privateers,  was  about  this  time  attacked  by  a 
sept.  30.  detachment  under  Captain  Ferguson.0  Much  shipping  was 
b  Oct.  6.  destroyed,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  stores  captured.6 
This  same  expedition  surprised  the  legion  under  Count  Pulaski,  and 
made  great  slaughter,  until  the  brave  Pole  came  up  with  his  cavalry, 
when  the  British  retreated  to  their  ships,  and  returned  to  New  York. 

In  September,  the#storm-beaten  ships  of  the  fleet  of  Byron  joined 
Lord  Howe,  and  both  fleets,  at  the  request  of  the  latter,  were  placed 
under  the  command  of  Admiral  Gambier.  Lord  Howe  soon  after 
returned  to  England. 

The  conduct  of  D'Estaing  in  abandoning  the  siege  of  Newport 
was  greatly  censured  by  the  Americans,  and  when  he  arrived  in 
Boston,  his  reception  was  very  cool.  A  general  murmur  of  com* 
plaint  of  the  inefficient  co-operation  of  their  French  allies,  was 
uttered  by  the  American  people  ;  and  that  alliance  which  at  the 
beginning  of  the  year  held  out  such  brilliant  hopes  to  the  struggling 
republicans,  was  nearly  severed.  The  English  Commissioners  took 
this  occasion  to  remind  the  Americans  that  the  French  were  a  faith- 
less people,  and  might  not  be  trusted.*  But  these  manifestations  had 
no  lasting  effect,  and  the  dissatisfaction  soon  subsided.! 

During  the  summer  the  inhabitants  on  the  western  frontiers  suf- 
fered greatly  from  the  barbarities  of  the  Indians.  But  those  tribes 
which  ravaged  the  back  settlements  of  Virginia  were  speedily  de- 
feated by   Colonel   Clarke,   an  intrepid  leader  of  Virginia  militia.  , 

*  The  insulting  language  used  towards  France  by  the  Commissioners  excited  the 
indignation  of  La  Fayette,  and  he  challenged  Carlisle.  His  challenge  was  not 
accepted  ;  the  English  Commissioner  retreating  behind  official  prerogative. 

f  The  disagreement  which  existed  between  the  American  and  French  officers 
at  Rhode  Island,  gave  the  deepest  concern  to  Washington.  In  a  letter  to  La 
Fayette,  who  had  communicated  the  particulars,  he  lamented  it  as  a  misfortune, 
which  might  end  in  a  serious  injury  to  the  public  interest ;  and  he  endeavored  to 
assuage  the  rising  animosity  of  the  parties,  by  counsels  equally  creditable  to  his 
feelings  as  a  man,  and  to  his  patriotism. — Sparks,  p.  280. 


cuxr.  vm.] 

EVENTS  OF  1778. 

265 

The  Valley  of  Wyoming. 

Stone's  defence  of  Brandt. 

He  entered  their  country  and  drove  all  before  him  until  he  reached 
the  British  settlements  near  the  Mississippi.  At  Kaskaskias  he  sur- 
prised and  captured  Colonel  Hamilton,  the  British  commander  there, 
one  of  the  most  cruel  employers  of  the  savages  which  the  enemy 
possessed.  This  expedition  put  an  end  to  most  of  the  outrages  upon 
the  settlers  at  the  south  and  west. 

The  beautiful  Vale  of  Wyoming,  Pennsylvania,  next  became  the 
theatre  of  a  dreadful  tragedy.  Through  this  valley  the  Susquehanna 
flows, on  the  banks  of  which  the  inhabitants  of  Connecticut  had  planted 
a  Colony,  many  years  before  the  Revolution.  It  became  the  most 
populous  and  flourishing  settlement  in  America,  and  nowhere  per- 
haps on  the  face  of  the  globe  existed  a  community  of  like  numbers, 
where  so  much  happiness,  based  upon  public  and  private  virtue, 
ore  vailed,  as  in  the  Valley  of  Wyoming.  Industry  and  frugality 
were  the  great  temporal  characteristics  of  the  people,  and  at 
;he  same  time  stern  patriotism  found  a  luxuriant  nursery  there. 
When  the  War  of  Independence  broke  out,  Wyoming  sent  forth  its 
youth,  and  during  the  struggle,  it  gave  a  thousand  soldiers  to  battle  for 
liberty  ;  and  yet  in  the  midst  of  that  peaceful  community,  party  spirit 
raised  its  unseemly  head,  and  soon  the  animosities  of  whigs  and 
;ories  became  as  strong  there  as  elsewhere,  separating  families,  and 
severing  the  dearest  domestic  ties.  The  republicans  having  a  ma- 
jority, used  means  to  restrain  the  action  of  the  tories,  and  even 
ixpelled  several  of  them  from  the  Colony.  This  highly  exasperated 
hem ;  they  swore  revenge  ;  they  coalesced  with  their  savage  neigh- 
)ors ;  and,  during  the  summer  of  this  year,  while  nearly  all  the 
souths  of  the  settlement  were  with  the  army,  they  resolved  to  wreak 
vengeance.  Both  tories  and  Indians  lulled  the  inhabitants  into  secu- 
ity  by  earnest  protestations  of  friendship,  and  thus  they  learned  the 
correct  state  of  the  Colony,  and  caused  the  people  to.  be  less  on  their 
juard. 

Early  in  July,  Colonel  John  Butler,  and  a  celebrated  Seneca  chief 
lamed  Gi-en-gwa-toh,*  suddenly  appeared  upon  the  Susquehanna 
with  sixteen  hundred  men,  about  one  fourth  of  whom  were  In- 
lians,  and  the  rest  tories,  many  of  them  painted  so  as  to  resemble 
savages.     The  alarmed  Colonists,  having  a  presentiment  of  impend- 


*  History  and  song  have  universally  connected  the  celebrated  half-breed  Mohawk 
:hief,  Brandt,  with  this  bloody  expedition.  But  the  late  Colonel  William  L. 
Stone,  in  his  Life  of  that  chief,  clearly  shows  that  Brandt  was  not  present  on  that 
tccasion.  And  in  his  "  History  of  Wyoming,"  he  says  that  he  (the  author)  made  a 
journey  into  the  Seneca  country,  and  pushed  the  investigation  among  the  surviving 
•hiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Senecas  engaged  in  that  campaign.  The  result  was  a  trium- 
>hant  acquittal  of  Brandt  from  all  participation  therein. — Hist,  of  Wyoming,  p.  192 


266  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1779. 


Terrible  Massacre  of  the  people  of  Wyoming. 


•  ing  danger,  had  written  to  Washington  for  relief,  but  the  letter 
did  not  reach  him.  On  the  appearance  of  the  enemy  the  people 
appointed  Zebulon  Butler,  a  cousin  of  the  tory  Colonel,  to  the  com- 
mand of  all  the  militia  in  the  settlement,  amounting,  at  the  four 
different  forts  they  had  hastily  erected,  to  about  five  hundred  men. 
The  tory  Colonel  made  the  latter  his  head-quarters,  and  prepared 
to  attack  Forty  Fort,  the  principal  stockade  in  the  Valley.  Into 
this  fort  women  and  children  flocked  for  refuge,  and  many  families 
carried  their  valuables  there  for  safety.  John  Butler  soon  appeared 
before  Forty  Fort  and  demanded  its  unconditional  surrender.  This 
was  refused ;  and  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  some  of  the  leading 
men,  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  (contrary  to  his  own  judgment,  for 
he  expected  Captain  Spalding  with  a  reinforcement)  led  about 
T three  hundred  armed  men  and  lads  to  fight  the  invaders. 

a  July  3,  1778.  ° 

It  was  a  hot  day  in  July,"  and  at  one  o'clock,  the  hot- 
test hour  of  the  day,  the  little  army  marched  to  attack  the  Tories 
and  Indians.  A  very  severe  conflict  ensued,  and  the  Americans 
were  defeated  and  dispersed  with  great  slaughter.  Some  of  the 
fugitive  troops  sought  shelter  with  the  women  and  children  in 
Forty  Fort;  others  fled  to  Wilkesbarre  Fort,  and  some  escaped 
to  the  mountains. 

Colonel  JSathan  Denison  was  in  command  of  Forty  Fort.  Im- 
mediately after  the  battle,  Colonel  Butler  sent  a  messenger  to: 
Denison,  ordering  him  to  surrender  the  Fort.  Negotiations  were 
entered  into,  and  it  was  agreed,  on  condition  that  the  inhabitants 
should  lay  down  their  arms  and  not  appear  again  in  opposition  to 
British  power,  that  they  should  remain  in  quiet  possession  of  their 
farms  and  other  property.  The  Forts  in  the  Yalley  were  to  be 
given  up,  and  the  garrisons  to  be  prisoners  of  war.  The  ar- 
rangements being  made,  the  gates  were  opened  and  the  victors 
entered.  It  was  with  difficulty  that  Colonel  Butler  kept  the  In- 
dians from  plunder  and  bloodshed,  yet  he  succeeded.  The  re- 
straint, however,  was  brief;  for  soon  afterwards,  regardless  of  the 
authority  of  Colonel  Butler,  the  savages  spread  themselves  over 
the  Yalley,  and  with  torch  and  tomahawk,  spread  death  and  deso- 
lation in  all  directions. 

This  destruction  of  Wyoming  made  a  shudder  of  horror  run 
through  the  States,  and  a  retaliatory  step  was  soon  taken.  Gen. 
Sullivan  with  Morgan's  rifle  corps,  and  some  regiments  besides, 
rushed  upon  the  Indian  settlements,  laid  waste  their  fields,  burned 
*  iL-..      their  villages,  and  drove  them  like  chaff  before  the  wind, 

b  October.  «=•      >  .  ' 

far  back  into  the  wilderness .b  Early  the  following  Spring  a 
similar  expedition,  under  Colonel  Clarke,  was  sent  against  the  Cana- 
dian and  Tory  settlements  west  of  the  Alleghanies.  The  affrighted 


chap.  Yin.]  EVENTS  OF  1778.  267 

Attack  of  Indians  and  Tories  upon  Cherry  Valley.  Depredations  on  the  southern  frontier. 

tories  eagerly  swore  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  while  the  hostile 
savages  upon  the  Ohio  and  Wabash  were  attacked,  and  their  whole 
country  desolated.  It  was  a  fearful  retaliation,  hardly  justified  even 
by  the  powerful  argument  presented  by  the  scene  of  horrors  at 
Wyoming. 

In  November,8  a  band  of  tories,  British  regulars  and 

■r     t  !  •    •  r  «r  •  «  NOV.  11,  11 

Indians,  attempted  a  repetition  of  the  Wyoming  tragedy 
upon  the  settlement  at  Cherry  Valley,  in  New  York.  They  took 
the  settlement  by  surprise,  killed  many  of  the  inhabitants,  and  quite 
a  number  were  carried  into  captivity,  generally  among  the  Indians 
at  that  day,  a  condition  worse  than  death.  The  fort,  containing 
about  two  hundred  soldiers,  was  not  taken,  and  its  defensive  power 
prevented  a  general  slaughter  of  the  inhabitants.  These  bloody 
Indian  expeditions,  and  a  few  predatory  excursions  of  regulars  and 
loyalists,  intent  chiefly  on  plunder,  are  the  sum  of  the  closing  military 
operations  of  the  year  in  the  northern  and  middle  States.  The  arena 
of  stirring  events  was  transferred  to  the  southern  States,  where,  until 
the  close  of  the  war,  the  British  conducted  their  chief  offensive  opera- 
tions. Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  a  large  portion  of  his  army,  went 
into  winter  quarters  in  New  York,  and  about  the  same  time,  Wash- 
ington encamped  the  Americans  for  the  winter  at  various  points.* 

At  the  extreme  southern  limits  of  the  States,  tory  refugees  and 
Indians  made  several  predatory  incursions  during  the  summer,  laying 
wraste  the  western  portion  of  Georgia,  and  cutting  off  the  inhabitants 
in  detail.  A  large  body  of  these  refugees  penetrated  to  the  fort  at 
Sunbury,  and  summoned  the  commander,  Colonel  Mcintosh,  to 
surrender  the  place.  He  gave  them  the  Spartan  answer,  "  Come 
and  take  it."  This  bold  answer  intimidated  them,  and  they  left  the 
fort  unmolested.  Another  strong  party  marched  towards  Savannah, 
but  were  constantly  harassed  by  the  militia.  When  they  reached 
the  Ogeechee  River  they  found  a  force  of  two  hundred  patriots  ready 
to  defend  the  passage.  Like  the  party  that  approached  Sunbury, 
they  prudently  turned  back,  burned  the  village  of  Midway,  desolated 
the  rice-fields  and  other  grain  with  fire,  and  carried  off  all  the 
negroes,  cattle,  and  other  property  of  the  planters.  General  Robert 
Howe,  who  had  command  of  the  Georgia  militia  and  regulars,  in 
retaliation  for  these  incursions,  which  proceeded  from  East  Florida, 


*  Nine  brigades,  exclusive  cf  the  garrison  at  West  Point,  were  stationed  on  the 
west  side  of  Hudson's  River ;  seven  at  Middlebrook,  in  New  Jersey  ;  and  six  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Hudson,  and  at  West  Point,  as  follows  :  one  at  West  Point,  two  at 
Continental  Village,  and  three  in  the  vicinity  of  Danbury,  in  Connecticut.  The 
artillery  was  at  Pluckemin.  A  line  of  cantonments  was  thus  formed  around  New 
York,  from  Long  Island  Sound  to  the  Delaware. — Sparks,  p.  2S3. 

18 


268  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1778. 

British  demonstration  against  the  south.  Battle  of  Savannah  and  defeat  of  Americans. 

marched  a  force  of  two  thousand  men  into  that  territory  with  the 
intention  of  destroying  St.  Augustine.  But  he  found  a  deadlier 
enemy  there  than  British  or  tory  soldiers,  in  the  malaria  of  the  fens 
and  swamps,  which  carried  off  about  one-fourth  of  his  troops,  and 
obliged  him  to  make  a  hasty  retreat. 

In  November,  General  Sir  H.  Clinton  despatched  Colonel 
Campbell  from  New  Yorka  with  a  force  of  about  two  thou- 
sand men,  to  operate  against  Georgia,  then  the  feeblest  of  the  States. 
Clinton  was  determined  to  change  the  plan  of  operations  entirely. 
Heretofore,  the  subjugation  of  the  States  had  been  attempted  by 
approaches  from  the  North,  but  the  defeat  of  Burgoyne  so  completely 
destroyed  power  in  that  quarter,  that  the  British  Commander-in- 
chief  determined  hereafter  to  commence  at  the  south,  and  extend 
conquest  northward  into  the  Middle  States. 

b  Dec.  23.        Colonel  Campbell  arrived  at  Savannah  late  in  December,5 
and  six  days  afterwards0  effected  a  landing  without  much 
opposition,  under  cover  of  the  squadron  of  Sir  Hyde  Parker. 
General   Robert    Howe  was   there   with   about  six  hundred   Con- 
tinental   soldiers   and   two  hundred  and   fifty   militia.      He   had  a 
strong  position,  surrounded,  except  in  front,  by  a  morass,  swamp, 
and  river,  which  seemed  impassable.     But  a  negro  knew  of  a  small 
path  through  the  morass,  leading  to  the  rear  of  the  Americans,  and 
by  his  guidance,  a  detachment  of  light  infantry  under  Sir  James 
Baird,  marched  to,  and  fell  upon  the  rear  of  the  Americans.     Thus 
entrapped,  they  fought  bravely  and  desperately,  but  were 
finally  overcome/*    Upwards  of  one  hundred  Americans  were 
killed,  four  hundred  and  fifty-three  taken  prisoners,  and  forty-eight 
pieces  of  cannon,  twenty-three  mortars,  the  fort,  the  shipping  in  the 
river,  and  a  large  quantity  of  provisions  were  captured  by  the  enemy. 
The  remnant  of  the  American  army  retreated  into  South 
1779.'      Carolina  ;  and  Augusta,  and  Sunbury,*  soon  after  falling  into 
the  hands  of  the  British,  the  whole  of  Georgia  became  in 
possession  of.  the  enemy.     This  was  the  only  important  acquisition 
which  the  British  made  during  the  campaign ;  and  at  the  close  of 
this  year,  the  two  belligerent  armies  at  the  north  occupied  nearly  the 
same  relative  position  which  they  did  at  the  close  of  1776,  two 
years  before. 

During  these  operations  upon  land,  our  little  navy,  though  still  an 
infant  in  its  nurse's  arms,  compared  to  that  of  Britain,*  began  to  put 
forth  its  strength,  in  conjunctive  operations  with  the  French  fleet, 


*  Great  Britain  had  at  that  time  three  hundred  and  seventy-three  ships  of  all 
rates. 


cjlap,  vm.]  EVENTS  OF  1778.  269 

Sailing  of  the  French  and  English  fleets  to  the  West  Indies.  Exploits  of  Paul  Jones. 

which  in  November*  sailed  from 'Boston  to  the  West  Indies, 
for  the  purpose  of  attacking  the  British  dependencies  in  that 
quarter.     On  the  same  day  Admiral  Hotham  sailed  from  Sandy 
Hook,  and  was  soon  after  followed  by  Admiral  Byron,*  with 
a  determination  to  attack  the  French  settlements  there,  be- 
fore D'Estaing   should  reach  his  destination.     The  two  fleets  of 
D'Estaing  and  Hotham  sailed  nearly  parallel  with  each  other  all  the 
way,  mutually  ignorant  of  their  approximation.     D'Estaing  shaped 
his  course  for  Martinique,  and  Hotham  for  Barbadoes.     Each  fleet 
carried  out  a  considerable  land  force,  and  for  some  time  the  contest 
was  carried  on  among  the  West  India  Islands  with  nearly  equal  suc- 
cess. I 

The  American  navy  consisted  chiefly  of  small  armed  vessels, 
commanded  by  commissioned  privateersmen,  and  did  much  service 
about  this  time,  not  only  along  our  coast,  but  among  the  West  Indies, 
and  on  the  European  shores.  A  gallant  engagement  between  the 
American  ship  Randolph,  of  thirty-six  guns,  commanded  by  Captain 
Biddle,  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  British  sixty-four  gun  ship  Yarmouth, 
took  place  on  the  seventh  of  March  of  this  year  not  far  from  the 
Bermuda  Islands.  The  British  ship  was  nearly  disabled,  when  by 
some  means  fire  was  communicated  to  the  magazine  of  the  Randolph, 
and  she  blew  up,  destroying  nearly  all  on  board,  among  whom  was 
the  commander.  I 

The  most  daring  naval  enterprises  at  this  time,  on  the  part  of 
the  Americans,  were  planned  and  executed  by  John  Paul  Jones,  a 
Scotchman  by  birth,  but  an  American  by  choice.  As  early  as  1775, 
when  Congress  designated  a  number  of  captains  and  lieutenants  for 
a  naval  armament  on  the  Delaware,  Jones's  name  appeared  at  the 
head  of  the  list  of  the  latter  officers.  He  was  ordered  to  the  Alfred, 
of  thirty  guns,  then  at  Philadelphia,  and  there  hoisted  the  first  Ameri- 
can flag  raised  on  board  a  vessel  in  the  service  of  the  Continental 
Congress.  He  afterwards  had  the  command  of  the  Providence,  and 
subsequently,  in  the  autumn  of  1777,  he  took  command  of  the 
Ranger,  of  eighteen  guns,  and  proceeded  to  Brest,  on  the  coast  of 
France,  where,  after  much  adroit  negotiation,  although  the  treaty  of 
alliance  had  not  been  completed,  he  obtained  a  salute  for  the  Ameri- 
can flag,  from  the  commander  of  the  French  fleet.  From 
Brest  he  proceeded0  along  the  coast  of  Great  Britain, 
spreading  consternation  wherever  he  went.  Our  space  will  not  allow 
us  to  follow  him  in  his  bold  career  at  this  time.  He  made  descents 
upon  various  places — with  a  few  men  spiked  all  the  cannon  of  two 
forts,  first  securing  the  sentinels  ;  and,  but  for  an  accident,  he  would 
have  burned  two  hundred  ships  in  Whitehaven,  in  the  North  of  Eng 


270  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1778. 

Honorable  character  of  Paul  Jones.  Letter  of  the  French  Ambassador  to  Lord  North. 

land.     Off  Carrickfergus  he  had  an  engagement  with  the  British 

sloop-of-war  Drake,   of  twenty  guns,  which  had  been   admirably 

fitted  out  for  the  express  purpose  of  capturing  the  Ranger.     After 

a  severe  action  of  an  hour,  Jones  compelled  her  to  strike 

her  colors,  and  he  carried  her  in  triumph  into  Brest.** 

The  day  before  this  action,  he  landed  upon  St.  Mary's  Island,  on 
the  coast  of  Scotland,  with  the  intention  of  capturing  the  Earl  of  Sel- 
kirk, who  resided  there,  hoping  thereby  to  enable  Congress  to  obtain 
more  equal  terms  in  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  But  his  scheme 
was  defeated  by  the  absence  of  his  lordship.  Jones  found  it  impos- 
sible to  restrain  his  men  from  plunder,  and  they  carried  away  all  the 
family  plate,  which  was  afterwards  restored  by  the  noble  commodore, 
for  which  he  received  a  formal  acknowledgment  from  Lord  Selkirk.! 

Before  closing  the  record  of  events  for  the  year,  let  us  take  a 
brief  glance  at  the  action  of  the  respective  legislatures  of  America 
and  Great  Britain.  On  the  part  of  the  British  Parliament,  we  have 
but  little  to  record  having  a  direct  bearing  upon  our  subject,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  notices  of  transactions  during  the  early  part  of  the  year, 
to  which  we  have  already  alluded.  The  alliance  between  the  United 
States  and  France  had  of  course  given  great  offence  to  the  British 
government,  and  the  manner  in  which  that  alliance  was  made  known 
to  ministers  by  the  French  Ambassador,  was  considered  a  direct  and 
intentional  insult.J     Whether  it  was  intended  to  be  so  or  not,  it  wTas, 

*  He  was  absent  from  Brest  about  twenty-seven  days,  during  which  time  he  had 
taken  two  hundred  prisoners ;  and  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-three  men  which 
were  with  him  when  he  sailed,  only  two  were  left  on  board  with  him,  the  others 
having  been  distributed  among  the  various  prizes  he  had  taken. 

f  This  affair  has  been  greatly  misrepresented  by  partial  British  writers.  The 
anti- American  editor  of  the  "  Civil  and  Military  Transactions"  department  of  the  fifth 
volume  of  the  Pictorial  History  of  England,  unjustly  stigmatizes  the  noble  character 
of  Jones,  by  this  brief  notice  of  the  event : — "  He  made  a  descent  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Dee,  near  to  Kirkcudbright,  and  plundered  the  house  of  the  Earl  of  Selkirk.  He 
carried  off  all  the  plate  and  other  valuable  articles."*  The  well-known  fact  is 
withheld,  that  he  transmitted  a  communication  from  Brest,  to  the  Countess  Selkirk, 
in  which  he  informed  her  that  it  would  be  his  pleasure  to  become  the  purchaser  of 
the  plate  when  sold,  and  return  it  to  her  by  such  conveyance  as  she  should  designate. 
He  faithfully  performed  this  promise,  though  at  great  trouble  and  expense,  and  the 
plate  was  restored  in  its  original  condition. 

X  De  Noailles,  the  French  Ambassador,  was  the  uncle  of  La  Fayette's  wife,  and  had 
given  that  young  nobleman  much  encouragement,  when  he  visited  him  in  London  and 
opened  to  him  his  scheme  for  joining  the  American  army.  On  the  17th  of  March, 
the  Ambassador  sent  the  following  note  to  Lord  North  : — "  The  United  States  of 
North  America,  who  are  in  full  possession  of  independence,  as  pronounced  by  them 
on  the  fourth  of  July,  1776,  having  proposed  to  the  King  of  France,  to  consolidate 
by  a  formal  convention,  the  connexion  begun  to  be  established  between  the  two 
nations,  the  respective  plenipotentiaries  have  signed  a  treaty  of  friendship  and 

*  Page  397. 


chap,  vnr.]  EVENTS  OF  1778.  273 

Proceedings  in  the  British  Parliament. 

under  the  circumstances,  too  ironical  to  admit  of  any  other  construc- 
tion. It  greatly  incensed  ministers,  and  the  alliance  awakened  in 
the  breasts  of  the  people  at  large  the  slumbering  spirit  of  ancient 
feuds  which  had  so  long  existed  between  the  two  nations.  When  the 
notification  was  received  in  the  House,  Lord  North  moved  an  appro- 
priate address  to  the  King.  The  opposition  at  once  moved  an 
amendment,  requesting  his  Majesty  to  dismiss  the  ministry  !  The 
original  address  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  two  hundred  and  sixty- 
three  against  one  hundred  and  thirteen.  In  the  House  of  Lords  the 
same  amendment  to  the  address  was  proposed,  but  negatived  by  a 
large  majority. 

We  have  already  alluded  to  the  debates  which  followed,  during 
one  of  which  the  Earl  of  Chatham  was  seized  with  his  last  illness. 
On  the  seventh  of  July  Parliament  was  prorogued  until  November  ; 
and  the  King,  in  his  closing  speech,  declared  that  it  was  his  uniform 
desire  to  preserve  the  peace  of  Europe  ;  that  the  faith  of  treaties 
and  the  law  of  nations  had  been  his  rule  of  conduct ;  and,  alluding 
to  France,  "  Let  that  power,"  said  he,  "  by  whom  this  tranquillity 
shall  be  broken,  answer  to  its  subjects  and  to  the  world  for  all  the 
fatal  consequences  of  war  !" 

When  Parliament  assembled  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  November,  the 
King,  in  his  speech,  proceeded  directly  to  the  conduct  of  France. 
"  In  a  time  of  profound  peace,"  said  he,  "  without  pretence  of  pro- 
vocation,   or   color   of  complaint,   the    Court   of  France    hath    not 

commerce,  designed  to  serve  as  a  foundation  for  their  mutual  good  correspond- 
ence. His  Majesty  (the  French  King)  being  resolved  to  cultivate  the  present  good 
understanding  subsisting  between  France  and  Great  Britain,  by  every  means  com- 
patible with  his  dignity  and  the  good  of  his  subjects,  thinks  it  necessary  to  make 
his  proceedings  known  to  the  Court  of  London,  and  to  declare  at  the  same  time  that 
the  contracting  parties  have  paid  great  attention  not  to  stipulate  any  exclusive 
advantages  in  favor  of  the  French  nation,  and  that  the  United  States  have  reserved 
the  liberty  of  treating  with  every  nation  whatever,  upon  the  same  footing  of  equality 
and  reciprocity.  In  making  this  communication  to  the  Court  of  London,  the  King 
is  firmly  persuaded  it  will  find  new  proofs  of  his  Majesty's  constant  and  sincere  dis- 
position for  peace,  and  that  his  Britannic  Majesty,  animated  by  the  same  friendly 
sentiments,  will  equally  avoid  everything  that  may  alter  their  good  harmony, 
and  that  he  will  particularly  take  effectual  measures  to  prevent  the  commerce  be- 
tween his  (French)  Majesty's  subjects  and  the  United  States  of  America  from  being 
interrupted,  and  to  cause  all  the  usages  received  between  commercial  nations  to  be, 
in  this  respect,  observed,  and  all  those  rules  which  can  be  said  to  subsist  between 
the  two  Courts  of  France  and  Great  Britain.  In  this  just  confidence,  the  under- 
signed Ambassador  thinks  it  superfluous  to  acquaint  the  British  Minister  that  the 
King,  his  master,  being  determined  to  protect  effectually  the  lawful  commerce  of 
his  subjects,  and  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  his  flag,  has,  in  consequence,  taken 
effectual  measures  in  concert  with  the  Thirteen  United  and  Independent  States  of 
America" 


274  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1778. 

Speech  of  the  King.  Expedition  against  Canada. 

forborne  to  disturb  the  public  tranquility,  in  violation  of  the  faith  of 
treaties,  and  the  general  rights  of  sovereigns  ;  at  first  by  the  clan- 
destine supply  of  arms  and  other  aid  to  my  revolted  subjects  in 
North  America,  afterwards  by  avowing  openly  their  support,  and 
entering  into  formal  engagements  with  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion, 
and  at  length,  by  committing  open  hostilities  and  depredations  on  my 
faithful  subjects,  and  by  an  actual  invasion  of  my  dominions  in 
America  and  the  West  Indies."  He  alluded  to  the  want  of  success 
in  America  ;  the  means  that  had  been  put  forth  to  suppress  the 
rebellion  ;  the  complete  failure  of  the  commissioners  to  conclude  a 
peace,  and  the  evident  preparations  for  hostilities  which  Spain  was 
making.  He  closed  his  address  by  calling  upon  Parliament  to  put 
forth  their  utmost  energies  which  the  crisis  demanded,  assuring  them 
that  his  cordial  co-operation  would  always  be  extended,  and  informed 
them  that  he  had  called  out  the  militia  for  the  defence  of  the 
country.  In  fact,  the  King  carefully  avoided  casting  censure  upon 
ministers  for  the  late  miscarriages  in  America,  and,  by  implication, 
fixed  the  blame  upon  the  commanders  in  that  service.  The  address 
was  warmly  opposed  in  both  Houses,  and  in  the  Commons,  the  King 
was  charged  with  uttering  falsehoods, — throwing  "  a  false,  unjust, 
and  illiberal  slander  on  the  commanders  in  the  service  of  the  Crown  ; 
loading  them  with  a  censure  which  ought  to  fall  on  ministers  alone." 
Yet  ministers  were  still  supported  by  pretty  large  majorities  in  both 
Houses,  while  the  war-spirit,  renewed  by  the  French  alliance,  was 
hourly  increasing  among  the  multitude  without. 

After  the  reception  and  ratification  of  the  treaty  with  France,  and 
the  rejection  of  the  overtures  and  indignant  dismission  of  the  Eng- 
lish Commissioners,  Congress,  as  we  have  before  mentioned, 
arranged  an  expedition  against  Canada.  The  plan  was  an  extensive 
one,  and  well  conceived,  and  no  doubt  would  have  been  successful, 
had  they  possessed  sufficient  pecuniary  resources  to  properly  sustain 
an  army  sent  on  an  errand  of  conquest  into  an  enemy's  country.  It 
was  arranged  that  one  division  was  to  proceed  against  Niagara  and 
Detroit ;  another  corps  was  to  be  stationed  on  the  Mohawk  River 
during  the  winter,  and  to  be  reinforced  in  the  spring  by  a  powerful 
army,  when  Oswego  was  to  be  seized  and  the  navigation  of  Lake 
Ontario  secured  with  vessels  built  upon  its  shores,  as  had  been  done 
by  both  Americans  and  British  on  Lake  Champlain  ;  and  another 
corps  was  to  penetrate  into  Canada  by  the  way  of  St.  John's  on  the 
Sorel,  Montreal,  and  Quebec.  The  conquest  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
the  re-occupation  of  the  Newfoundland  fishing  grounds,  were  includ- 
ed in  the  plan;  in  fact,  it  was  designed  to  strip  Great  Britain  of 


cHAr.  vm.]  EVENTS  OF  1778.  275 

Washington  opposed  to  the  scheme  for  invading  Canada.  La  Payette*!  visit  to  France. 

every  foot  of  soil  she  possessed  in  America.  Congress  relied  much 
upon  French  fleets  and  armies  to  assist  in  this  enterprise.* 

This  scheme  was  not  officially  made  known  to  Washington  until 
October,  and  then  it  was  coupled  with  a  request  that  he  should  for- 
ward it  to  Doctor  Franklin,  by  La  Fayette,  who  was  about  to  leave 
for  Paris. t 

Washington  at  once  perceived  the  utter  impossibility  of  success  in 
such  an  enterprise,  and  his  sagacious  mind  clearly  penetrated  the 
covert  designs  of  the  French.  He  at  once  wrote  a  long  letter  to 
Congress,  in  which  he  entered  minutely  into  the  subject,  and  showed 
that  the  plan  was  impracticable  ;  that  it  required  resources  which 
were  not  to  be  had  ;  that  it  would  involve  Congress  in  engagements 
to  their  ally,  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  fulfil  ;  and  that  it  was 
in  itself  so  extensive  and  complicated,  as  to  hold  out  no  reasonable 
tope  of  success,  even  with  all  the  requisite  means  of  pursuing  it. 
He  warned  Congress  to  beware  how  they  allowed  France  to  have 
power  to  assume  dominion  again  in  America.  "  France,"  said  he, 
I  acknowledged  for  some  time  past  the  most  powerful  monarchy  in 
Europe  by  land,  able  now  to  dispute  the  empire  of  the  sea  with 
Great  Britain,  and,  if  joined  with  Spain,  I  may  say  certainly  supe- 
rior ;  possessed  of  New  Orleans  on  our  right,  Canada  on  our  left, 
and  seconded  by  the  numerous  tribes  of  Indians  in  our  rear,  from 
one  extremity  to  the  other,  a  people  so  generally  friendly  to  her,  and 
whom  she  knows  so  well  how  to  conciliate,  would,  it  is  much  to  be 
apprehended,  have  it  in  her  power  to  give  law  to  these  States.":): 

The  opinions  of  Washington  had  such  weight  with  Congress,  that 
they  determined  to  abandon  the  scheme  for  the  conquest  of  Canada 
until  the  evacuation  of  America  by  the  British  troops,  which  it  was 


*  It  is  supposed  that  the  French  officers  were  the  earliest  and  most  active 
movers  in  this  scheme  ;  doubtless  with  the  ulterior  design  of  once  again  securing 
to  France  the  territory  she  resigned  by  the  treaty  of  Paris  in  1763.  From  such 
motives  La  Fayette  may  not  be  considered  as  acting.  He  was  warmly  in  favor  of 
the  plan,  but  his  zeal  was  the  offspring  of  patriotism  and  a  thirst  for  glory. 
D'Estaing  even  published  a  manifesto,  directed  to  the  Canadians,  reminding  them 
of  their  French  origin,  and  the  happiness  they  had  enjoyed  under  the  rule  of  the 
Bourbons,  and  promised  that  all  the  ancient  subjects  of  the  French  King  in  America, 
who  should  renounce  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown,  should  receive  protection.      , 

f  La  Fayette  obtained  from  Congress  a  furlough  to  make  a  short  visit  to  France 
but  was  detained  by  sickness  several  months,  and  did  not  leave  until  late  in  autumn. 
He  first  asked  permission  to  go  and  offer  his  services  to  his  King  in  the  war  which 
he  saw  was  inevitable  in  Europe,  but  Washington,  knowing  the  value  of  his 
name,  and  feeling  great  affection  and  high  esteem  for  him,  desired  that  only  a  tem- 
porary leave  might  be  granted  him,  and  that  he  should  retain  his  appointment  in 
the  American  army.     His  wishes  were  cheerfully  acceded  to  by  La  Fayette. 

t  Sparks,  p.  2S9. 


276  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1778. 

Difficulties  in  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  Deterioration  of  Congress. 

believed  would  take  place  the  ensuing  spring.  With  this  view,  they 
shaped  the  plans  of  the  next  campaign,  and  again  urged  Washington 
to  write  to  La  Fayette,  then  at  Boston,  and  to  Dr.  Franklin,  in  order  to 
gain  the  co-operation  of  France  in  the  conquest  of  Canada,  after  the 
close  of  the  next  supposed  brief  campaign.  This  pleased  the 
Commander-in  chief  no  better  than  the  former  unconditional  plan, 
for  he  had  no  hopes  of  the  departure  of  the  British  troops  as  early 
as  Congress  anticipated. 

Having  secured  his  army  in  winter-quarters,  Washington  obtained 
leave  from  Congress  to  go  to  Philadelphia,  and  have  a  personal  inter- 
view with  members  of  that  body.  He  arrived  in  Philadelphia  on 
the  twenty-fourth  of  December,  and,  after  several  discussions  be- 
tween him  and  a  committee  of  Congress,  the  Canada  scheme  was 
wholly  laid  aside  as  impracticable.* 

The  exchange  of  prisoners  was  a  source  of  much  trouble  to  the 
Commander-in-chief.  Although  Congress  ratified  the  convention  of 
Saratoga,  yet,  for  various  reasons,  Burgoyne  and  his  army  were  not 
allowed  to  sail  for  England  according  to  the  terms  of  that  conven- 
tion. It  was  finally  arranged  that  these  troops  should  be  exchanged 
for  American  prisoners  in  possession  of  the  British.  But  the  details 
of  this  arrangement  presented  so  many  difficulties,  that  it  gave  Wash 
ington  much  vexatious  trouble,  and  called  down  upon  his  head  not  d 
little  censure  from  the  enemy,  when,  in  fact,  the  censure,  if  de- 
served, should  have  been  laid  upon  Congress. 

There  was  another  cause  of  great  anxiety  to  Washington,  which 
he  felt  more  seriously  at  this  time,  than  at  any  former  period.  The 
men  of  talents  and  influence  who  had  taken  the  lead,  and  put  forth 
their  combined  strength  in  raising  the  standard  of  Independence,  had 
gradually  withdrawn  from  Congress,  till  that  body  was  left  small  in 
number,  and  deficient  in  the  talent  then  so  much  needed.  During 
the  year  1778,  the  number  of  delegates  present  had  seldom  ave- 
raged over  thirty,  and  sometimes  it  was  under  twenty-five.  Some- 
times, whole  States  were  unrepresented  ;  and  it  was  seldom  the  case 
that  every  State  had  a  competent  number  of  representatives  to  entitle 
it  to  a  vote.  And  never  had  party  feuds  and  private  jealousies  been 
more  rife  in  the  council  of  the  States  than  at  this  time,  presenting 
a  most  alarming  disunity  at  the  very  moment  when  undivided  effort 
was  specially  needed.  These  internal  dissensions  threatened  to  effect 
the  failure  of  the  attempt  of  the  States  to  gain  real  and  acknow- 
ledged independence,  and  they  filled  the  mind  of  Washington  with 
gloomy  forebodings,!  not  in  anticipation  of  final  defeat  and  ruin,  for 

•  Sparks,  p.  290.  f  lb.,  pp.  285,  286. 


chap,  vm.] 


EVENTS  OF  1778. 


277 


Preparations  for  the  spring  campaign. 


he  was  still  hopeful  and  confiding  in  the  arm  of  Providence,  and 
conscious  of  the  justice  of  the  cause,  but  he  dreaded  the  protraction 
of  the  war,  and  the  consequent  suffering  and  woe.  Yet,  while  rely- 
ing firmly  in  simple  faith  upon  the  aid  of  Providence,  he  wisely 
acted  upon  the  principle  of  Cromwell's  injunction  to  his  men  when 
crossing  a  morass  to  attack  the  royal  troops  at  Devizes,  "  Trust  in 
Providence,  but  keep  your  powder  dry."  He  early  planned  exten- 
sive arrangements  for  a  vigorous  campaign  in  the  spring,  and  fearing 
that  the  British  detachments  which  sailed  from  New  York  in  Novem- 
ber, and  had  already  captured  Savannah,  and  in  a  measure  dispersed 
the  American  forces  there,  might  act  in  the  winter  against  South 
Carolina  and  Georgia,  by  order  of  Congress,  he  sent  General  Lin- 
coln to  take  the  command  of  the  southern  department.  At  the  same 
time,  the  four  regiments  of  American  cavalry  were  widely  separated, 
for  the  two-fold  purpose  of  extensive  observation,  and  a  plentiful 
supply  of  forage  for  the  horses.  One  was  stationed  at  Winchester, 
in  Virginia  ;  another  at  Frederick,  in  Maryland  ;  a  third  at  Lancaster, 
in  Pennsylvania  ;  and  a  fourth  at  Durham,  in  Connecticut. 


Pac  Simile  of  the  first  Money  coined  by  the  United  State*. 
(The  metal  looks  like  pewter.) 


EVENTS  OF  1779. 


General  Benjamin  Lincoln — General  Anthony  Wayne — Silas  Deane. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

ONGRESS  had  the  valuable  personal  aid 
of  Washington  for  about  five  weeks  in 
maturing  plans  for  the  campaign  of  1779. 
I      He  held  daily  conferences  with  commit- 
^    tees  of  that  body,   and   suggested  three 
4   distinct  plans,   with  observations  on  the 
method  of  executing  them,  and  the  pro- 
bable result  of  each.     The  first  plan  was 
to  dislodge  the  enemy  from  all  his  posts 
upon  the  sea-coast,  and  prevent  assistance 
from  abroad ;  the  second  was  an  offensive 
position,  by  attacking  Niagara,  and  taking  possession  of  the  port* 
on  Lake  Ontario  ;  and  the  third  proposed  to  hold  the  army  entirel] 


280  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1779. 

Defensive  operations  agreed  upon.  Continental  paper  money. 

on  the  defensive,  except  some  necessary  expeditions  against  the 
Indians  and  tory  settlers  on  the  frontiers,  who  had  committed  many 
and  cruel  depredations  during  the  preceding  year,  and  thus,  by 
severity  of  chastisement,  deter  them  from  the  commission  of  likp 
ravages. 

It  was  decided  to  adopt  the  latter  plan,  in  favor  of  which  there 
was  a  combination  of  good  reasons.  The  chief  of  these  was,  that 
it  would  be  the  least  expensive  mode  of  operation,  and  this  consider- 
ation was  a  serious  one  at  that  time.  Never,  since*  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war,  were  the  finances  of  the  country  in  a  worse  state 
than  at  the  beginning  of  1779  ;  and  in  this  respect  the  future,  from 
this  point  of  view,  looked  gloomy  indeed.  Efforts  had  been  repeat- 
edly made  to  negotiate  loans  in  Europe  ;  but  the  political  character 
of  America  was  little  known  on  that  continent,  and  all  the  loans  that 
were  obtained  were  in  comparatively  small  sums.  The  States  there- 
fore had  no  other  resource  than  to  emit  bills  of  credit,  or  paper 
money.  In  1775  they  issued  three  millions  of  dollars,  and,  becom- 
ing a  circulating  medium,  these  bills  proved  to  be  of  great  utility, 
being  everywhere  readily  taken  at  par  value.  These  issues  were 
from  time  to  time  repeated,  until,  at  the  commencement  of  1779,  the 
amount  had  risen  to  over  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  and  in  the 
course  of  that  year,  it  was  swelled  to  double  that  amount.  Taxation 
was  not  resorted  to,  until  near  the  close  of  1777,a  when 
Congress  ventured  to  make  a  requisition  of  five  millions  of 
dollars  annually  ;  but  the  States  faintly  responded  to  the  require- 
ment, and  the  paper  money  was  the  only  pecuniary  means  in  the 
power  of  Congress  to  carry  on  the  war. 

The  necessary  consequence  of  such  an  immense  issue  of  bills  of 
credit,  was  a  depreciation  of  the  notes  to  about  a  fortieth  of  their 
nominal  value,  and  hence  there  was  a  miserable  derangement  in 
all  mercantile  and  money  transactions.  The  evil  was  aggravated, 
too,  by  inadequate  remedies.  The  paper,  at  its  nominal  value,  was 
made  a  legal  tender  for  all  debts ;  and  by  this  measure,  which 
Washington  deeply  deplored,  many  creditors,  both  public  and 
private,  were  defrauded,  but  no  permanent  relief  could  be  afford- 
ed,  for   confidence   was    destroyed.*       As    the    articles   furnished 


*  Rumors  having  been  circulated  that  Congress  would  not  redeem  these  bills  of 
credit,  destroyed  all  confidence  in  them  ;  and  this  effect  caused  that  body  to  pass  a 
formal  resolution  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  December,  1778,  declaring  that  the  said 
report  is  false  and  derogatory  to  the  honor  of  Congress.  On  the  thirty-first  of  De- 
cember, they  adopted  a  resolution  calling  upon  the  States  to  pay  in  a  quota  of  six 
millions  of  dollars,  for  eighteen  years,  commencing  with  1780,  as  a  fund  for  sinking 
the  loans  and  emissions  to  the  thirty-first  day  of  December,  1778.    This  was  in 


chap,  ix.]  EVENTS  OF  1779.  281 

Recruiting  for  the  spring  campaign.  Opening  of  the  campaign  at  the  south. 

the  army,  like  all  others,  rose  to  an  enormous  nominal  value,  Con 
gress,  very  injudiciously,  fixed  a  maximum  price,  above  which  the 
articles  to  be  purchased,  should  not  be  received.  The  consequence 
was,  that  at  this  stipulated  rate,  none  could  be  got ;  and  the  army 
would  assuredly  have  perished  had  not  this  absurd  regulation  been 
speedily  rescinded.* 

After  completing  all  the  necessary  arrangements  for  the  campaign,! 
Washington  took  his  leave  of  Congress,  and  repaired  to  his  head- 
quarters at  Middlebrook,  in  New  Jersey,  where  he  commenced  the 
work  of  recruiting  without  delay,  as  the  term  of  service  for  which  a 
large  number  of  the  troops  had  been  engaged  would  expire  in  a  few 
weeks.  But  the  increase  of  the  army  was  slow  by  this  process,  for 
the  dissatisfaction  arising  from  the  unequal  distribution  of  bounties, 
and  the  enormous  value  which  the  depreciation  of  the  currency  had 
given  to  labor,  made  it  easy  for  the  soldier,  who  followed  war  as  a 
profession,  to  obtain  more  money  in  other  pursuits  than  the  amount 
of  bounty  and  pay  combined.^ 

The  belligerent  operations  during  this  year,  were  carried  on  in 
three  separate  quarters.  The  forces  of  Washington  and  Clinton 
were  employed  in  the  northern  section  of  the  Union  ;  the  British 
forces  sent  south  in  November,  prosecuted  their  plan  of  reducing 
Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  while  the  fleets  of  England  and  France 
combated  among  the  West  India  Islands. 

As  already  stated,  Congress  despatched  General  Lincoln  in  Janu- 
ary to  take  command  of  some  regiments  raised  in  North  Carolina, 
and  to  unite  them  with  the  remnant  of  the  troops  dispersed  1778 
by  Campbell  at  the  battle  of  Savannah  in  December.0  He 
took  post  at  Pcrrysburg,*  about  twenty  miles  from  Savan-  iJan-3- 
nah,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Savannah  River,  and  there,  with  the 
remains  of  General  Robert  Howe's  forces,  formed  the  nucleus  of  an 
army  of  operation.  About  the  same  time,  Colonel  Campbell, 
emboldened  by  the  events  at  Savannah,  and  relying  upon  the  nume- 
rical strength  of  the  loyalists  in  that  region,  undertook  an  expedition 
against  Augusta,  the  chief  town  of  Upper  Georgia,  distant  about  one 
hundred   and  fifty  miles   from  the  sea  coast.      The  people  were 

addition  to  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,  asked  from  the  States,  to  meet  the  expenses 
of  1779.— Journals,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  742,  746. 

*  Pitkin,  vol.  ii.,  p.  155. 

t  The  infantry  of  the  Continental  army  was  organized  for  the  campaign,  in 
eighty-eight  battalions;  apportioned  to  the  several  States  according  to  the  ratio 
hitherto  assumed.  There  were  four  regiments  of  cavalry,  and  forty-nine  companies 
of  artillery.— Sparks,  p.  294. 

%  The  Continental  bounty  was  raised  to  two  hundred  dollars,  besides  land  and 
clothing  ;  and  in  some  instances,  the  bounty  was  even  still  higher. 


282  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1779. 


Full  possession  of  Georgia  by  the  British. 


intimidated,  and  great  numbers  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
British  Crown,  and  joined  the  ranks  of  the-  enemy.  Several  hundreds 
of  tories,  a  large  proportion  of  whom  were  men  of  infamous  charac- 
ter, were  collected  under  a  Colonel  Boyd,  and  like  a  swarm  of 
voracious  locusts,  marched  along  the  south-western  portion  of  the  State 
of  North  Carolina,  plundering  and  appropriating  to  their  own  use 
every  kind  of  property  they  could  possibly  carry  away  with  them.  On 
attempting  to  force  their  way  into  Georgia  to  join  the  royal  troops 
under  Campbell,  they  were  met  at  Kettle  Creek  by  a  large  number 
of  whig  militia  of  the  district  of  Ninety-Six,  under  Colonel  Pickens, 
and,  after  a  desperate  engagement,  were  totally  routed.a 
Colonel  Boyd  was  killed  with  about  forty  of  his  troops,  and 
seventy  of  his  men  who  were  captured  were  tried  and  found  guilty 
of  treason — but  five  only  were  executed.  About  a  month  previous 
to  this,  General  Prevost,  with  a  body  of  British  troops  from 
East  Florida,  captured  the  fort  at  Sunbury,6  the  only  military 
post  in  Georgia  then  in  possession  of  the  Americans.*  Shortly 
after  the  battle  at  Kettle  Creek,  Campbell  quitted  the  country  to 
return  to  England,  and  Prevost  was  appointed  to  the  chief  command 
of  the  southern  British  army.  Having  now  full  possession  of 
Georgia,  which  event  was  the  extent  of  General  Clinton's  plan, 
Prevost  determined  to  exceed  his  orders  and  make  a  demonstration 
upon  South  Carolina.  He  accordingly  sent  Major-General  Gardiner 
with  a  numerous  corps,  against  Port  Royal,  in  South  Carolina,  but 
they  were  met  by  a  considerable  force  under  General  Moultrie,  and 
defeated,  with  severe  loss. 

In  order  to  encourage  and  support  the  tories,  the  British  army 

extended  their  posts   up  the  Savannah  River  as  far   as  Augusta. 

General  Lincoln  fixed  his  encampment  at  Black  Swamp,  on  the  north 

T     „,     side  of  the  Savannah  River.     He  had  been  joinedc  by  about 

c  Jan.  31.  J  •' 

eleven  hundred  Carolina  militia  under  Generals  Ash  and 
Rutherford.  Lincoln's  army  consisted  of  about  fourteen  hundred 
men,  making  the  whole  American  force  in  that  quarter  two  thousand 
four  hundred  and  twenty-eight,  rank  and  file. 

Encouraged  by  recent  success,  General  Lincoln  sent  a  detachment 
of  about  fifteen  hundred  militia,  and  a  few  regular  troops,  in  all, 
nearly  two  thousand  men,  under  General  Ash,  across  the  river,  for 
the  purpose  of  driving  back  the  enemy  and  confining  them  to  the 
low  and  unhealthy  country  near  the  ocean.  The  British  evacuated 
Augusta  when  the  Americans  approached,  and  General  Ash  followed 


*  The  garrison  consisted  of  only  two  hundred  men.     The  fort  was  captured  at 
the  same  time  when  Campbell  set  out  to  execute  the  same  mission. 


chap.  IX.]  EVENTS  OF  1T79.  283 

Battle  oi  tJnar  (/'reeK.  Movements  of  Lincoln  and  Prevost. 

the  retreating  garrison  as  far  as  Briar  Creek,  where  he  took  post. 
He  had  not  been  there  long  before  Prevost,  who  was  posted  at 
Hudson's  Ferry,  determined  to  attack  him.  So  sudden  were  his 
movements,  that  he  took  General  Ash  completely  by  sur-     „ 

tt  i  •  11  •        i         i       i  a  March  3. 

prise. a  tie  came  upon  him  with  about  nine  hundred  men, 
a  large  number  of  them  tories  ;  and,  notwithstanding  it  was  open 
daylight,  so  panic-struck  were  the  American  militia,  that  they  fled 
without  firing  a  shot.  About  one  hundred  and  fifty  fell  by  the  first  fire 
of  the  enemy,  and  a  large  number  were  either  drowned  in  the  Savan- 
nah River,  or  were  engulfed  in  the  deep  morasses  that  flanked  its 
margin.  The  regular  troops  made  a  gallant  resistance,  but,  aban- 
doned by  the  militia,  they  were  compelled  to  retreat  before  over- 
whelming numbers.  General  Rutherford  together  with  about  thirty 
officers  and  two  hundred  men,  were  taken  prisoners,  and  so  com- 
pletely defeated  were  the  Americans,  that  when  General  Ash  rejoined 
Lincoln  he  had  only  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  men.  The 
Americans  lost  seven  pieces  of  cannon,  and  all  their  arms  and  ammu- 
nition. 

This  victory  at  Briar  Creek  rendered  the  royal  troops  again  com- 
plete masters  of  Georgia.  General  Prevost  immediately  began  the 
re-organization  of  the  government  in  that  State,  and  employed  every 
means  in  his  power  to  win  the  people  over  to  the  royal  cause.  But 
the  Carolinians  in  the  meanwhile  were  not  idle.  They  were  defeated 
but  not  disheartened,  and  vigorous  measures  were  adopted  to  assem- 
ble the  militia  and  inspire  them  with  new  ardor.  John  Rutledge,  a 
man  of  extensive  influence,  was  elected  Governor  of  the  State,  and 
he  and  his  council  were  invested  with  dictatorial  powers  ;  high 
bounties  were  offered  and  severe  penalties  threatened ;  regiments 
of  horse  were  organized ;  and  so  ardent  became  the  zeal  of  the  peo- 
ple, that  by  the  middle  of  April,  five  thousand  fighting  men  were 
gathered  around  the  standard  of  General  Lincoln. 

Leaving  General  Moultrie  with  about  fifteen  hundred  men 
to  watch  the  movements  of  Prevost,  Lincoln  proceeded* 
with  the  main  body  of  his  army  up  the  left  bank  of  the  Savannah, 
and  crossed  over  into  Georgia,  near  Augusta,  with  the  intention  of 
marching  upon  the  capital  of  the  State.     General  Prevost,  whose 
army  had  been  augmented  by  tories,  having  perceived  the  movement 
of  Lincoln,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  three  thousand  men, 
English,  tories  and  Indians,  passed  the  Savannah6  and  its       P" 
fearful  marshes,  and  attacked  the  American  camp,  hoping  thereby  to 
induce  Lincoln  to  return.     Moultrie  was  assisted   by  the   gallant 
Pulaski  and  his  light-horse,  but  was  soon  obliged  to  retreat  towards 
Charleston  before  a  greatly  superior  force.     Prevost,  astonished  at 

19 


284  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [P7*. 

Charleston  summoned  to  surrender  to  the  British.  Retreat  of  the  British^ 

his  own  success,  resolved  to  turn  what  was  intended  as  a  mere  feint  to 
allure  Lincoln  back,  to  some  account,  and  at  once  planned  an  attack 
upon  Charleston.  Thus,  at  the  same  time,  Lincoln  was  pushing 
forward  on  one  side  of  the  river  to  capture  Savannah,  the  capital 
of  Georgia,  and  General  Prevost,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
was  hurrying  forward  to  attack  Charleston,  the  capital  of  South 
Carolina. 

As  soon  as  Lincoln  was  apprised  of  the  march  of  Prevost  upon 
the  capital,  he  detached  a  body  of  infantry  mounted  on  horseback, 
towards  Charleston,  and  hastily  collecting  the  militia  of  the  upper 
country,  crossed  the  river  with  his  whole  force,  to  defend  the  town. 
Moultrie,  on  his  retreat,  destroyed  all  the  bridges  upon  the  route,  and 
this  so  delayed  the  British  army,  that  it  did  not  reach 
Charleston  until  the  eleventh  of  May.  On  the  following  daya 
Prevost  summoned  the  town  to  surrender.  Governor  Rutledge  had 
arrived  there  previously,  and  Count  Pulaski,  with  his  Legion,  was 
also  on  the  spot.  Batteries  had  been  raised  on  the  land  side  of  the 
town.  The  suburbs  were  burnt  down,  and  a  great  number  of  can-- 
non  were  so  arranged  as  to  afford  a  strong  defence  against  attacks 
from  the  interior. 

Governor  Rutledge,  in  order  to  give  Lincoln  time  to  arrive,  opened 
negotiations  with  Prevost  for  surrendering,  and  ingeniously  con- 
trived to  spend  a  day  in  the  interchange  of  messages  and  answers. 
Perceiving  the  strength  of  the  batteries,  and  apprehending  the  near 
approach  of  Lincoln,  the  British  general  wisely  determined  to  with- 
draw his  troops,  and  abandon  the  enterprise.  He  accordingly  crossed 
the  Ashley  River,  and  proceeded  to  the  island  of  St.  John's,  sepa- 
rated from  the  main  land  by  an, inlet  called  Stono  River.  Leaving  a 
strong  division  at  Stono  Ferry,  Prevost  retired  with  a  part  of  his 
army  towards  Savannah.  On  the  twentieth  of  June,  Lincoln  attacked 
the  division  at  Stono  Ferry,  but,  after  a  severe  battle  of  an  hour 
and  twenty  minutes,  he  was  repulsed  with  a  loss  of  one  hundred  and 
seventy-nine  men.  The  British  soon  after  established  a  post  at 
Beaufort,  upon  the  salubrious  island  of  Port  Royal,  after  which  the 
main  body  of  the  army  retired  to  Savannah.  General  Lincoln  with 
his  army  took  post  at  Sheldon,  near  Beaufort. 

The  hot  and  sickly  season  having  now  commenced,  both  armies 
ceased  operations,  and  nothing  of  importance  was  done  in  the  south- 
ern department  of  the  Union  by  the  belligerent  forces  until 
the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet6  under  Count  D'Estaing. 
The  royal  .cause  lost  many  friends  during  this  southern. campaign,  in 
consequence  of  the  bad  conduct  of  the  English  officers  and  soldiers. 
Their  career  was  marked  by  peculiar  ferocity,  and  the  negro  slaves 


chaf.  ix.]  EVENTS  OF  1779.  285 

Brutal  conduct  of  the  British  soldiery.  British  expedition  against  Virginia. 

were  used  as  instruments  in  the  execution  of  their  plunders  and 
wanton  destruction  of  property.  Not  satisfied  with  pillaging,  they 
spared,  in  their  brutality,  neither  women,  nor  children,  nor  sick. 
Houses  were  stripped  of  their  rich  furniture ;  individuals  robbed  of 
their  ornaments  ;  splendid  mansions  burned  to  the  ground,  and  even 
cattle  were  wantonly  destroyed.*  The  heart  sickens  at  the  recital 
of  the  wicked  deeds  of  the  British  soldiery  in  Georgia,  and  makes 
one  "  hang  his  head  and  blush  to  call  himself  a  man."  Indeed, 
during  the  whole  war,  the  two  armies  exhibited  a  striking  contrast 
in  this  particular.  While  the  English  exhibited  a  ferocious  spirit 
towards  their  enemies,  the  Americans  were  constantly  manifesting 
humanity  and  generous  forbearance.  This  fact  is  admitted  by  Bri- 
tish writers. 

While  these  various  events  were  transpiring  at  the  south,  Virginia, 
New  York,  and  the  New  England  States,  became  the  theatre  of 
predatory  warfare.  Washington  had  determined  to  act  on  the  defen- 
sive, for  reasons  already  stated,  and  the  English  wisely  resolved  to 
confine  their  operations  chiefly  to  the  sea-coast.  Sir  George  Collier 
had  recently  been  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the  British  naval 
forces  on  the  American  station,  and  on  the  eighth  of  May  he  entered 
the  Chesapeake  with  a  small  squadron,  having  on  board  about  eight 
hundred  regular  troops,  and  some  Irish  Volunteers,  under  General 
Mathews.  The  object  of  the  expedition  was  to  take  possession  of 
the  naval  station  at  Gosport,  and  to  capture  the  military  stores  and 
[shipping  at  Portsmouth  and  Norfolk,  the  two  chief  commercial  cities 
of  Virginia.  Clinton  was  desirous  of  establishing  a  permanent 
(post  on  the  Chesapeake,  from  whence  to  make  predatory  incursions 
iinto  the  interior,  or  command  the  mouth  of  the  rivers,  and  thus  arrest 
the  commerce  of  the  Virginians  ;  but  he  dared  not  weaken  his  force, 
at  New  York.  The  only  defence  in  possession  of  the  Americans 
was  Fort  Nelson,  on  -the  bank  of  Elizabeth  River,  and  this  pre- 
sented but  a  feeble  barrier.  The  garrison  consisted  of  only  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  who,  on  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  fled  into 
a,  morass  in  the  vicinity,  leaving  behind  them  all  their  artillery  and 
stores.  General  Mathews  took  up  his  head-quarters  there,  and  in 
.the  course  of  a  few  days  made  a  terrible  sweep,  with  fire  and  sword, 
.rf  the  whole  neighboring  coast.  Public  and  private  property  was 
indiscriminately  destroyed,  and  the  most  ferocious  cruelty  and  devas- 


*  The  heaviest  loss  of  property  which  the  planters  of  Carolina  and  Georgia  had 
o  sustain  was  that  of  their  slaves.  Upwards  of  four  thousand  of  them  were  carried 
iway,  some  to  the  English  West  India  Islands,  and  others  were  left  to  perish  of 
lunger  in  the  woods  and  swamps. 


286 THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. [mp." 

.  Destruction  of  property  on  the  Virginia  coast.     Capture  of  the  forts  at  Verplanck's  and  Stony  Toint. 

tation  everywhere  marked  the  path  of  the  invaders.  Ports- 
mouth and  Norfolk  were  captured,0  and  everything  that  fell 
in  the  way  of  the  enemy  was  utterly  destroyed.  One  hundred  and 
twenty-seven  vessels  were  taken  or  burned,  and  other  property,  to 
the  value  of  two  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars,  was  scattered  to  the 
winds  of  heaven.  After  destroying  the  navy-yard  at  Portsmouth, 
with  eight  ships  of  war  which  they  found  upon  the  stocks,  the  expe- 
dition returned  to  New  York,  from  which,  altogether,  they  had  been 
absent  only  twenty-one  days.  It  was  a  Vandal-like  expedition, 
unjustified  by  necessity  or  utility. 

A  few  days  after  their  return  to  New  York,  Admiral  Collier  and 
General  Mathews  proceeded  up  the  Hudson  River  with  a  fresh 
detachment  of  troops.  They  were  accompanied  by  General  Clinton, 
and  the  object  of  the  expedition  was  to  dislodge  the  Americans  from 
Stony  Point  and  Verplanck's  Point,  both  of  which  places  the  latter 
were  fortifying.  The  fort  at  Stony  Point  being  unfinished,  and 
affording  small  defence  to  its  inmates,  the  Americans  aban- 
ay  '  doned  it  on  the  approach  of  Clinton,*  without  firing  a  gun. 
Clinton  then  formed  a  strong  battery  of  heavy  guns  and  mortars,  and 
opened  a  destructive  fire  across  the  river  upon  Fort  La  Fayette,  at 
Verplanck's  Point.*  In  the  meanwhile,  a  detachment  invested  the 
fort  on  the  land  side,  and  from  the  river  it  was  battered  by  shots 
from  armed  galleys.  Finding  resistance  vain,  the  Americans  soon 
surrendered  conditional  prisoners  of  war.c  This  was  a 
severe  loss  to  Washington,  for,  between  these  places,  he  had 
a  most  convenient  communication  for  the  two  wings  of  his  army  on 
either  side  of  the  river.t  These  two  forts  also  commanded  the 
Hudson,  and  secured  a  free,  communication  between  the  troops  of 
New  England  and  the  central  and  southern  portion  of  the  confede- 
racy. Clinton,  having  left  considerable  garrisons  at  both  places,  and 
commanded  the  immediate  completion  of  the  fort  at  Stony  Point, 
returned  to  New  York,  having  lost  only  one  man. 

In  the  early  part  of  July,  the  infamous  Governor  Tryon  was  again 
sent  into  Connecticut  with  about  two  thousand  six  hundred  men,  for 
the  express  purpose  of  devastating  the  country.  In  such  expeditions, 
and  such  alone,  was  Tryon  employed,  and  generally  his  success  was 
commensurate  with  his  aspirations.  With  fagot  in  hand,  and 
defenceless  women  and  children  fleeing  before  him,  he  was  a  brave 
soldier,  and  knowing  his  peculiar  traits  of  greatness,  General  Clinton 
always  employed  him  when  anything  particularly  brutal  in  the  way 

*  This  fort  was  very  complete.     It  had  palisades,  a  double  ditch,  chevaux-de-frise, 
abattis,  and  a  bomb-proof  chevalier,  or  block-house,  in  its  centre, 
f  The  ferry  was  known  as  King's  Ferry. 


chap,  ix.]  EVENTS  OF  1779.  287 

Predatory  expedition  of  Tryon  into  Connecticut.  Burning  of  Fairfield  and  Norw.ilk. 

of  pillage  and  incendiarism  was  to  be  performed,  sure  that  the  high 
trust  was  safely  reposed  in  a  faithful  executor. 

Tryon  landed  at  East  Haven,  and  issued  a  proclamation,  calling 

.  upon  the  people  to  return  to  their  allegiance,  and  threatening  destruc- 

i  tion  to  all  who  should  refuse  to  obey.  As  a  further  inducement  for 
the  inhabitants  to  become  loyal,  he  commenced  plundering  and 
burning  the  town  simultaneously  with  the  issuing  of  the  proclamation. 

i  Having  completed  his  work  of  destruction,  he  proceeded  to  New 

i  Haven,  but  was  met  on  the  way  by  a  band  of  brave  young  men, 
principally  students  of  Yale  College,  under  Capt.  Hillhouse,  but 
they  were  soon  driven  back,  and  the  enemy  entered  the  town  in 
triumph,    destroying   everything   that   fell    in   their  way,    artillery, 

i  ammunition,  public  stores,  and  an  immense  amount  of  private  pro- 
perty, although  the  flame  of  the  incendiary  was  withheld."  a  July  5. 
Proceeding  immediately  to  Fairfield  and  Norwalk,  he  laid  a  juiy  7 
both  those  places  in  ashes,6  and  before  applying  the  torch, 

,  the  soldiers  were  allowed  to  enter  the  houses,  break  open  trunks, 
desks,  closets,  and  other  places  of  deposit,  and  rob  the  people  of 
clothing,  money,  jewelry,  and  every  other  article  which  their  fancy 
or  rapacity  coveted,   and  at  the  same  time  abused  the  inhabitants 

1  with  the  foulest  language.  Some  of  the  scenes  enacted  at  Fairfield 
by  Tryon's  mercenaries,  as  appears  by  official  affidavits,  are  almost 
too  cruel  and  revolting  for  belief.*  Having  completed  his  work  of 
destruction  there,  Tryon  prepared  to  make   a  descent  upon  New 

:  London,  but  was  hastily  recalled  by  Clinton,  who  was  either  dis- 

;  satisfied  with  his  mode  of  warfare,  or  needed  his  services  on  the 
Hudson,  where  the  Americans  were  gaining  advantages. 

The  people  of  Connecticut  felt  themselves  neglected  by  Wash- 

I  ington,  in  not  affording  them  some  protection  from  these  predatory 

*  Wanton  outrages  were  committed  on  the  inhabitants  of  Fairfield,  who  were  left 
'  in  the  town,  most  of  them  of  the  feeble  sex.     Some  of  them,  the  first  characters  in 
the  place,  from  a  wish  to  save  their  property,  and  an  indiscreet  confidence  in  the 
:  honor  of  Governor  Tryon,  with  whom  they  had  been  personally  acquainted,  and 
who  had  formerly  received  many  civilities  at  their  houses,  risked  their  own  persons 
and  their  honor,  amidst  the  fury  of  a  conquering  enemy,  on  a  kind  of  sham  pro- 
tection from  that  infamous  leader.     The  principal  ladies  of  Fairfield,  from  their 
'  little  knowledge  of  the  world,  of  the  usages  of  armies,  or  the  general  conduct  of 
men,  where  circumstances  combine  to  render  them  savage,  could  not  escape  the 
.  brutality  of  the  soldiery  by  showing  their  protections  from  Governor  Tryon.     Their 
houses  were  rifled,  their  persons  shamefully  abused,  and  after  the  general  pillage 
1  and  burning  of  everything  valuable  in  the  town,  some  of  these  miserable  victims 
'  of  sorrow  were  found,  half  distracted,  in  the  swamps  and  in  the  fields,  whither 
they  had  fled  in  the  agonies  of  despair.—  Mrs.  Warren,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  116-7. 

Tryon  tried  to  defend  his  character  against  the  just  odium  which  his  base 
conduct  brougnt  upon  it,  and  boasted  of  his  extreme  clemency  in  allowing  a  single 
house  to  remain  standing  upon  the  New  England  coast ! 


283  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1779. 

Storming  and  re-capture  of  Stony  Point  by  General  Wayne. 

expeditions,  but  the  prudence  of  the  Commander-in-chief  clearly 
perceived  how  unwise  it  would  be  to  divide  his  small  army  while  in 
the  immediate  vicinage  of  a  powerful  enemy.  Besides,  he  was 
determined  to  recapture  Stony  Point  and  Fort  La  Fayette,  and  thus 
efface  the  desponding  impression  of  the  troops  and  people,  engen- 
dered by  so  many  reverses.  For  this  purpose  he  sent  General 
Wayne,  one  "of  the  most  daring,  yet  prudent  officers  of  his  army, 
from  his  encampment  among  the  Highlands  at  West  Point,  with  a 
detachment  to  attack  the  fort  at  Stony  Point.  At  the  same  time, 
General  Robert  Howe,  with  another  detachment,  was  sent  to  attempt 
the  capture  of  Fort  La  Fayette,  at  Verplanck's  Point.  The  English 
had  completed  the  Stony  Point  fort,  and  strongly  garrisoned  it.  Its 
stores  were  abundant,  and  very  formidable  defensive  preparations  had 
been  made.  After  a  toilsome  march  of  fourteen  miles  over  high 
mountains  and  through  deep  morasses,  Wayne  arrived  in  sight  of 
the  fort  about  eight  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  the  fifteenth  of  July, 
and,  dividing  his  army  into  two  columns,  advanced  without  being 
perceived  by  the  British.  A  vanguard  of  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  noted  for  their  skill  and  bravery,  were  put  under  the 
command  of  the  brave  Frenchman,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Fleury,  and 
about  half-past  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  while  the  enemy  were  wrap- 
ped in  slumber,  moved  upon  the  fort,  followed  by  the  main  body,  and 
at  midnight  the  attack  commenced.  The  garrison  was  soon  under 
arms,  and  poured  a  destructive  fire  upon  the  advancing  columns.  A 
morass  that  covered  the  works  in  front,  was  overflowed  by  the  tide, 
and  presented  a  serious  obstacle  ;  but  neither  the  broad  morass,  nor 
the  volleys  of  musketry,  nor  the  iron  hail  of  the  artillery,  nor  the 
strong  bastioned  rampart,  alive  with  brave  warriors,  could  avert  the 
impetuous  attack  of  the  Americans,  cheered  on  as  they  were  by  the 
loud  voice  of  Wayne,  whose  blade  flashed  at  every  post  of  danger 
and  duty.*  Before  the  British  had  fairly  recovered  from  the  first 
panic  of  surprise,  the  two  patriot  columns  advancing  from  different 
points,  scaled  the  walls  and  met  in  the  centre  of  the  fortress.  The 
British,  ignorant  of  the  number  of  the  Americans,  immedi- 
ately surrendered,  and  before  dawna  the  stripes  and  stars 
floated  triumphantly  over  the  ramparts. t  The  number  of  prisoners 
was  five  hundred  and  forty-three.      The   enemy   had  sixty-three 

*  General  Wayne's  head  was  severely  contused  by  a  musket  ball,  before  reaching 
the  ramparts,  which  brought  him  to  the  ground.  Instantly  rising  upon  one  knee, 
he  exclaimed,  "  March  on  !  carry  me  into  the  fort,  for  I  will  die  at  the  head  of  my 
column  !"     The  wound  proved  a  comparatively  slight  one. 

t  Colonel  Fleury  struck  the  British  flag  with  his  own  hands,  and  hoisted  the 
American  standard  in  its  place. 


CHAP.  IX.] 

EVENTS  OF  1779. 

289 

Abandonment  of  the  Fort. 

Daring  feat  of  General  Putnam. 

killed  ;  the  Americans  fifteen  killed  and  eighty-three  wounded. 
Several  cannons  and  mortars  of  various  sizes,  a  large  number  of 
muskets,  shells,  shot,  and  tents,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of 
stores,  were  captured.  This  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  achieve- 
ments of  the  war.  The  commanding  officers  received  the  highest 
encomiums  from  Congress,  and  a  grateful  people  poured  out  their 
praises  upon  them  without  stint.* 

At  early  dawn  the  next  morning,  Wayne,  imitating  the  example 
of  Clinton,  pointed  his  guns  upon  Fort  La  Fayette,  and  opened  a 
destructive  fire.  He  expected  General  Howe  with  his  division 
would  be  there  to  co-operate  with  him  by  attacking  the  fort  on  the 
land  side,  but  was  disappointed  ;  and  Clinton,  in  the  meanwhile, 
hearing  of  the  attack  upon  Stony  Point,  sent  a  detachment  up  the 
river  to  dislodge  the  Americans.  Washington  had  previously 
ordered  Wayne  to  dismantle  and  abandon  the  fort  when  it  should  be 
captured,  his  chief  object  being  the  attainment  of  the  ammunition 
and  stores.  Finding  Fort  La  Fayette  invulnerable  to  his  shots  across 
the  river,  Wayne,  on  the  approach  of  Clinton's  transports,  ceased 
firing,  and  retreated  back  to  the  American  camp.  Clinton  tried,  by 
various  manoeuvres,  to  draw  Washington  out  from  his  mountain 
fastnesses  ;  but,  failing  in  this,  he  placed  a  strong  garrison  at  Stony 
Point,  and  returned  to  New  York. 

The  brilliant  success  of  Wayne  at  Stony  Point  greatly  embold- 
ened the  Americans,  and  the  British  outposts  which  had  been  con- 
stantly harassed  during  the  winter  and  spring  by  small  detachments 
of  the  Republican  army,t  now  suffered  more  than  ever,  and  several 
daring  achievements  marked  the  American  arms.       Among  them 

*  Congress  ordered  three  different  medals  to  be  struck,  emblematical  of  the 
action,  and  awarded  respectively  to  General  Wayne,  Colonel  Fleury,  and  Colonel 
Stewart.  Wayne  received  the  most  flattering  notices  from  the  eminent  men,  civil 
and  military,  of  the  country.     Benjamin  Rush  wrote  to  him,  saying: — 

"  My  dear  Sir  : — There  was  but  one  thing  wanting  in  your  late  successful  attack 
upon  Stony  Point  to  complete  your  happiness ;  and  that  is,  the  wound  you  received 
should  have  affected  your  hearing ;  for  I  fear  you  will  be  stunned  through  those 
organs  with  your  own  praises." 

f  During  the  winter,  General  Putnam  was  placed  over  three  brigades  at  Danbury, 
Connecticut,  and  it  was  during  his  stay  there,  that  his  breakneck  feat  of  descending 
a  precipice  on  horseback  was  performed.  Being  at  West  Greenwich  one  day,  he 
was  informed  that  the  infamous  Tryon,  of  New  York,  with  fifteen  hundred  men,  was 
marching  on  the  place.  He  at  once  assembled  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers, 
-and  planting  two  cannons  upon  a  steep  hill,  he  opened  a  destructive  fire  upon  the 
enemy.  When  he  saw  the  dragoons  about  to  charge,  he  ordered  his  men  to  retreat 
into  a  swamp,  while  he  waited  until  they  approached  very  near,  and  then  suddenly 
wheeling,  reined  his  horse  straight  down  the  precipice,  where  there  were  about  one 
hundred  stone  steps,  and  thus  escaped.  He  then  sped  on  to  Stamford,  where  he 
found  some  militia,  returned  and  chased  Tryon  back,  and  took  about  Mty  prisoners. 


290  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1779. 

Capture  of  the  fort  at  Paulus's  Hook.  Defeat  of  Lovell's  expedition  upon  the  Penob  scot. 

was  the  capture  of  the  fort  at  Paulus's  Hook,*  by  a  small  party 
under  Major  Lee,  a  brave  young  Virginian.  Washington  instructed 
him  not  to  attempt  to  retain  it,  after  capturing  it,  but  to  retreat  back 
to  camp  as  speedily  as  possible.  Before  daylight  on  the  morning 
of  the  nineteenth  of  July,  Lee,  with  about  three  hundred  Virginians 
and  dismounted  dragoons,  reached  the  fort  and  took  the  garrison  by 
surprise.  Thirty  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  and  one  hundred  and 
sixty  were  taken  prisoners.  The  American  loss  in  killed  and  wound- 
ed was  about  a  dozen.  Pursuant  to  instructions,  Lee  immediately 
retreated  without  spiking  a  gun  or  demolishing  a  rampart,  and,  with 
his  prisoners,  arrived  safely  within  the  American  lines. 

In  June,  a  flotilla  of  thirty-seven  sail,  carrying  three   thousand 
troops,  was  sent  from  Boston  against  a  British  station  upon  the 
Penobscot  River,  which  had  been  planted  there  to  prevent  an  incur- 
sion of  the  New  Englanders  into   Nova   Scotia.     General  Lovell 
commanded  the  expedition,  but  on  landing*  he  found  the 

a  July  25.  .  \  .     .       .  .  ,  •  ,  .       ,    , 

works  too  strong  to  be  carried  without  the  aid  promised  by 
Gates.  Before  its  arrival,  Sir  George  Collier,  who  had  recently 
devastated  the  coast  of  Virginia,  appeared  in  the  river  with  a  squad- 
ron from  New  York.  Lovell  immediately  re-embarked  his  troops 
and  made  a  show  of  resistance,  but  finding  the  enemy  pressing  upon 
him  with  superior  force,  he  pushed  for  shore,  abandoned  his  vessels, 
and  escaped.  The  flotilla  was  utterly  destroyed,  and  the  soldiers 
and  sailors  were  obliged  to  find  their  way  back  by  land  through  a 
most  dreary  wilderness,  enduring  extreme  hardship  and  suffering, 
and  many  perished  in  the  woods. 

The  condition  of  affairs  in  the  southern  States,  already  recorded, 
claimed  and  received  the  earnest  attention  of  Congress,  and  Wash- 
ington considered  it  necessary1  to  send  thither  a  part  of  his  little 
army,  although  the  whole,  and  more,  were  needed  for  the  defence 
of  the  northern  section  of  the  Union.  D'Estaing,  who  was  carrying 
on  offensive  operations  against  the  British  in  the  West  Indies,  was 
solicited  to  proceed  immediately  to  the  American  coast,  to  assist  in 
the  labors  of  the  fall  campaign.  The  French  commander  had  just 
defeated  the  English  Admiral,  Byron,  and  being  thus  almost  master 
of  the  seas  in  that  quarter,  and  having  an  ally  at  hand  t  to  annoy  his 


*  Now  Jersey  city,  opposite  the  south  end  of  New  York. 

t  Early  in  the  year,  a  transaction  took  place  in  Europe,  which  promised  at  its 
inception  to  be  of  signal  service  to  the  Americans,  not  so  much  by  direct  aid,  but  in 
crippling  the  power  of  Great  Britain.  Spain,  after  hesitating  a  Jong  time,  and 
being  anxious  to  recover  Gibraltar,  Jamaica,  and  the  two  Floridas,  which  Britain 
had  wrested  from  her,  at  last  determined  to  join  the  confederacy  with  France,  and 
on  the  twelfth  of  April  concluded  with  her,  for  that  purpose,  a  secret  treaty  of 


CHAP.   IX.] 

EVENTS  OF  1779. 

291 

Sudden  arrival  of  D'Estaing. 

AtUirk  upon  Savannah. 

enemy,  he   at  once  accepted  the  invitation,  and  early  in  September, 
arrived  upon  the  coast  of  Georgia.* 

He  arrived  at  Savannah  unexpectedly,  with  twenty  ships  of  the 
line,  bearing  about  six  thousand  land  troops,  and  captured  by  sur- 
prise, a  fifty  gun  ship  and  three  frigates.  General  Prevost,  having 
his  army  divided  into  detachments  along  the  frontier,  was  not  pre- 
pared for  an  attack,  but  so  promptly  were  his  orders  for  a  general 
rendezvous  obeyed,  that  before  the  French  forces  could  land  and 
form  a  junction  with  Lincoln,  the  British  were  nearly  all  concen- 
trated at  Savannah,  the  head-quarters  of  the  General.  On  the  16th 
of  September,  D'Estaing  appeared  before  the  town  with  his  whole 
force,  and  demanded  its  immediate  surrender,  which  Prevost  refused, 
having  just  been  reinforced  by  Colonel  Maitland.  The  officers  of 
the  allied  armies,  finding  the  place  too  strong  to  storm,  after  consul- 
tation, determined  upon  a  siege,  and  for  that  purpose  brought  up  the 
heavy  artillery  from  the  fleet.  On  the  twenty-third  of  September 
they  broke  ground,  but  made  very  little  progress  before  the  first  of 
October,  when  D'Estaing  expressed  his  determination  to  leave  the 
coast  with  his  fleet,  for  more  secure  winter  quarters  !  He  proposed, 
however,  to  assist  in  storming  the  place  before  departing.  This  was 
agreed  to,  and  on  the  ninth  of  October  the  assault  commenced  upon 
the  enemy's  works  by  a  detachment  of  four  thousand  five  hundred 
men,  French  and  American,  who  advanced  through  a  marshy  hollow 
to  within  fifty  yards  of  the  walls.  They  pressed  forward  with  great 
vigor,  crossed  the  ditch,  mounted  the  parapet,  and  planted  the 
American  flag  upon  the  ramparts.  But  in  this  exposed  state  the 
severe  fire  of  the  enemy  caused  them  to  fall  back,  with  great  loss, 

peace.  She  had  repeatedly  offered  to  mediate,  but  Britain  steadily  refused,  because 
the  acknowledgment  of  the  actual  independence  of  the  United  States  was  a  condi- 
tion. On  the  sixteenth  of  June,  D'Almadovar,  the  Spanish  Ambassador,  left  Lon- 
don, after  leaving  a  note  containing  a  statement  of  grievances,  and  issuing  a 
manifesto  with  eighty-six  counts,  declaring  the  necessity  of  reducing  the  maritime 
power  of  Great  Britain.  Letters  of  marque  and  open  war  followed  the  publication 
of  these  documents.  As  stated  in  the  text,  the  Americans  exulted  over  this  event, 
believing  that  the  power  of  Britain  to  carry  on  the  war  here  would  be  greatly  weak- 
ened by  the  combination.  "But,"  says  Murray,  "she  roused  herself,  however, 
mightily  to  resist  this  new  aggression;  voluntary  aids  were  poured  in  both  by  indi- 
vidual and  public  bodies ;  and  she  showed  herself  able,  not  only  to  contend  with  the 
united  navies  of  the  Bourbons,  but  even  to  bring  again  into  jeopardy  the  Independ- 
ence of  her  revolted  Colonies." — Edinburgh  Cab.  Lib.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  Gl. 

*  As  soon  as  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  informed  of  the  arrival  of  D'Estaing  upon  our 
coast,  he  supposed  that  he  would  proceed  northward,  and,  with  Washington,  make 
a  combined  attack  on  New  York.  This  idea  alarmed  him,  and  he  at  once  ordered 
the  evacuation  of  Rhode  Island,  where  six  thousand  men  were  stationed,  and  drew 
the  troops  to  New  York.  Stony  Point,  and  Verplanck's  Point,  were  evacuated  on  the 
thirty-first  of  October,  and  the  garrisons  taken  to  the  city. 


292  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1779. 

Abandonment  of  the  siege  of  Savannah.  Departure  of  Clinton  for  Savannah. 

j . ■ ■ . 

after  a  furious  contest  of  an  hour.  During  the  height  of  the  assault, 
the  brave  Pole,  Count  Pulaski,  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  light- 
horse,  charged  at  full  speed  and  attempted  to  penetrate  into  the  town 
and  attack  the  British  rear.  Being  at  the  head  of  his  squadron,  he 
received  a  bullet  wound  which  proved  mortal,  and  his  men,  seeing 
their  chief  fall,*  wheeled  and  retreated  in  great  confusion.  About 
the  same  time  Colonel  Maitland  issued  forth  with  a  mixed  corps  of 
grenadiers  and  marines,  charged  the  broken  columns  of  the  besiegers, 
and  drove  them  back  into  the  hollow  by  which  they  approached  the 
walls.  D'Estaing,  anxious  to  sail  before  the  autumnal  storms  should 
come  on,  refused  to  join  Lincoln  in  a  second  attack  upon  the  city, 
and  consequently  the  siege  was  raised  and  the  allied  forces  retreated, 
— the  Americans  across  the  Savannah  into  Carolina,  and  the  French 
on  board  of  their  vessels.! 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  informed  of  the  success  of  the  British  arms  at 
the  south,  determined  to  make  that  region  his  most  important  field 
of  operations  for  the  future,  and  planned  the  campaign  of  1780  upon 
an  extensive  scale.  He  was  more  induced  to  make  such  arrange- 
ments because  he  had  just  received  some  reinforcements  from  Great 
Britain.  Accordingly,  leaving  Knyphausen,  with  troops  sufficient 
to  defend  New  York  against  Washington,   Clinton   sailed4 

a  Dec.  26.  °  . 

for  Savannah,  under  convoy  of  Admiral  Arbulhnot,  with 
about  seven  thousand  troops,  where  he  arrived  after  a  most  tempest- 
uous voyage  of  nearly  a  month,  losing  some  of  his  vessels  by  wreck, 
and  all  his  horses,  and  at  once  began  active  preparations  for  the 
spring  campaign. 

During  the  summer  of  this  year,  an  expedition  under  General 
Sullivan  was  sent  against  the  Indian  tribes  called  the  Six  Nations, 
upon  the  upper  sources  of  the  Susquehanna,  who,  with  the  exception 
of  the  Oneidas,  incited  by  British  agents,  had  for  some  time  carried 
5  j  l  2i  on  a  sort  °^  guer^^a  warfare  against  the  border  settlements. 
Sullivan,  with  about  three  thousand  troops,  left  Wyoming* 
and  proceeded  up  the  Susquehanna  to  Tioga  Point,  where 
e  Aug. 22.   jie  wag  j0jne(}c  ky  General  James  Clinton,  from  the  banks 


*  The  name  of  Pulaski,  like  that  of  Kosciusko,  is  dear  to  every  American,  because 
he  was  a  lover  of  freedom,  and,  for  the  same  reason,  both  are  revered  by  every  true 
son  of  Poland.  He  seemed  to  feel  intensely  the  sentiment,  "  Where  Liberty  dwells 
there  is  my  country."  When  Stanislaus,  King  of  Poland,  heard  of  his  death,  he 
exclaimed,  "  Pulaski !  always  valiant,  but  always  foe  to  Kings  !"  Stanislaus  had 
felt  that  bitter  truth  to  his  sorrow.  There  is  a  fine  monument  at  Savannah  erected 
to  the  memory  of  Pulaski  and  General  Greene. 

f  The  French  encountered  severe  storms,  and  arrived  at  Brest  in  a  greatly  shat- 
tered condition.  D'Estaing  was  one  of  the  victims  of  the  guillotine  during  the 
"  Reign  of  Terror." 


chap,  ix.]  EVENTS  OF  1779.  293 

Sullivan's  expedition  against  the  Indians.  Exploits  of  John  Paul  Jones. 

of  the  Mohawk,  with  about  sixteen  hundred  men,  making  his  effective 
force  nearly  five  thousand. 

At  Elmira,  in  Chemung  county,  Sullivan  found  a  party  of  Indians 
and  tories  about  a  thousand  in  number  (eight  hundred  savages  and 
two  hundred  whites),  under  the  command  of  Brandt,  Butler,  and 
others,  wfco  were  at  the  massacre  of  Wyoming  the  preceding  year. 
They  were  strongly  fortified,  but  Sullivan  at  once  attacked 
them,a  and,  after  a  desperate  resistance,  the  savages  retreated 
back  into  the  wilderness.  Determined  to  chastise  them  severely, 
the  Americans  pursued  them  into  the  very  heart  of  their  country,  and 
during  the  month  of  September,  they  desolated  the  whole  domain 
to  the  Genesee  River.  They  burned  forty  Indian  villages,  laid  waste 
corn-fields,  gardens,  fruit  trees,  and  every  other  vestige  of  cultiva- 
tion left  behind  by  the  flying  Indians  and  tories,  destroying  more 
than  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  bushels  of  corn.  This  expedi- 
tion was  a  cruel  one,  and  was  hardly  justifiable  by  any  rule  of  right ; 
yet  it  presented  one  of  those  stern  necessities — an  evil  of  great  mag- 
nitude, requiring  a  severe  remedy  to  avert  serious  consequences — 
which  the  exigencies  of  the  times  called  forth.  It  greatly  intimidated 
the  Indians,  and  for  a  time  the  frontier  settlements  had  repose. 

While  the  opposing  armies  in  America,  and  the  French  and  English 
fleets  on  that  coast  and  in  the  West  Indies,  were  alternately  victori- 
ous and  unsuccessful,  our  infant  navy  won  new  laurels  upon  the 
coasts  of  the  British  Islands,  under  the  guidance  of  the  intrepid  Paul 
Jones.  During  the  summer,  the  American  Commissioners  at  Paris, 
aided  by  the  French  government,  fitted  out  a  squadron,*  the  com- 
mand of  which  wras  given  to  Jones.  In  July,  lie  sailed  from  L'Ori- 
ent,  in  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  accompanied  by  his  squadron,  and 
made  directly  for  the  western  coast  of  Ireland.  He  first  appeared 
off  Kerry,  and  from  thence  sailed  round  the  north  of  Scotland,  and 
appeared  off  the  port  of  Leith.  There,  in  sight  of  the  inhabitants, 
he  captured  several  vessels,  and  was  preparing  to  lay  the  town 
under  contribution  when  a  heavy  storm  arose  and  caused  him  to 
abandon  his  design.  He  then  directed  his  course  towards  Flam- 
borough  Head,  and  when  near  there,  he  fell  in  just  at  eve-   ,  „     M 

°  .  b  Sept.  23. 

ning*  with  a  merchant  fleet  returning  from  the  Baltic  under 
convoy  of  the  Serapis,  of  forty-four  guns,  and  the  Countess  of  Scar- 
borough, of  twenty  guns.     Jones,  who  had  been  engaged  during  the 
day  in  chasing  and  destroying  one  or  two  vessels,  immediately  pre- 


*  The  squadron  consisted  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  of  forty  guns,  the  Alliance, 
of  thirty-six  guns,  the  Pallas,  a  French  frigate,  of  thirty-two  guns,  hired  by  the 
American  Commissioners,  and  two  smaller  vessels. 


294  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1779. 


Paul  Jones's  Attack  on  a  British  convoy. 


pared  for  an  attack  upon  this  convoy.  About  seven  o'clock  in  the 
evening  the  battle  began,  and  so  near  was  the  scene  of  action  to  the 
shore,  that  the  heights  in  the  vicinity  were  crowded  with  people  to 
witness  the  dreadful  scene.  The  conflict  that  ensued  has  scarcely  a 
parallel  in  history,  and  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  actions  among 
the  many  for  which  the  War  of  Independence  is  distinguished. 
Commodore  Jones  himself  gave  the  following  graphic  description  of 
the  battle  : — 

"  The  battle  being  thus  begun,  was  continued  with  unremitting 
fury.  Every  method  was  practised  on  both  sides  to  gain  an  advan- 
tage, and  rake  each  other ;  and  I  must  confess  that  the  enemy's  ship, 
being  much  more  manageable  than  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  gained 
thereby  several  times  an  advantageous  situation,  in  spite  of  my  best 
endeavors  to  prevent  it.  As  I  had  to  deal  with  an  enemy  of  greatly 
superior  force,  I  was  under  the  necessity  of  closing  with  him,  to  pre- 
vent the  advantage  he  had  over  me  in  point  of  manoeuvre.  It  was 
my  intention  to  lay  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  athwart  the  enemy's 
bow ;  but  as  that  operation  required  great  dexterity  in  the  manage- 
ment of  both  sails  and  helm,  and  some  of  our  braces  being  shot 
away,  it  did  not  exactly  succeed  to  my  wish.  The  enemy's  bow- 
sprit, however,  came  over  the  Bon  Homme  Richard's  poop,  by  the 
mizen-mast,  and  I  made  both  ships  fast  together  in  that  situation, 
which,  by  the  action  of  the  wind  on  the  enemy's  sails,  forced  her 
stern  close  to  the  Bon  Homme  Richard's  bow,  so  that  the  ships  lay 
square  alongside  of  each  other,  the  yards  being  all  entangled,  and 
the  cannon  of  each  ship  touching  the  opponents.  When  this  position 
took  place  it  was  eight  o'clock,  previous  to  which  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard  had  received  sundry  eighteen-pound  shots  below  the  water, 
and  leaked  very  much.  My  battery  of  twelve-pounders,  on  which 
I  had  placed  my  chief  dependance,  being  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Dale  and  Colonel  Weibert,  and  manned  principally  with  American 
seamen  and  French  volunteers,  was  entirely  silenced  and  abandoned. 
As  to  the  six  old  eighteen-pounders  that  formed  the  battery  of  the 
lower  gun-deck,  they  did  no  service  whatever,  except  firing  eight 
shots  in  all.  Two  out  of  three  of  them  burst  at  the  first  fire,  and 
killed  almost  all  the  men  who  were  stationed  to  manage  them.  Be- 
fore this  time,  too,  Colonel  de  Chamillard,  who  commanded  a  party 
of  twenty  soldiers  on  the  poop,  had  abandoned  that  station,  after 
having  lost  some  of  his  men.  I  had  now  only  two  pieces  of  cannon 
(nine-pounders)  on  the  quarter-deck,  that  were  not  silenced,  and  not 
one  of  the  heavier  cannon  was  fired  during  the  rest  of  the  action. 
The  purser,  M.  Mease,  who  commanded  the  guns  on  the  quarter- 
deck, being  dangerously  wounded  in  the  head,  I  was  obliged  to  fill 


chap,  ix.]  EVENTS  OF  1779.  295 

Desperate  fighl  between  the  Hon  Homme  Richard  and  ^erapis. 

his  place,  and  with  great  difficulty  rallied  a  few  men  and  shifted  over 
one  of  the  lee  quarter-deck  guns,  so  that  we  afterwards  played  three 
pieces  of  nine-pounders  upon  the  enemy.  The  tops  alone  seconded 
the  fire  of  this  little  battery,  and  held  out  bravely  during  the  whole 
of  the  action,  especially  the  maintop,  where  Lieutenant  Stack  com- 
manded. I  directed  the  fire  of  one  of  the  three  cannons  against  the 
mainmast,  with  double-headed  shot,  while  the  other  two  were  ex- 
ceedingly well  served,  with  grape  and  canister-shot,  to  silence  the 
enemy's  musketry  and  clear  her  decks,  which  was  at  last  effected. 
The  enemy  were,  as  I  have  since  understood,  on  the  instant  of  call- 
ing for  quarter,  when  the  cowardice  or  treachery  of  three  of  my 
under-ofncers  induced  them  to  call  to  the  enemy.  The  English 
commodore  asked  me  if  I  demanded  quarter,  and  I  having  answered 
him  in  the  most  determined  negative,  they  renewed  the  battle  with 
double  fury.  They  were  unable  to  stand  the  deck ;  but  the  fire  of 
their  cannon,  especially  the  lower  battery,  which  was  entirely  formed 
of  ten-pounders,  was  incessant  ;  both  ships  were  set  on  fire  in 
various  places,  and  the  scene  was  dreadful  beyond  the  reach  of  lan- 
guage. To  account  for  the  timidity  of  my  three  under-ofncers — I 
mean  the  gunner,  the  carpenter,  and  the  master-at-arms — I  must 
observe,  that  the  first  two  were  slightly  wounded,  and,  as  the  ship 
had  received  various  shots  under  water,  and  one  of  the  pumps  being 
shot  away,  the  carpenter  expressed  his  fears  that  she  would  sink, 
and  the  other  two  concluded  that  she  was  sinking,  which  occasioned 
the  gunner  to  run  aft  on  the  poop,  without  my  knowledge,  to  strike 
the  colors.  Fortunately  for  me,  a  cannon-ball  had  done  that  before, 
by  carrying  away  the  ensign-staff;  he  was  therefore  reduced  to  the 
necessity  of  sinking,  as  he  supposed,  or  of  calling  for  quarter,  and 
he  preferred  the  latter. 

"  All  this  time  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  had  sustained  the  action 
alone,  and  the  enemy,  though  much  superior  in  force,  would  have 
been  very  glad  to  have  got  clear,  as  appears  by  their  own  acknow- 
ledgments, and  by  their  having  let  go  an  anchor  the  instant  that  I 
laid  them  on  board,  by  which  means  they  would  have  escaped,  had 
I  not  made  them  well  fast  to  the  Bon  Homme  Richard. 

"  At  last,  at  half-past  nine  o'clock,  the  Alliance  appeared,  and  I 
now  thought  the  battle  at  an  end  ;  but,  to  my  utter  astonishment,  he 
discharged  a  broadside  full  into  the  stern  of  the  Bon  Homme  Rich- 
ard. We  called  to  him  for  God's  sake  to  forbear  firing  into  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard  ;  yet  they  passed  along  the  off  side  of  the  ship, 
and  continued  firing.  There  was  no  possibility  of  his  mistaking  the 
Bon  Homme  Richard  for  the  enemy's  ship,  there  being  the  most 
essential  difference  in  their  appearance  and  construction.     Besides,  it 


296  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1779. 

Capture  of  the  Sera  pis  and  Countess  of  Scarborough.        Jones  honored  by  France  and  the  U.  States 

was  then  full  moonlight,  and  the  sides  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard 
were  all  black,  while  the  sides  of  the  prize  were  all  yellow.  Yet, 
for  the  greater  security,  I  showed  the  signal  of  our  reconnaissance,  by 
putting  out  three  lanterns,  one  at  the  head,  another  at  the  stern,  and 
the  third  in  the  middle,  in  a  horizontal  line.  Every  tongue  cried 
that  he  was  firing  into  the  wrong  ship,  but  nothing  availed ;  he 
passed  round,  firing  into  the  Bon  Homme  Richard's  head,  stern,  and 
broadside,  and  by  one  of  his  volleys  killed  several  of  my  best  men, 
and  mortally  wounded  a  good  officer  on  the  forecastle.  My  situation 
was  really  deplorable  ;  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  received  various 
shots  under  water  from  the  Alliance  ;  the  leak  gained  on  the  pumps, 
and  the  fire  increased  much  on  board  both  ships.  Some  officers 
persuaded  me  to  strike,  of  whose  courage  and  good  sense  I  entertain 
a  high  opinion.  My  treacherous  master-at-arms  let  loose  all  my 
prisoners  without  my  knowledge,  and  my  prospects  became  gloomy 
indeed.  I  would  not,  however,  give  up  the  point.  The  enemy's 
mainmast  began  to  shake,  their  firing  decreased  fast,  ours  rather 
increased,  and  the  British  colors  were  struck  at  half  an  hour  past  ten 
o'clock." 

The  Countess  of  Scarborough  was  also  taken  by  the  Pallas,  but 
the  merchantmen  escaped.  Jones  sailed  for  Holland  with  his  prizes, 
and  anchored  off  the  Texel  on  the  third  of  October.  The  value  of 
the  prizes  taken  during  his  short  cruise  of  less  than  three  months, 
was  estimated  at  upwards  of  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  dollars.  The 
French  government  publicly  gave  him  thanks,  and  Louis  XVI.  con- 
ferred upon  him  the  Order  of  Merit.  Congress  also  honored  him 
with  a  vote  of  thanks,  and  by  their  order  a  gold  medal  was  struck  to 
commemorate  the  victory  over  the  Serapis. 

Thus  ended  the  warlike  operations  of  the  year  1779.  The  main 
division  of  the  American  army  of  the  north  went  into  winter-quarters 
at  Morristown,  New  Jersey,  under  the  immediate  personal  command 
of  Washington,  and  strong  detachments  were  stationed  at  West 
Point  and  other  posts  on  the  Hudson,  and  the  cavalry  were  cantoned 
in  Connecticut.  The  manifest  designs  of  Clinton  against  the 
south,  and  the  defeat  of  the  Americans  at  Savannah,  induced  the 
Commander-in-chief  to  send  a  reinforcement  to  General  Lincoln's 
army ;  and  before  the  middle  of  December  two  of  the  North  Caro- 
lina regiments  and  the  whole  of  the  Virginia  line  marched  to  the 
south,  leaving  the  main  army  in  quite  a  weak  condition.  The 
scarcity  of  provisions,  and  the  depreciated  value  of  the  continental 
money,  soon  threatened  a  total  dissolution  of  the  army.  The  soldiers 
were  put  upon  allowance  before  the  close  of  January,  and  finally,  to 
prevent  the  catastrophe  of  a  general  rebellion,  incited  by  starvation, 


chap,  ix.]  EVENTS  OF  1779.  299 

Election  by  Congress  of  Ministers  to  Great  Britain  and  Spain.  The  French  Alliance. 

Washington  was  obliged  to  resort  to  measures  similar  to  those 
adopted  during  the  winter  of  1778,  at  Valley  Forge,*  and  thus  he 
managed  to  keep  his  little  army  together. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  September,  Congress  proceeded  to  elect 
a  minister  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace  and  also  of  commerce,  with 
Great  Britain,  hoping  by  that  means  to  conclude  the  war  and 
establish  the  independence  of  the  States  through  the  instrumentality 
of  diplomacy,  rather  than  shed  more  blood.  John  Adams  was 
elected  to  this  important  office,  and  immediately  proceeded  to  enter 
upon  its  duties. t  John  Jay  was  elected  the  same  day  minister  to 
Spain,  for  general  negotiations  and  for  the  special  purpose  of  con- 
cluding some  definite  adjustment  of  boundaries  between  the  Spanish 
possessions  and  the  States  of  the  confederacy.  Mr.  Jay  did  not 
reach  Spain  until  March,  1780.  In  November,  M.  Gerard,  the 
French  Minister  to  the  United  States,  was  succeeded  by  the  Cheva- 
lier Luzerne,  a  man  of  great  influence,  and  highly  esteemed  by  both 
governments.  I 

The  prospects  of  the  American  cause  at  the  close  of  this  year 
were  as  gloomy  as  at  any  previous  period  of  the  war.  The  alliance 
with  France,  upon  which  so  much  hope  had  rested,  proved  exceed- 
ingly inefficient,  and  it  is  quite  doubtful  whether,  up  to  the  time  in 
question,  that  alliance  was  not  detrimental  rather  than  useful.  It 
is  true,  the  diversion  of  the  English  navy  from  our  coast  by 
the  fleet  of  D'Estaing,  and  the  necessity  experienced  by  the 
British  government  to  keep  a  respectable  land  force  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  also  a  force  sufficient  at  home  to  repel  a  threatened 
invasion  of  the  combined  armies  of  France  and  Spain,  greatly 
crippled  her  power,  and  prevented  that  vigorous  prosecution  of  the 
war  here  which  greater  numbers  would  have  effected.  But  this 
negative  aid  was  doubtless  balanced  by  the  apathy  of  the  Americans 
an  apathy  arising  from  a  too  great  reliance  upon  French  fleets  and 
armies,  and  a  belief  that  the  belligerent  position  of  Spain  and  Hol- 
land towards  England,  would  coerce  the  latter  into  negotiations  for 
peace.  In  addition  to  these  causes  for  apprehending  the  loss  to  the 
Americans  of  that  independence  they  had  so  boldly  asserted,  was  the 
more  formidable  one  of  internal  dissension  and  want  of  harmony  in 
the  councils  of  our  infant  nation,  having  their  origin  in  the  hydra 

*  He  demanded  from  each  county  in  New  Jersey,  a  certain  quantity  of  meat  and 
flour  to  be  brought  into  camp  within  six  days.  Unlike  the  inhabitants  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, the  people  of  New  Jerse\  very  cheerfully  complied  with  the  demand,  notwith- 
standing they  had  been  heavily  taxed  on  former  occasions.  i 

f  Owing  to  local  feelings,  there  were  several  ballotings  for  this  office  on  the 
twenty-sixth,  the  members  being  equally  divided  in  their  choice  between  Mr- 
Adams  and  Mr.  Jav. 

20 


300  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1779. 

Recall  of  Silas  Deane.  Difficulties  with  Thomas  Paine. 

of  party  spirit,  whose  pestiferous  breath  has  ever  been,  and  ever 
will  be,  a  mephitic  influence,  paralysing,  if  not  utterly  destroying, 
the  energies  of  every  enterprise  over  which  it  is  diffused.  And 
worse  than  all,  so  far  as  the  good  opinion  and  the  hoped-for  aid  of 
Europe  was  concerned,  our  diplomatic  agents  abroad  had  been 
engaged  in  personal  disputes,  which  finally  created  parties  at  home 
and  led  to  measures  that  alarmed  every  true  friend  of  the  cause. 

Some  of  these  foreign  agents  were  recalled,  among  whom  was  the 
ardent  but  injudicious  Silas  Deane,  who  was  charged  with  having 
exceeded  his  powers  in  engaging  French  officers  to  go  to  the  United 
States,  with  promises  of  rank  and  pay,  which  could  not  be  redeemed ; 
and  in  other  respects  his  conduct  was  censured.  Deane,  as  soon  as 
he  arrived,  requested  Congress  to  appoint  a  commissioner  to  inquire 
into  his  conduct,  but  thinking  there  was  unnecessary  delay  in  com- 
plying with  his  request,  he  published  an  inflammatory  address  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  in  which  he  poured  out  the  vials  of  his 
wrath  upon  the  heads  of  all  his  opponents,  some  of  whom  were 
among  the  most  distinguished  men  in  the  country,  charging  them 
with  selfishness,  chicanery,  and  personal  ambition.  Thomas  Paine, 
who  was  then  the  Secretary  of  Congress  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  one 
of  the  most  ardent  defenders  of  American  freedom,  wrote  a  caustic 
reply  to  Deane  in  one  of  his  papers  signed  "  Common  Sense,"  in 
which  he  unhesitatingly  accused  him  of  fraudulent  attempts,  while 
in  Europe,  to  enrich  himself  by  means  of  his  agency  ;  and  pointed  to 
the  fact  that  a  sum  of  money  sent  to  America  from  Louis  XVI. 
before  the  consummation  of  the  Treaty  of  Alliance,  appeared  in 
Deane's  account  as  a  loan,  when,  as  Paine  asserted,  it  was  a  free 
gift  from  that  monarch.  The  papers  in  Paine's  possession,  as  For- 
eign Secretary,  gave  him  every  facility  for  information,  and  this 
facility  he  indiscreetly  used  by  copying  from  diplomatic  documents 
in  his  office.  The  French  Minister  to  Congress,  Gerard,  knowing 
these  charges  to  come  from  the  pen  of  Paine,  memorialized  that  body 
upon  the  subject,  and  defended  his  sovereign  against  the  serious 
charge  of  having  given  aid  to  the  revolted  Colonies  of  a  power  with 
which  he  was  then  in  alliance.  Through  the  influence  of  Gerard 
and  the  political  enemies  of  Paine,  the  Secretary  was  cited  to  appear 
as  a  delinquent  at  the  bar  of  Congress,  where  he  at  once  acknow- 
ledged the  authorship  of  the  article.  As  soon  as  he  .withdrew, 
resolutions  for  his  dismissal  from  office,  on  the  ground  of  an  abuse 
of  trust  and  confidence,  in  publishing  extracts  from  secret  corres- 
pondence in  his  possession,  were  offered,  but  before  any  were 
adopted,  Paine  sent  in  his  resignation,  disgusted  at  the  temporizing 
and  factious  spirit  which  he  saw  daily  increasing  around  him. 


CHAP.   IX.] 


EVENTS  OF  1779. 


301 


President  Laurens's  Letter. 


Its  effect  upon  the  people. 


The  ferment  of  the  public  mind  was  greatly  augmented  at  this 
time  by  the  publication,  in  a  New  York  newspaper,*  of  an  extract 
from  a  letter  alleged  to  have  been  written  by  Mr.  Laurens,  the 
President  of  Congress,  to  Governor  Huiston,  of  Georgia,  which 
letter  had  been  seized  among  other  papers  of  the  Governor  by  the 
enemy  during  their  invasion  of  that  State.  This  letter  accused 
a  large  portion  of  the  delegates  in  Congress  of  being  devoid  of 
integrity  and  patriotism,  and  spoke  of  the  times  as  remarkable  for 
corruption.  Notwithstanding  there  was  some  truth  in  these  allega- 
tions, in  particular  instances,  yet,  as  a  body,  the  American  Congress 
still  maintained  its  high  character  for  integrity  and  patriotism, 
obscured,  it  must  be  confessed,  by  rancorous  party  spirit.  The  letter 
ascribed  to  Laurens  was  considered  a  forgery,  and  yet  it  had  a 
powerful  effect  upon  the  people,  and,  combined  with  other  causes 
alluded  to,  made  every  true  patriot  tremble  for  his  country's  inde- 
pendence. 

These  things  caused  Washington  a  great  deal  of  anxiety,  and  his 
hopeful  spirit  at  times  almost  gave  way  to  despondency.  He  saw 
a  powerful  enemy  putting  forth  new  energies  ;  an  ally  comparatively 
inefficient ;  the  public  treasury  empty  ;  the  circulating  medium  of 
his  country  almost  worthless ;  his  army  discontented  with  low  fare 
and  slow  pay,  and  on  the  verge  of  mutiny  ;  and  Congress,  the 
strong  right  arm  of  power  on  which  rested  the  dearest  interests  of 
the  country,  convulsed  and  paralysed  by  dissensions  within.  In 
view  of  these  dark  shadows  upon  the  landscape,  where  long  ere  this 
he  had  hoped  to  see  nothing  but  sunny  smiles,  he  was  forced  to 
declare  that  "  friends  and  foes  were  combining  to  pull  down  the 
fabric  they  had  been  raising  at  the  expense  of  so  much  time,  blood, 
and  treasure."! 

*  "  Rivington's  Royal  Gazette,"  the  printing  establishment  of  which  was  de- 
stroyed in  1775,  by  a  party  of  Connecticut  militia  under  Captain  Isaac  Sears,  called 
"  King  Sears."  It  was  re-established  in  1776,  when  the  British  took  possession  of, 
the  city. 

f  Washington's  Letters. 


Buina  of  Ticonderog*. 


EVENTS  OF  1780. 


Nathaniel  Greene — Benedict  Arnold— Jchn  Andre, 


CHAPTER  X 


Bions, 
bring 


IR  HENRY  CLINTON,  as  we  have 
before  observed,  departed  from  New 
York  at  the  close  of  December,  under 
convoy  of  several  ships  of  the  line, 
commanded  by  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  and 
proceeded  with  between  seven  and  eight 
thousand  troops,  to  make  an  attack  upon 
the  more  defenceless  States  of  the  south. 
He  also  took  with  him  an  immense 
amount  of  military  stores  and  provi 
determined  to  prosecute  the  war  with  so  much  vigor  as  to 
it  to  a  close  during  the  projected  campaign.     He  was  pretty 


304  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1780. 

8ir  Henry  Clinton's  disastrous  voyage.  Preparations  for  besieging  Charleston. 

well  informed  of  the  financial  embarrassments  of  the  Americans  ;  of 
the  party  dissensions  in  Congress,  and  the  greatly  impoverished  state 
of  the  country  ;  and  he  relied  almost  as  much  upon  the  silent  destruc- 
tiveness  of  these  causes  to  insure  his  success,  as  upon  his  arms. 

The  fleet  with  Clinton's  army  had  not  proceeded  far  from  Sandy 
Hook,  when  it  was  overtaken  by  a  terrible  storm  and  driven  far 
from  its  course.  Some  of  the  transports  were  captured  by  American 
privateers,  others  were  lost,  and  all  were  damaged  to  some  extent. 
A  vessel  containing  all  the  heavy  ordnance  for  the  siege  of  Charles- 
ton, was  lost,  and  nearly  all  of  the  horses  belonging  to  the  artillery 
and  cavalry  perished.  It  was  the  last  of  January  before  Clinton 
reached  Savannah,  when  he  immediately  began  to  repair  his  losses, 
and  to  endeavor,  if  possible,  to  obtain  recruits  and  horses  for  his 
cavalry,  from  among  the  tory  population.*  On  the  tenth  of  Febru- 
ary, he  departed  from  Savannah  for  the  siege  of  Charleston.  Gene- 
ral Lincoln,  who  was  at  Charleston,  anticipating  this  expedition  from 
the  north,  had  employed  the  time  in  making  preparations  for  a 
vigorous  defence.  He  had  with  him  about  two  thousand  regulars, 
one  thousand  militia,  and  a  large  body  of  armed  citizens.  With  this 
force  within  the  city,  and  the  sure  expectation  of  preventing  the 
British  from  passing  the  bar  at  the  entrance  between  Sullivan's  and 
Long  Island,  Lincoln  prepared  for  a  successful  defence. 
I  On  the  eleventh  of  February,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  took  possession 
of  some  of  the  islands  south  of  the  city,  where  he  remained  more 
tj^ui  a  month,  when  he  crossed  the  Ashley  River  with  the  advance 
of  his  army,  and,  on  the  first  of  April,  commenced  the  erection  of 
batteries  within  eight  hundred  yards  of  the  American  works.  They 
consisted  of  a  chain  of  redoubts,  lines,  and  batteries,  across  the  penin- 
sula from  the  Ashley  to  the  Cooper  Rivers,  upon  which  were 
mounted  eighty  cannons  and  mortars.  In  front  of  this  was  a  canal 
filled  with  water,  and  before  the  canal  were  two  rows  of  abattis  and 
a  picketed  ditch.f  In  addition  to  these  defences,  the  Americans  had 
a  flotilla  within  the  harbor,  consisting  of  nine  frigates  (one  a  French 
vessel)  and  several  galleys. 

*  Disaffection  to  the  American  cause,  and  an  adhesion  to  the  Crown,  were  daily 
increasing  at  the  south.  The  protraction  of  the  war  and  consequent  misery,  and 
the  succession  of  defeats  experienced  by  the  Americans,  made  the  people  sigh  for  ! 
peace.  Governor  Rutledge  had  been  invested  with  dictatorial  powers,  and  when 
Clinton  approached  he  called  out  the  militia,  but  the  response  was  feeble.  He  then 
commanded  all  having  property  in  the  city,  who  were  on  the  muster-roll,  to  join 
the  garrison  immediately,  or  suffer  the  penalty  of  confiscation.  But  even  this 
rigorous  measure  did  not  have  the  desired  effect,  and  the  garrison,  when  attacked, 
did  not  number  five  thousand  men,  including  regulars,  militia,  and  seamen. 
|;  f  These  defences  were  constructed  under  the  superintendence  of  a  French  engu 
neer  named  Laumay. 


chap,  x.]  EVENTS  OF  1780.  305 

Lincoln  summoned  to  surrender.  Battles  at  Monk's  Corner  and  upon  the  Santee  River. 

On  the  ninth  of  April,  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  favored  by  a  strong 
southerly  wind  and  a  high  tide,  passed  Fort  Moultrie  with  little 
opposition,  and  anchored  his  fleet  in  the  harbor  within  cannon-shot 
of  the  town.  On  his  approach  the  American  flotilla  abandoned  its 
station  and  proceeded  to  the  city.  The  British  batteries  being  at  the 
same  time  prepared  to  open  a  fire  upon  the  town,  General  Clinton 
and  Admiral  Arbuthnot  then  jointly  sent  a  summons  to 
General  Lincoln  to  surrender.*  The  latter  promptly  refused, 
when  a  destructive  fire  from  the  ships  and  batteries  was  opened  upon 
the  town. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  Americans  had  assembled  a  corps  at  Monk's 
Corner,  on  the  upper  part  of  Cooper  River,  and  about  thirty  miles 
from  Charleston,  where  they  received  recruits  and  also  provisions 
for  the  city.  From  this  point  they  determined,  when  a  sufficient 
force  should  be  collected,  to  invest  the  besiegers  in  the  rear,  and 
thus  bring  them  within  the  range  of  two  fires.  This  corps  was 
under  the  command  of  General  Huger,  and  Clinton  observed  his 
movements  with  some  alarm.  He  at  once  ceased  his  attack  upon 
the  city  and.  despatched  a  detachment  of  fourteen  hundred  men, 
commanded  by  Colonel  Webster,  accompanied  by  Colonels  Tarleton 
and  Ferguson,  all  men  distinguished  for  valor,  to  attack  the  Republi- 
cans at  Monk's  Corner.  They  arrived  about  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  and  took  the  Americans  completely  by  surprise. 
They  were  instantly  routed,  and  all  were  slain  who  did  not 
seek  safety  in  flight.  General  Huger,  and  Colonels  Washington  and 
Jamieson,*  were  among  those  who  escaped  by  throwing  themselves 
into  a  morass.  The  British  captured  four  hundred  horses  and  a 
large  quantity  of  provisions  and  other  military  stores.  Cornwallis 
having  taken  the  command  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  the  enemy 
swept  the  whole  country  along  that  side,  to  Charleston,  and  thus  the 
city  became  completely  invested,  and  supplies  of  men  and  provisions 
were  effectually  cut  off. 

Soon  after  the  surprise  of  the  garrison  at  Monk's  Corner,  Tarle- 
ton, by  a  circuitous  route,  came  stealthily  upon  an  American  corps 
upon  the  Santee  River,  and  so  sudden  was  his  movement,  that  the 
Americans,  who  had  their  horses  all  saddled,  had  not  time 
to  mount,  and  were  completely  dispersed.0 

About  this  time,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  received  a  reinforcement  of 
three  thousand  men  ;  and  seeing  resistance  comparatively  useless, 
Lincoln  proposed  measures  to  secure  his  little  army  from  destruc- 


*  The  commanding  officers  into  whose  hands  Andre"  was  subsequently  delivered 
after  his  arrest. 


306  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1780: 

Surrender  of  Lincoln  and  the  whole  American  army  of  the  South. 

tion ;  but  the  principal  inhabitants,  remembering  the  brutality 
of  the  British  on  lik'-,  occasions  elsewhere,  prevailed  upon  him 
to  only  offer  terms  of  capitulation  favorable  to  the  people,  and 
on  condition  that  the  garrison  should  be  allowed  to  serve  again 
in  the  American  army.  This  proposition  Clinton  rejected,  and 
the  siege  steadily  progressed.  On  the  sixth  of  May  Fort  Moultrie 
surrendered,  and  all  the  outposts  successively  fell.  The  broken, 
remnant  of  the  American  cavalry,  which  had  been  collected  by 
Colonel  White,  were  again  dispersed  by  Tarleton,  and  the  be- 
sieged saw  nothing  but  destruction  before  them.  The  enemy  had 
been  advancing  for  two  days,  and  the  third  parallel  which  Clinton 
had  formed,  being  completed,  preparations  were  made  for  a  general 
assault.  To  spare  the  people  of  the  town  all  the  horrors  of  an 
assault  and  storm,  General  Lincoln  concluded  to  surrendera 

a  May  12. 

upon  the  conditions  offered  by  Clinton  at  first.*  Pursuant 
to  these  terms,  the  garrison  piled  their  arms,  and  a  division  of  the 
British  army  under  General  Leslie,  took  possession  of  Charleston. 
The  loss  of  the  British  in  killed  and  wounded,  was  two  hundred  and 
sixty-eight,  and  of  the  Americans  two  hundred  and  fifty-four.  The 
number  of  American  prisoners  was  about  six  thousand,  including 
about  one  thousand  American  and  French  seamen.  There  were  a 
great  number  of  officers,  and  this  made  an  imposing  appearance  in 
the  report  of  the  British  commander.  The  Deputy  Governor  and 
half  of  the  Members  of  the  Council  of  the  province,  seven  generals, 
a  commodore,  nine  colonels,  fourteen  lieutenant-colonels,  fifteen 
majors,  eighty-four  captains,  eighty-four  lieutenants,  and  thirty-two 
second  lieutenants  and  ensigns,  were  among  the  prisoners  taken. 
Nearly  four  hundred  pieces  of  ordnance  were  captured,  and  all' the 
naval  force  in  the  vicinity  was  either  seized  or  destroyed. 

Never  was  there  a  triumph  and  defeat  more  complete,  or  which 
seemed  more  to  assure  the  reunion  to  Britain  of  at  least  a  large 
portion  of  her  revolted  Colonies.  With  very  small  exceptions,  the 
whole  military  force  of  the  Americans  stationed  in  the  southern 
States,  including  all  its  means  and  implements  of  war,  was  at  once 
captured.  A  great  proportion  of  the  inhabitants,  partly  through  fear, 
and  partly  from  honest  sentiment,  testified  their  satisfaction,  while 

*  The  garrison  were  allowed  some  ©f  the  honors  of  war.  They  were  to  march 
out  and  deposit  their  arms  between  the  canal  and  their  lines  ;  but  the  drums  were 
not  to  play  a  British  march,  nor  were  the  colors  to  be  reversed  ;  the  regular  troops 
and  seamen  keeping  their  baggage,  were  to  remain  prisoners  of  war ;  the  militia 
were  to  return  home  as  prisoners  on  parole  :  the  citizens  of  all  descriptions  were 
also  to  be  considered  as  prisoners  on  parole,  but  their  property  was  to  be  respected; 
and  the  officers  of  the  army  and  navy  were  to  retain  their  servants,  swords,  pistola, 
and  baggage. 


chap,  x.]  EVENTS  OF  1780.  307 

Rigorous  measures  of  Clinton.  His  departure  for  New  York. 

the  patriots  and  the  lukewarm  gave  a  silent  acquiescence.  There 
was  scarcely  a  soldier  in  South  Carolina  or  Georgia,  who  was  not 
either  a  prisoner  on  parole,  or  in  arms  for  the  Crown.* 

Clinton  had  been  secretly  assured  that  he  would  receive  ample 
support  from  the  tories  as  soon  as  he  should  reach  the  State,  and 
confident  that  his  victory  would  confirm  the  wavering  and  intimidate 
a  multitude  of  the  less  valiant  republicans,  he  at  once  set  about 
establishing  a  royal  government  there  again.  He  published  a  pro- 
clamation, promising  to  the  people  a  renewal  of  all  their  former 
privileges,  with  the  addition  that  they  should  not  be  taxed,  unless  by 
their  own  consent.  He  soon  after  issued  another,  absolving  the 
militia  from  their  paroles,  and  earnestly  exhorting  them  to  join  with 
the  other  citizens  in  support  of  the  British  cause. 

In  the  meanwhile,  he  determined  to  have  entire  possession  of  the 
State,  and  for  this  purpose,  before  the  ardor  of  victory  should  cool, 
he  sent  out  three  detachments  to  take  possession  of  important  posts. 
One  expedition  seized  the  post  of  Ninety-Six ;  another  scoured  the 
country  bordering  on  the  Savannah  River ;  a  third,  under  Cornwallis, 
passed  the  Santee,  and  captured  Georgetown,  about  six  miles  north- 
east from  Charleston.  A  body  of  about  four  hundred  patriots,  under 
Colonel  Buford,  who  were  retreating  towards  North  Carolina,  were 
pursued  and  overtaken  by  Colonel  Tarleton,  who  gave  no 
quarter,  and  they  were  nearly  all  cut  to  pieces.! a  These 
expeditions  proving  successful ;  the  capital  of  the  State  in  his  pos- 
session ;  the  people  flocking  to  his  standard  from  all  quarters  ;  and 
the  whole  State  comparatively  quiet,  Clinton  left  Cornwallis  in  com- 
mand of  about  four  thousand  troops,  to  maintain,  and  if  possible, 
extend,  his  conquests,  and  on  the  fifth  of  June  sailed  for  New  York. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  no  sooner  departed,  than  bands  with  intre- 
pid leaders,  began  to  collect  in  various  parts  of  the  State,  particu- 
larly on  the  frontiers,  and  by  a  sort  of  guerilla  warfare,  greatly 
annoyed  the  British  troops.  Colonel  Sumter  was  the  most  distin- 
guished of  these  partisan  leaders,  and  gave  the  British  a  great  deal 
of  trouble.  Although  repulsed  in  an  attack  which  he  made  upon 
them  at  Rocky  Mount,6  yet  he  was  not  disheartened,  and  b  Jul  ^ 
soon  after  surprised  and  completely  routed  a  large  body  of 
British  regulars  and  tories  at  a  place  called  Hanging  Rock.c  c  Aug-6- 
This  event  gave  the  republicans  great  joy,  and  restored  their  confi- 
dence, while  the  loyalists  again  began  to  tremble  with  fear. 


*  Murray,  vol.  ii.,  p.  69. 

t  After  that,  when  any  furious  engagement  took  place,  of  a  brutal  character,  it 
was  called  Tarleton's  quarters 


308  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1780, 

March  of  General  Gates  to  the  South.  Battle  of  Sander's  Creek,  and  Death  of  De  Kalb. 

Early  in  the  Spring,  Washington  had  perceived  the  necessity  of 
a  much  stronger  force  in  the  Carolinas,  and  he  made  arrangements 
for  the  march  of  troops  from  Maryland  and  Delaware,  and  called  out 
the  militia  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina.  These  forces  were 
placed  under  the  command  of  the  Baron  de  Kalb,  an  eminent  Ger- 
man officer  ;  but  General  Gates  was  soon  after  placed  by  Congress 
in  command  of  the  whole  southern  army,  and  began  his  journey 
thitherward  in  March.  His  progress  was  a  very  tardy  one,  owing  to 
a  want  of  money  and  military  stores  and  provisions,  and  it  was  the 
beginning  of  August  before  he  reached  Camden,  about  one  hundred 
and  ten  miles  north-west  from  Charleston.  He  had  with  him  about 
four  thousand  men,  chiefly  militia,  and  encamped  at  Clermont,  about 
thirteen  miles  from  Camden.  Lord  Rawdon,  who  was  in  command 
of  a  division  of  the  British  army  in  that  quarter,  concentrated  his 
forces  at  the  former  place.  Gates  determined  to  push  offensive 
operations  vigorously,  hoping  to  cause  Lord  Rawdon  to  fall  back 
upon  Charleston,  but  that  General,  as  soon  as  he  received  tidings  of 
the  approach  of  the  Americans,  gave  notice  to  Cornwallis, 
who  was  at  Charleston,  and  he  immediately  hastened0  to 
join  him. 

On  the  night  of  the  fifteenth  of  August,  both  armies  moved  for  an 
attack,  each  ignorant  of  the  other's  design.  The  two  vanguards  met 
near  Sander's  Creek,  and  commenced  firing  in  the  dark.  But  both 
presently  halted,  formed  into  line,  ceased  firing,  and  awaited  daylight 
to  commence  again.  At  early  dawn  a  general  engagement 
commenced*  between  the  two  armies,  and  the  first  terrible 
onset  of  the  enemy's  regulars  upon  the  raw  militia,  decided  the  fate 
of  the  battle.  The  British  charged  with  fixed  bayonets,  and  soon  put 
the  Virginia  and  Carolina  militia  to  flight.  The  Maryland  and  Dela- 
ware regiments  fought  more  bravely,  and  for  a  while  seemed  to  give 
assurance  of  victory,  compelling  the  enemy  several  times  to  retire. 
At  length  the  whole  force  of  the  enemy  was  directed  towards  these  two 
corps,  and  a  tremendous  shower  of  bullets  was  poured  incessantly 
into  their  ranks.  Cornwallis  attacked  them  at  the  same  time  with 
fixed  bayonets,  which  compelled  them  to  give  way,  and  as  they 
broke,  Colonel  Tarleton's  cavalry  charged  upon  them  and  dispersed 
them  with  great  slaughter.  Baron  de  Kalb,  while  exerting  himself 
with  great  bravery  to  prevent  the  loss  of  the  battle,  received  eleven 
wounds,  and  soon  after  expired.*  In  this  engagement  about  five 
hundred  of  the  British  were  killed  and  wounded.     It  is  impossible 


*  On  the  fourteenth  of  October,  Congress  resolved  to  erect  a  monument  to  his 
memory  in  Annapolis. 


chap,  x.]  EVENTS  OF  1780.  309 

Battle  of  the  Wateree.  Rigorous  measures  of  Cornwallis. 

to  estimate  the  loss  of  the  Americans  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prison- 
ers, as  no  returns  of  the  militia  were  made  after  the  action.  British 
authors  state  the  loss  at  about  two  thousand,  while  the  Americans 
make  it  only  one  thousand.  General  Gates  retreated  to  Charlotte 
and  from  thence  to  Hillsborough,  with  the  remnant  of  his  forces. 

On  the  everting  before  the  battle  of  Sander's  Creek,a  Colo- 
nel Sumter,  who  had  been  sent  against  a  post  of  the  enemy 
on  the  Wateree,  made  a  successful  attack,  and  captured  about  forty 
wagons  and  one  hundred  prisoners.     While  Sumter  was  on  his  way 
to  join  Gates,  Colonel  Tarleton  with  his  cavalry  rode  into 

h     A  n<r     1  ft 

the  camp  and  took  him  completely  by  surprise.*     Sumter's 
troops  were  quite  exhausted  by  labor  and  want  of  sleep,  and  made 
but  a  feeble  resistance,  many  saving  themselves  by  flight  into  the 
woods  and  swamps.     Tarleton  recaptured  the  English  prisoners,  and 
conveyed  them  in  triumph  back  to  the  British  camp. 

Believing  the  State  again  completely  subdued,  Cornwallis  adopted 
very  rigorous  measures  to  coerce  the  inhabitants  into  submission  to 
royal  authority.*  Private  rights  were  trampled  under  foot,  and 
social  organization  was  completely  superseded  by  the  iron  rule  of 
military  despotism.  But  these  violent  measures,  as  usual,  failed  to 
effect  their  object,  for,  notwithstanding  the  spirit  of  the  people  was 
awed  and  greatly  restrained,  yet  it  was  not  broken  or  subdued. 

Early  in  September,  Cornwallis  sent  Colonel  Ferguson,  an  active 
partisan,  with  about  sixteen  hundred  loyalist  militia,  to  sweep  the 
country  to  the  frontiers  of  Virginia,  and  encourage  the  tories  to  take 
up  arms.  The  most  abandoned  and  profligate  joined  his  standard, 
and  the  excesses  which  they  committed  aroused  the  militia  of  the 
borders,  and  soon  powerful  bands  were  organized.  The  republicans 
rode  on  fleet  horses,  carrying  only  a  rifle,  a  blanket,  and  knapsack, 
and  making  the  earth  their  bed  at  night.     They  moved  with   a 


*  Cornwallis  sent  orders  to  his  various  commanders  to  hang  instanter  every  mili- 
tiaman who,  having  served  in  the  British  army,  had  joined  the  Americans.  Fear- 
ing also  the  influence  of  many  of  the  leading  patriots  in  that  quarter,  he  violated 
the  faith  of  a  conquering  general,  and  broke  the  stipulations  of  their  parole.  By 
his  order,  the  Lieutenant  Governor  (Gadsden),  most  of  the  civil  and  militia  officers, 
and  some  other  of  the  friends  of  the  republicans,  of  character,  were  taken 
out  of  their  beds  and  houses*  by  armed  parties,  and  collected  at  the  a  g- 
Exchange,  from  whence  they  were  conveyed  on  board  a  guard-ship  and  transported 
to  St  Augustine,  in  Florida.  Strong  remonstrance  against  this  perfidious  act  was 
made,  but  ali  in  vain,  and  the  British  commander,  unable  to  defend  such  conduct, 
endeavored  to  silence  appeals  by  refusing  to  receive  them.  The  people  became 
greatly  exasperated ;  many  loyalists  embraced  the  cause  of  the  republicans,  and  a 
mingled  cry  of  vengeance,  and  execration  of  the  British  standard,  went  forth  from 
a  thousand  lips  hitherto  timorously  silent,  or  defensive  of  the  British  Crown. 


1 


310  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1780. 

Battle  of  King's  Mountain.  Retreat  of  Cornwallis. 

rapidity  to  which  ordinary  troops  were  strangers,  and  even  Tarleton 
was  baffled  in  all  his  pursuits  of  them. 

Ferguson  having  learned  that  about  three  thousand  of  these  bor- 
derers had  mustered  in  a  phalanx  to  oppose  him,  began  a  rapid 
retreat  towards  the  main  army ;  but  being  informed  that  about 
sixteen  hundred  of  them  were  in  pursuit  of  him,  he  ^elt  the  hope- 
lessness of  escaping  from  their  astonishing  swiftness,  and  took  post 
on  King's  Mountain,  an  eminence  near  the  boundary  line  between 
„    „      North   and  South  Carolina,  where  he  awaited  an  attack.   ' 

a  Oct.  7. 

They  ascended  the  mountain  in  three  divisions,*  the  first 
of  which  was  charged  by  Ferguson  and  his  men  with  fixed  bayo- 
nets, and  driven  back  ;  but  the  Americans  attacked  them  on  every 
side  from  the  coverts  of  trees,  rocks,  and  ravines,  and  the  British  fell 
in  great  numbers.  At  length  Colonel  Ferguson  was  mortally 
wounded,  and  his  whole  force  was  immediately  routed,  with  the  loss 
of  three  hundred  killed  and  wounded  and  eight  hundred  taken  prison- 
ers. Among  the  spoils,  fifteen  hundred  stand  of  arms  were  cap- 
tured.    The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  only  twenty. 

In  the  meantime,  Cornwallis  had  pushed  on  to  Salisbury,  near 
Virginia,  and,  in  expectation  of  his  reaching  that  State,  a  reinforce- 
ment intended  for  him,  under  General  Leslie,  was  ordered  to  enter 
tha^Btfesapeake.  But  when  Cornwallis  heard  of  the  defeat  of  Fer-  I 
guson,  he  was  much  alarmed  lest  this  victorious  band  should 
greatly  increase  and  overrun  South  Carolina,  where  he  fondly  hoped 
all  would  be  quiet  for  a  while.  He  accordingly  retraced  his  steps, 
and  Leslie  was  instructed  to  proceed  to  Charleston.* 

While  these  events  were  transpiring,  General  Sumter,t  notwith- 
standing his  defeat,  had  again  collected  a  band  of  volunteers,  and 
continued  to  harass  the  enemy  greatly.  General  Marion,!  an  intre- 
pid leader,  with  about  two  hundred  daring  men,  also  annoyed  the 
British  outposts  continually,  and  so  skilful  were  his  manoeuvres,  that 
even  Tarleton  could  not  hunt  him  down.  He  was  constantly  cutting 
off  straggling  parties  of  the  enemy,  and  kept  the  tories  completely  in 
check.     He  subsequently  performed  signal  service  to  the  American 

*  This  retreat  was  a  disastrous  one,  and  exceedingly  disheartening  to  the  British 
troops.  It  rained  nearly  all  the  time,  the  mud  in  some  places  was  knee-deep,  and 
streams  of  every  size  had  to  be  forded.  Lord  Cornwallis  fell  sick,  and  the  manage- 
ment of  the  retreat  was  left  to  Lord  Rawdon,  the  second  in  command.  They  reached 
Camden  (from  whence  they  started)  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  October.      . 

f  Colonel  Sumter  was  created  Brigadier-General  by  Governor  Rutledge  soon 
after  his  first  daring  exploits  on  the  borders  of  the  Carolinaa. 

%  Marion  was  at  the  siege  of  Charleston  and  held  the  rank  of  Colonel.  He  was 
wounded  and  disabled  from  commanding  his  regiment  He  was  soon  after  promoted 
to  Brigadier  by  Governor  Rutledge 


chap,  x.]  EVENTS  OF  1780.  311 

General  Gates  superseded  by  General  Greene.  Battles  of  Broad  River  and  Blackstock. 

cause,  and  no  name  is  more  highly  honored  at  the  south  than  that  of 
Francis  Marion. 

On  the  twelfth  of  November,  Major  Wemys  made  an  attack  upon 
Sumter  at  Broad  River,  but  the  British  were  defeated  with  the  loss 
of  their  commander  taken  prisoner.  On  the  twentieth  of  November, 
Sumter  was  attacked  by  Colonel  Tarleton,  at  Blackstock,  but,  after 
a  severe  loss,  the  British  were  obliged  to  retreat  and  leave  Sumter 
victorious  upon  the  field.  The  latter  immediately  crossed  the  river, 
but  so  severe  had  been  his  loss  during  the  engagement,  that  the  cour 
age  of  his  men  failed,  and  nearly  his  whole  band  became  dispersed. 

Gates  used  every  exertion  to  collect  and  reorganize  his  defeated 
army,  and  reinforcements  were  forwarded  to  him.  But  his  defeat, 
as  is  often  the  case,  incurred  reproaches,  and  Washington  was  called 
upon  to  institute  an  inquiry  into  his  conduct,  and  to  nominate  another 
commander.  He  named  the  brave  General  Greene,  one  of  the  most 
talented  officers  in  the  Continental  army  ;  and  Washington  assured 
Congress  that  all  Greene  needed  to  insure  victory  was  troops  and 
supplies  in  reasonable  quantity.  Wlien  Greene  arrived  at 
the  point  of  command,*  the  army  numbered  about  two  thou- 
sand men,  nearly  all  of  whom  were  regulars,  and  he  immediately 
concerted  some  movements  to  support  the  cause  in  South  Carolina, 
and  endeavor  to  cut  off  Cornwallis  from  the  upper  country.  Thus 
closed  the  military  events  of  the  year  at  the  south.  Let  us  now  turn 
our  attention  northward. 

Immediately  after  Sir  Henry  Clinton  left  New  York  for  the    b  Dec-  ^ 

.  "  1779. 

south,&  the  most  intense  cold  weather  prevailed,  and  the  bay 
and  harbor  in  the  vicinity  of  that  city  were  completely  frozen  over. 
Thus  cut  off  from  supplies  of  aid  from  the  sea,  the  British  troops  in  the 
city  might  have  been  easily  captured  with  a  small  force,  but  so  greatly 
reduced  were  Washington's  troops  in  numbers,  dispirited  by  priva- 
tions, and  in  fact,  influenced  by  a  spirit  of  mutiny,  that  he  was  obliged 
to  see  the  golden  moment  pass  by  while  he  was  compelled  to  be  com- 
paratively inactive.  An  ineffectual  attempt  was  indeed  made  against 
a  post  upon  Staten  Island  by  Lord  Stirling,  with  a  detach- 
ment under  his  command,0  but  the  ice  was  so  strong  in  the 
bay  that  the  enemy  received  reinforcements  from  New  York,  who 
marched  over  upon  this  brittle  bridge,  and  obliged  Stirling  to  retreat, 
during  the  night,  back  to  the  American  camp.  This  was  the  only 
expedition  attempted  by  Washington  during  the  winter,  because  of 
the  extreme  weakness  of  his  little  army — weak  not  only  in  numbers, 
but  physically  weak,  from  actual  privations,*  and  weak  in  moral 

*  There  were  whole  days  on  which  Washington  had  neither  biscuit  nor  bread  to 


312  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1780. 

Arrival  of  La  Fayette.  Commissions  to  Washington  from  Louis  XVh 

strength  from  the  crushing  operations  of  foreshadowing  despair. 
Murmurs,  also,  were  daily  increasing  in  frequency  and  intensity,  and 
symptoms  of  a  general  mutiny  soon  after  appeared. 

But  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  Americans  were  greatly  revived 
by  the  joyful  news  communicated  to  Congress  and  to  the  Command- 
er-in-chief by  La  Fayette  on  his  arrival  from  France.*  a  He 
announced  the  good  tidings  that  France  was  about  sending 
money  for  the  treasury,  and  troops  for  the  armies  of  America,  and 
that  the  latter  were  already  embarked  when  he  left,  and  doubtless 
were  on  their  way.f  Washington  received  by  the  hands  of  La 
Fayette,  a  commission  from  Louis  XVI.  appointing  him  Lieutenant- 
General  of  the  armies  of  France,  and  Vice-Admiral  of  its  fleets. 
This  was  done  to  prevent  any  difficulties  that  might  occur  on  the 
score  of  etiquette  ;  and  it  was  arranged  that  as  the  French  were  to 
be  considered  auxiliaries  they  were  to  cede  the  post  of  honor  to  the 
Americans  ;  and  Lieutenant-General  Count  de  Rochambeau,  the 
commander  of  the  French  expedition,  was  to  place  himself  under 
the  American  Commander-in-chief.  These  arrangements  were 
highly  satisfactory,  and  during  the  stay  of  the  French  army  in 
America  the  very  best  understanding  prevailed  among  the  respective 
officers.^ 

Early  in  June,*  General  Knyphausen  detached  about  five 
thousand   men   under  the  general   command   of  Brigadier 

give  his  famished  men,  and  the  forage  having  failed,  a  great  proportion  of  his 
horses  perished,  or  were  rendered  useless. 

*  The  militia,  greatly  inspirited,  flocked  to  the  American  standard;  Congress 
exhibited  new  vigor  ;  capitalists  came  forward  with  pecuniary  aid,  and  the  women 
of  America,  true  to  their  character,  were  foremost  in  giving  assistance.  In  Phila- 
delphia they  formed  a  society,  placing  Mrs.  Washington  at  its  head,  and  after  sub- 
scribing, themselves,  to  the  extent  of  their  ability,  they  went  from  house  to  house 
soliciting  aid  and  stimulating  patriotic  sentiment,  and,  by  their  exertions,  large 
sums  were  placed  in  the  military  chest.  Other  cities  followed  their  noble  example, 
and  large  sums  of  money  were  thus  collected  and  appropriated  to  the  use  of  the 
republican  army.  It  may  not  be  inappropriate  to  notice  here  one  of  a  hundred 
instances  of  the  hearty  co-operation  in  the  cause,  of  the  American  women.  In  an 
old  paper  (Green's  New  London  Gazette)  dated  Nov.  20,  1776,  is  the  following  an- 
nouncement : — "  On  the  eighteenth  of  September,  several  of  the  most  respectable 
ladies  in  East  Haddam,  about  thirty  in  number,  met  at  J.  Chapman's  and  husked, 
in  four  or  five  hours,  about  two  hundred  and  forty  bushels  of  corn.  A  noble  exam- 
ple, so  necessary  in  this  bleeding  country,  while  their  fathers  and  brothers  were 
fighting  the  battles  of  the  nation." 

t  This  expedition  was,  in  a  great  measure,  the  result  of  the  untiring  personal 
exertions  of  La  Fayette,  and  he  did  not  quit  his  country  until  he  saw  the  expedition 
ready  to  sail.  Congress,  appreciating  his  noble  and  timeh  service,  complimented 
him  by  a  vote  of  thanks ;  and  his  presence  here  gave  great  hopes  to  the  Americans. 

\  As  a  compliment  to  the  French,  and  as  a  token  of  friendship,  the  American 
officers  wore  cockades  of  black  and  white  intermixed,  the  former  being  the  color 
of  the  American  cockade,  the  latter  of  the  French. 


chap,  x.]  EVENTS  OF  1780.  313 

British  incursions  into  New  Jersey.  Arrival  of  the  French  fleet  with  troops. 

Mathews,  who  passed  over  from  Staten  Island  into  New  Jersey, 
landing  at  Elizabethtown  Point.  From  that  place  they  marched  up 
the  country  towards  Springfield,  burning  the  village  of  Connecticut 
Farms  (now  Union)  on  their  w9f.  #  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  just 
arrived  from  the  south,  and  hoping  to  bring  Washington  into  a 
general  action,  passed  over  with  Knyphausen  into  New  Jersey 
with  some  additional  troops.  Washington  had  sent  a  detachment 
from  his  camp  at  Morristown,  and  compelled  the  British  to  withdraw 
from  Springfield,  but,  being  deceived  by  some  movements  of  Clinton, 
he  left  General  Greene  at  the  latter  place,  and  marched  towards  the 
Hudson  highlands.  The  British  attacked  and  defeated  Greene,  took 
possession  of  and  burned  the  town,  and  then  returned  to  New  York  ; 
for  Clinton,  being  in  hourly  expectation  of  the  arrival  of  the  French 
expedition,  was  unwilling  to  have  his  force  separated  and  weakened 
by  these  almost  fruitless  operations.  The  only  inducement  Knyp- 
hausen had  to  send  out  this  expedition  was  the  hope  that  the  reported 
defection  of  the  American  troops  might  be  increased,  and  a  general 
revolt  obtained. 

Early  in  July,*  intelligence  was  received  that  the  French  a  July4" 
fleet*  had  been  seen  off  the  Capes  of  Virginia,  and  on  the  twelfth  it 
entered  the  harbor  of  Newport,  in  Rhode  Island.  The  fleet  was 
commanded  by  Chevalier  Ternay,f  and  had  on  board  six  thousand 
troops  under  the  command  of  Count  de  Rochambeau,  an  experienced 
officer,  who  had  served  with  much  distinction  in  the*  "  Seven  Years' 
War."  A  second  division  of  the  French  army  destined  for  America, 
was  left  at  Brest  waiting  tor  transports.  It  was  subsequently  block- 
aded by  an  English  fleet,  and  never  reached  its  destination.  The 
forces  of  Rochambeau  were  not  sufficient  to  meet  the  emergency, 
and  the  combined  armies  did  not  number  as  many  as  the  single 
division  of  the  enemy  in  New  York.J  Washington  meditated  a  joint 
attack  by  sea  and  land  upon  New  York,  but,  on  the  arrival  of  a 
naval  reinforcement  for  the  British,  he  abandoned  it  until  Admiral  de 
Guichen  with  his  fleet  should  arrive  from  the  West  Indies,  an  event 
daily  looked  for.  Clinton  also  meditated  an  attack  upon  the  French 
fleet  and  troops  at  Newport,  but  his  delay  in  equipping  his  vessels 
was  so  great  that  the  place  was  made  too  strong  for  him,  and  he 

*  It  consisted  of  seven  ships  of  the  line,  some  frigates,  and  a  number  of  trans- 
ports. 

t  Ternay  died  at  Newport  while  in  command  of  the  squadron. 

X  The  American  army,  in  the  plan  of  the  campaign  of  17S0.  was  fixed  at  thirty-five 
thousand  two  hundred  and  eleven  men,  instead  of  which,  the  actual  force  in  the 
field  and  under  arms,  at  the  end  of  June,  amounted  to  only  about  live  thousand  five 
hundred  men. 


314  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1780. 

Conference  at  Hartford  between  Washington  and  the  French  officers.  Arnold  in  Philadelphia. 

abandoned  the  enterprise.  The  arrival,  soon  after,  of  Admiral  Rod- 
ney, made  the  British  complete  masters  of  the  seas.  As  the  season 
was  advancing,  and  it  was  evident  that  little  could  be  done  during 
the  remainder  of  the  year,  it^Tas*determined  to  remain  in  a  defen- 
sive attitude,  and  prepare  for  the  next  campaign.*  For  this  purpose, 
Washington  and  Rochambeau   met  in  conference   at  Hart- 

°  a  Sept.  21. 

ford,a  and  there  completed  their  plans  for  the  following  year. 

It  was  during  this  conference  at  Hartford,  and  the  absence  of 
Washington  from  his  head-quarters,  that  an  event  occurred  which, 
but  for  the  overruling  interposition  of  Providence,  would  have  utterly 
destroyed  the  American  cause  and  made  the  republicans  bond-slaves 
again  to  the  King  and  Parliament  of  Great  Britain.  This  was  the 
Treason  of  Arnold. 

When,  in  the  spring  of  1778,  the  British  evacuated  Philadelphia, 
General  Arnold  was  stationed  there  by  Washington,  with  some  troops 
of  the  Pennsylvania  line,  as  military  Governor.  The  state  of  his 
wounds  was  the  reason  why  he  was  not  engaged  in  more  active 
service ;  but  the  Commander-in-chief,  who  detested  his  vices,  appre- 
ciated his  great  bravery  and  military  talents,  and  was  unwilling  to 
have  them  remain  idle.  Arnold  took  possession  of  the  mansion 
formerly  occupied  by  William  Penn,  and,  furnishing  it  sumptuously, 
lived  there  in  the  most  extravagant  style.f  His  private  fortune  was 
by  no  means  adequate  to  the  support  of  such  style,  and  embarrass- 
ment very  soon 'followed.  Rather  than  retrench  his  expenses  and 
live  within  his  means,  he  chose  to  procure  money  by  a  system  of 
fraud  and  injustice^  which  soon  produced  discontents,  and  he  was 

*  In  November,  the  French  troops  went  into  winter-quarters  at  Newport,  and  the 
cavalry,  detached  from  the  legion  of  the  Due  de  Lauzun,  were  sent  to  the  barracks 
constructed  at  Lebanon,  in  Connecticut. — See  Count  de  Rochambeau's  Narrative 
of  the  Campaigns  of  the  French  army  in  the  United  States. 

f  Arnold  had  recently  married.  It  was  from  one  of  the  disaffected  or  tory  families 
that  he  selected  his  wife.  He  loved  her  with  passionate  fondness,  and  she  deserved 
his  attachment,  by  her  virtues  and  solidity  of  understanding.  In  addition  to  these 
advantages,  she  possessed  an  extraordinary  share  of  beauty,  distinguishable  even  in 
a  country  where  nature  has  been  prodigal  of  her  favors  to  the  sex.  A  considerable 
time  before  this  marriage,  when  Philadelphia  was  still  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
the  relatives  of  the  lady  had  given  an  eager  welcome  to  the  British  commanders. 
His  marriage  therefore  caused  some  surprise,  but  he  was  pledged  to  the  republic 
by  so  many  services  rendered  and  benefits  received,  that  the  alliance  gave  umbrage 
to  no  one. — American  Register,  vol.  ii.,  p.  31,  1817. 

It  was  generally  believed  that  Arnold's  wife  was  instrumental  in  weakening  his 
attachment  to  the  American  cause. 

X  Under  pretence  of  the  wants  of  the  army,  he  forbade  the  shop-keepers  to  sell 
or  buy ;  he  then  put  their  goods  at  the  disposal  of  his  agents,  and  caused  them 
afterwards  to  be  resold  with  a  profit.  At  one  moment  he  prostituted  his  authority 
to  enrich  his  accomplices  ;  at  the  next,  squabbled  with  them  about  the  division  of 
the  prey Ibid.,  p.  23. 


chap,  x.]  EVENTS  OF  1780.  315 

Charges  against  Arnold  laid  before  Congress.  His  sentence,  reprimand,  and  disaffection. 

arraigned  before  the  tribunals  of  the  law.  But  under  the  broad  aegis 
of  military  power,  he  set  both  law  and  justice  at  defiance. 

His  conduct  became  too  flagitious  to  be  borne,  and  the  President 
of  the  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania  preferred  charges  against 
him  and  laid  them  before  Congress.  A  joint  committee  of  that 
body  and  of  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  was  appointed  to  inquire 
into  the  matter,  the  result  of  which  was,  the  charges  seemed  to  be 
sustained,  and  the  complaints  were  transmitted  to  Washington,  in 
order  for  trial.  Arnold  had  previously  presented  to  Congress  large 
claims  against  the  government  on  account  of  money  which  he  alleged 
he  had  expended  for  the  public  service  in  Canada.  A  part  of  his 
claim  was  disallowed,  and  it  was  generally  believed  that  he  attempted 
to  cheat  the  government  by  false  financial  statements. 

Arnold  at  once  resigned  the  command  which  he  held  in  Philadel- 
phia, and  repaired  to  the  camp  at  Morristown,  where  the  court- 
martial  to  try  him  was  convened.  He  used  every  art  to  win  its 
members  to  his  interests,  but  in  vain.     On  the  twentieth  of  _ 

o  1779. 

January,*1  the  court  pronounced  its  decision  of  guilty,  and 
condemned  him  to  be  reprimanded  by  the  Commander-in-chief. 
Washington  performed  this  painful  duty  with  all  possible  delicacy,* 
yet  Arnold's  pride  was  too  deeply  wounded  to  allow  him  to  appre- 
ciate the  tenderness  of  his  General,  or  to  form  good  resolutions  for 
future  usefulness  to  his  country.  He  left  the  army,  and  that  devo- 
tion to  the  American  cause  which  he  had  always  exhibited,  was 
changed  to  intense  hatred ;  and,  after  revolving  various  schemes  in 
his  mind,f  he  formed  the  secret  resolution  to  retrieve  his  fortune  and 
gratify  his  revenge,  by  bartering  away  the  liberties  for  which  his 
countrymen  were  contending.  His  first  step  was  to  make  the  Bri- 
tish  commander   aware  of  his  discontent.     This   was   a   delicate 

*  When  Arnold  was  brought  before  him,  he  kindly  addressed  him,  saying,  "  Our 
profession  is  the  chastest  of  all.  Even  the  shadow  of  a  fault  tarnishes  the  lustre  of 
our  finest  achievements.  The  least  inadvertence  may  rob  us  of  the  public  favor,  so 
hard  to  be  acquired.  I  reprimand  you  for  having  forgotten,  that,  in  proportion  as 
you  had  rendered  yourself  formidable  to  our  enemies,  you  should  have  been  guard- 
ed and  temperate  in  your  deportment  towards  your  fellow  citizens  :  exhibit  anew 
those  noble  qualities  which  have  placed  you  on  the  list  of  our  most  valued  com- 
manders. I  will,  myself,  furnish  you,  as  far  as  it  may  be  in  my  power,  with  oppor- 
tunities of  regaining  the  esteem  of  your  country." 

f  He  conceived  the  idea  of  joining  some  of  the  Indian  tribes,  and,  uniting  many 
of  them  in  one,  become  a  great  and  powerful  chief.  This  scheme  he  soon  aban- 
doned, and  then  he  applied  to  the  French  Minister  (Luzerne,  who  succeeded 
Gerard),  a  man  of  great  honor  and  just  sentiments,  for  a  loan,  promising  faithful 
adherence  to  the  King  and  country  of  the  Minister.  Luzerne,  although  a  great 
admirer  of  Arnold's  talents,  could  not  look  upon  this  attempt  to  get  money  with 
complacency,  and  he  rebuked  him,  kindly  but  severely.  As  a  last  resort,  Arnold 
determined  to  betray  his  country. 

21 


316  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1780. 

.  Arnold's  plan  to  betray  his  country.  His  demand  for  the  price  of  his  treason. 

matter,  for  he  knew  not  whom  to  trust  with  his  secret.  He  revealed 
it  to  his  wife,  and  it  had  her  approval.  English  emissaries  visited 
his  house,  but  he  was  too  wary  to  trust  their  discretion.  At  length 
he  communicated  his  designs  to  Charles  Beverly  Robinson,  an  Ame- 
rican by  birth,  but  holding  the  post  of  Colonel  in  the  British  army  in 
New  York,  and  expressed  to  him  a  wish  to  open  a  correspondence 
with  Sir  Henry  Clinton. 

Through  the  sound  judgment  and  forethought  of  Washington,  and 
the  skill  of  French  engineers,  West  Point  was  very  strongly  fortified, 
and  presented  a  most  formidable  barrier  to  British  incursions  north- 
ward from  New  York.  Immense  stores  and  munitions  of  war  were 
collected  there,*  and  a  strong  garrison  was  placed  in  each  of  the 
forts,  under  the  command  of  General  Robert  Howe. 

Arnold's  pride  would  not  allow  him  to  enter  the  British  army  as  a 
deserter,  and  he  therefore  resolved  to  rejoin  the  American  army  ; 
pretend  a  forgetfulness  of  what  he  deemed  the  injustice  of  Congress  ; 
obtain  the  command,  if  possible,  of  the  important  post  of  West 
Point,  and  then  betray  it,  with  its  arms,  and  garrisons,  and  stores,  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy.  He  had  so  skilfully  dissimulated,  and  art- 
fully concealed  his  burning  thirst  for  revenge,  that  when  he  expressed 
a  desire  to  re-enter  the  army,  and  asked  for  the  command  of  West 
Point,  it  was  given  him,  although  not  without  many  misgivings  on. 
the  part  of  Washington. t 

Arnold  at  once  proceeded  to  the  execution  of  his  plans,  but,  fearing 
those  to  whom  he  had  sold  himself  might  also  prove  treacherous,  he 
asked  for  the  immediate  payment  of  the  price  of  his  infamy.  He,  how- 
ever, could  only  get  a  promise  of  thirty  thousand  pounds  sterling, 
and  a  commission  of  BrigadierTGeneral  in  the  British  army.  Clinton, 
on  the  other  hand,  urged  Arnold  to  surrender  the  forts  at  once,  but 
the  presence  of  Washington  was  an  insuperable  hindrance,  for 
Arnold  well  knew  the  vigilance  of  the  Commander-in-chief.  He 
therefore  recommended  deliberation,  and  expressed  his  wish  that 
Major  John  Andre, |  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  British  army, 
should  be  fully  apprised  of  the  scheme,  and  appointed  to  confer  with 

*  In  the  vaults  of  one  of  the  forts,  besides  the  ammunition  for  its  own  defence, 
the  stock  of  powder  for  the  whole  army  was  lodged. 

t  The  news  of  this  unexpected  success  reached  Mrs.  Arnold  in  the  midst  of  a 
large  assembly  at  an  evening  party  in  Philadelphia,  and  so  affected  her  that  she 
oartly  swooned,  yet  no  one  suspected  the  real  cause  of  her  emotion,  and  when  she 
recovered,  they  all  congratulated  her  upon  the  resolution  and  good  success  of  her 
husband  ! 

X  Andre  when  in  Philadelphia  had  contracted  a  warm  friendship  with  the  family 
of  Arnold's  wife,  and  he  was  favorably  known  to  the  General  for  his  bravery  and 
accomplishments 


chap,  x.]  EVENTS  OF  1780.  319 

Personal  interview  between  Arnold  and  Andre.  The  Beverly  Robinson  Munsion. 

him  upon  the  time,  and  the  best  mode  of  executing  it.  This  request 
was  granted,  and  a  correspondence,  concealed  under  a  commercial 
character,  was  opened  between  them,  under  the  assumed  names  of 
Gustavus  and  Anderson.  An  American,  whose  house  stood  upon 
neutral  ground  between  the  lines,  acted  as  their  messenger. 

Arnold  occupied  the  mansion  of  Colonel  Beverly  Robinson,*  and 
made  his  head-quarters  there,  and  as  soon  as  he  thought  Washington 
had  departed!  from  West  Point  for  the  conference  with  the  French 
commander  at  Hartford,  he  exacted  an  immediate  personal  interview 
with  Andre  as  indispensable  for  the  success  of  the  enterprise. 
Andre  and  Robinson  were  the  only  persons  with  whom  he  had  cor- 
responded on  the  subject,  and  the  traitor  was  unwilling  to  confide  to 
other  hands  than  the  former,  the  maps  and  other  written  information 
which  Clinton  desired.  The  British  commander  at  first  demurred, 
but  Andre,  anxious  to  distinguish  himself  and  to  execute  what  he 
sincerely  believed  it  would  be,  the  blow  that  should  finish  the  war, 
was,  upon  his  own  urgent  solicitation,  allowed  to  go.  Accompanied 
by  Robinson,  he  embarked  at  nighta  on  board  the  British  a  Sept>  w< 
sloop-of-war  Vulture,  and  the  next  morning  arrived  opposite 
Fort  Clinton,6  about  six  miles  below  West  Point.  b  Sept2°- 

After  some  delay,  Arnold  communicated  with  Andre  and  Robin- 
son by  means  of  an  American  tory  named  Joshua  Smith.  They 
landed  at  night  and  met  Arnold  at  the  water's  edge.  Andre  covered 
his  uniform  with  a  surtout,  but  Arnold,  fearing  a  discovery,  took 
him  to  the  house  of  Robinson,  within  the  American  lines,  much 
against  the  feelings  and  wishes  of  the  young  officer,  who,  though 
zealous  in  the  enterprise,  was  too  honorable  to  become  a  spy.  All 
the  plans  were  laid  before  Andre,  and  it  was  agreed  to  surrender  the 
forts  on  the  twenty-fifth.:):     By  a  given  signal,  the  British  transports 

'  *  This  mansion  is  still  standing.  It  is  situated  a  short  distance  below  West 
Point,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson,  upon  a  fertile  strip  of  table-land  lying  be- 
tween the  river  and  a  part  of  the  lofty  range  of  the  eastern  highlands.  To  the 
patriotism  and  good  taste  of  the  proprietor  we  are  indebted  for  its  excellent  pre- 
servation in  the  style  of  its  original  construction,  the  wasting  effects  of  time  having 
rendered  external  repairs  necessary.  The  interior  presents  its  original  appearance, 
and  upon  the  wainscot  over  the  mantel  in  a  bed-room,  may  still  be  seen  the  knife- 
carvings  of  the  names  of  Revolutionary  officers  who  were  quartered  there.  Lieu- 
tenant Thomas  Arden,  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  is  the  present  proprietor  of  the 
mansion,  and  to  his  excellent  lady  the  writer  is  indebted  for  many  polite  attentions 
while  on  a  brief  visit  there  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  sketch  of  the  building 
delineated  opposite  page  316. 

f  Washington  intended  to  leave  on  the  seventeenth,  but  was  detained,  and  did 
not  depart  until  the  twentieth. 

X  Andre  had  also  conceived  the  bold  design  of  capturing  Washington  and  his 
staff,  who  would  be  at  Arnold's  head-quarters  on  the  same  day,  on  their  return  from 
Hartford. 


320  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [nso. 

Departure  of  Andre  for  New  York.  His  Arrest  near  Tnrrytown. 

were  to  sail  up  the  Hudson  with  a  large  number  of  men ;  and 
at  the  same  time  Arnold,  under  various  pretences,  was  to  withdraw 
most  of  the  troops  from  the  forts,  and  so  distribute  them  in  the  ravines 
in  the  vicinity,  as  to  render  them  quite  weak  in  case  of  attack,  and 
make  the  surrender,  or  the  apparent  necessity  for  it,  much  speedier. 

Andre  started  immediately  to  return  to  New  York  to  give  the 
signal  to  Clinton,  but  on  attempting  to  go  on  board  the  Vulture,  he 
found  that  she  had  removed  some  miles  below,  to  get  out  of  reach 
of  an  American  cannon  that  had  commenced  firing  upon  her  from  the 
shore.  The  men  in  the  boat  refused  to  go  down  to  the  Vulture,  and 
Andre  returned  to  Arnold.  He  exchanged  his  military  suit  for 
citizen's  dress,  provided  by  Smith,  and,  accompanied  by  him,  set 
out  upon  the  perilous  journey  by  land  to  New  York,  each  being  fur- 
nished with  a  passport  to  "  go  to  the  lines  at  White  Plains,  or  lower, 
if  the  bearer  thought  proper  ;  he  being  on  public  business."  They 
traversed  the  American  posts  unmolested,  crossed  the  Hudson  twice, 
and  upon  the  border  of  the  neutral  ground,  Smith  bade  Andre  adieu. 
The  latter,  believing  all  danger  past,  spurred  on  towards  New  York- 
with  great  speed.  When  near  Tarrytown  a  man  armed  with  a 
musket  suddenly  leaped  from  a  clump  of  bushes  by  the  road  side, 
and  seizing  the  reins  of  his  bridle,  exclaimed,  "  Where  are  you 
bound  ?"  At  the  same  time,  two  other  militia-men,  forming  part 
of  a  volunteer  patrol,  came  up.  Andre,  mistaking  them  for  British 
soldiers,  did  not  show  them  his  passport,  but  inquired  of  them  where 
they  belonged.  They  deceived  him  by  the  reply  "  to  below"  (mean- 
ing New  York) ;  and  he  remarked,  "  And  so  do  I ;  I  am  an  English 
officer,"  he  continued,  "  on  urgent  business,  and  I  do  not  wish  to  be 
longer  detained."  "  You  belong  to  our  enemies,"  they  exclaimed, 
"  and  we  arrest  you  !"  They  immediately  searched  him,  and  found 
in  his  boots,  where  they  had  been  placed  for  safety,  Arnold's  despatch- 
es, plans,  &c,  which  were  evidences  that  their  prisoner  was  a  spy. 

Andre  was  paralysed  for  a  moment  with  astonishment,  and  offered 
them  his  horse,  his  purse,  his  watch,  and  large  rewards  from  the 
British  government,  if  they  would  let  him  go.  But  their  stern  patri- 
otism was  inflexible,  and  he  was  carried  before  Colonel  Jamieson, 
who  was  in  command  of  the  outposts.*     The   confidence   of  that 


*  The  captors  of  Andre  were  named  John  Paulding,  David  Williams,  and  Isaac 
Van  Wart.  Congress,  on  hearing  of  the  event,  immediately  passed  a  resolution 
commendatory  of  their  patriotic  conduct;  and  in  testimony  whereof,  they  ordered 
that  each  should  be  paid  two  hundred  dollars  annually  ;  that  a  silver  medal  should 
be  presented  to  each,  having  on  one  side  a  shield  with  "  Fidelity"  inscribed  upon 
it,  and  on  the  other  side  the  motto,  "  Vincit  amor  patrice,"  and  that  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief should  present  them  with  the  thanks  of  Congress. 


chap,  x.]  EVENTS  OF  1780.  323 

Arnold's  escape  on  learning  Andre's  capture.  Trial  and  execution  of  Andr*. 

officer  in  the  patriotism  of  Arnold,  made  him  so  unsuspecting,  that 
he  wrote  to  the  traitor  apprising  him  that  Anderson,  the  a  s  03 
bearer  of  his  passport,  had  been  arrested. a  While  at 
breakfast/  Arnold  received  the  startling  intelligence.  He  *  Sept'  ^ 
concealed  his  emotion,  and  retired  to  reflect  on  what  course  to  adopt. 
He  hoped  still  to  effect  his  purpose  before  Washington's  return,  but 
while  thus  musing,  two  American  officers  arrived,  announcing  that 
the  Commander-in-chief  was  near,  and  would  soon  be  with  him. 
Suppressing  his  feelings,  he  told  the  two  officers  he  wished  to  go 
and  meet  the  General  alone  ;  and  hastening  to  the  apartment  of  his 
wife,  he  exclaimed,  "  All  is  discovered  ;  Andre  is  a  prisoner  ;  the 
Commander-in-chief  will  soon  know  everything  ;  burn  all  my  papers  ; 
I  fly  to  New  York  !"  He  embraced  her  and  their  infant,  rushed 
from  the  apartment,  mounted  the  horse  of  one  of  the  officers,  and 
fled  towards  the  Hudson,  where  he  had  a  barge  ready  manned.  He 
threw  himself  into  it,  and  in  a  short  time  was  alongside  the  Vulture.* 
Washington  was  utterly  confounded  when  he  learned  what  had 
transpired,  and  repairing  immediately  to  West  Point,  instituted  dili- 
gent inquiries  concerning  the  extent  of  the  treason.  The  result  was 
a  conviction  that  Arnold  had  no  accomplices  among  the  Americans. 
After  privately  consulting  Congress,  Washington  instituted  a  court- 
martial  at  Tappan  to  try  Andre,  and  appointed  General  Greene 
President ;  the  result  of  which  was  a  report  to  the  Commander-in- 
chief  that  "  Major  Andre  ought  to  be  considered  as  a  spy  from  the 
enemy,  and  tkat,  agreeably  to  the  law  and  usage  of  nations,  he  ought 
to  suffer  death."  Washington  and  his  officers  would  gladly  have 
saved  the  life  of  that  excellent  and  accomplished  young  man,  but 
necessity  required  a  rigorous  enforcement  of  penalties.  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  did  all  in  his  power  to  save  him.  Arnold  wrote  a  letter, 
threatening  terrible  retribution  if  Andre's  life  should  be  taken,  and  a 
plan  was  concerted  by  the  American  officersf  to  seize  Arnold,  the 
real  culprit,  and  then  pardon  Andre.  But  these  efforts  failed,  and 
on  the  second  of  October  he  was  hanged  at  Tappan.  He  earnestly 
requested  that  he  might  be  shot,  and  thus  meet  the  more  honorable 
death  of  a  soldier,  and  Washington  was  willing  to  comply  with  his 
desire.  But  he  was  overruled  by  his  officers,  and  the  unfortunate 
i 

1  *  From  the  Vulture,  Arnold  wrote  to  Washington,  justifying  his  conduct,  and 
imploring  his  protection  for  his  wife  and  child.  This  protection  was  tenderly 
extended,  and  she  was  safely  conducted  to  New  York. 

f  Champe,  an  American  Serjeant-Major  of  intrepid^character,  was  intrusted  with 
the  conduct  of  the  enterprise.  He  left  the  American  camp  and  appeared  in  New 
York  as  a  deserter.  He  there  found  accomplices,  and  soon  they  laid  plans  for 
abducting  the  traitor.  But  unforeseen  circumstances  thwarted  their  designs,  and 
Champe  returned  safely  to  the  American  lines. 


324  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1780. 

EriiWh  detestation  of  Arnold  Expedition  against  Fort  George,  on  Long  Island 

young  soldier*  suffered  the  ignominious  death  of  a  spy.  He  was 
universally  lamented,  both  by  the  English  and  the  Americans,  and 
mingled  expressions  of  tender  regard  for  the  victim,  and  execrations 
against  the  traitor,  were  heard  on  every  side.t 

Arnold,  indeed,  escaped  detection  and  death,  but  his  fate  was  far 
worse  than  that  of  Andre.  Doomed  to  perpetual  banishment  from 
his  native  country  ;  stung  with  remorse  ;  loaded  writh  execrations, 
even  from  the  lips  of  those  unto  whom  he  had  bartered  his  fame  for 
gold,  he  led  a  miserable  existence,  to  the  torments  of  which  death 
was  truly  a  blessing  to  be  coveted.  He  obtained  only  a  portion  of 
his  stipulated  reward  ;  was  taunted  with  being  the  author  of  an 
abortive  treason,  in  the  conception  and  partial  execution  of  which  he 
stood  alone,|  and  transmitted  to  his  children  an  "  abject  name  of 
hateful  celebrity."  The  British  army  detested  him,  and  manifested 
much  repugnance  to  serve  with  him,  and  the  common  soldiers  on 
guard,  who  were  bound  to  respect  his  rank,§  and  salute  him,  gene- 
rally whispered  as  he  passed,  "  There  goes  the  traitor  Arnold  !" 

Very  little  of  importance  was  done  by  either  army  during  the 
remainder  of  the  year.  General  Leslie,  with  about  three  thousand 
British  troops,  ravaged  the  coast  of  the  Chesapeake  during  the 
month  of  October,  and  captured  several  vessels  and  a  considerable 
quantity  of  tobacco ;  and  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  a  small 
expedition  was  undertaken  in  November,  by  Major  Tallmadge,  who 
crossed  the  Sound  to  Long  Island  with  eighty  men,  and  leaving 
twenty  to  guard  the  boats,  made  a  circuitous  march  to  Fort  George 
and  captured  it.  He  had  but  one  man  wounded.  He  took  two 
officers  and  fifty-five  privates  prisoners.  The  two  armies  went  into 
winter-quarters  in  nearly  the  same  position  in  which  they  did  the 
year  before. 


*  He  was  not  quite  thirty  years  of  age. 

f  Andre  was  not  only  a  brave  soldier,  but  an  accomplished  scholar.  He  began 
life  in  the  peaceful  calling  of  a  merchant,  but  an  unfortunate  attachment  induced 
him  to  quit  his  profession  and  his  country.  He  obtained  a  commission  in  a  regi- 
ment destined  for  America,  where  his  bravery,  abilities,  and  accomplishments,  soon 
raised  him  to  distinction.  The  lady  of  his  love,  the  beautiful  and  accomplished 
Honora  Sneyd,  the  bosom  friend  of  Anne  Seward,  became  the  second  wife  of  that 
man  of  many  wives,  R.  L.  Edgeworth,  Esq.,  the  father  (by  his  first  wife)  of  Miss 
Edgeworth,  the  admirable  novelist;  but  she  died  of  consumption  on  the  thirtieth  of 
April,  17S0,  five  months  and  two  days  before  the  execution  of  Andre,  who  appears 
to  have  been  ignorant  of  the  sad  event.  Andre  excelled  in  music  and  painting. 
As  a  poet,  he  was  above  the  mediocrity  of  his  day. — Pic.  His.  of  the  Reign  of 
George  III.,  vol.  i.,  p.  436. 

t  Arnold  was  the  only  American  officer  who  forsook  the  cause  of  Independence 
and  turned  his  sword  against  his  country. 

§  He  held  a  commission  as  Brigadier  in  the  British  army. 


chap,  x.]  EVENTS  OF  1780.  325 

Exchange  of  prisoners.  Washington's  earnest  appeal.  Minister  to  Holland. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  an  agreement  was  finally  settled 
for  a  general  exchange  of  prisoners.  General  Phillips  of  the  British 
army,  who  had  been  a  prisoner  ever  since  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne, 
and  General  Lincoln,  of  the  American  army,  who  surrendered  at 
Charleston,  were  exchanged  ■  but,  owing  to  some  disagreement  in 
terms,  the  privates  of  Burgoyne 's  army  were  kept  prisoners  until 
the  close  of  the  war. 

Washington  earnestly  pressed  Congress  for  more  troops  and  for 
enlistments  during  the  war.  In  fact,  knowing  how  slow  wras  the 
increment  of  his  force  by  voluntary  enlistments,  he  suggested  con- 
scriptions, or  something  similar.  He  truly  represented  that  unless 
something  of  the  kind  was  done,  they  would  soon  behold  the  morti- 
fying spectacle  of  the  American  cause  wholly  upheld  by  foreign 
troops.  He  referred  to  the  recuperative  energies  of  Great  Britain, 
represented  the  termination  of  the  war  as  still  distant,  and  ex- 
pressed his  belief  that  nothing  but  the  apparent  infatuation  of  the 
British  commander  at  various  times  had  saved  the  cause  of  Inde- 
pendence from  utter  ruin.  His  appeal  had  some  effect  upon  Con- 
gress, and  they  issued  orders  for  enlistments  during  the  war,  and 
voted  that  all  officers  should  have  half-pay  for  life. 

During  the  autumn,  Holland,  which  had  long  been  favorable  to 
the  Americans,-  cast  off  its  disguise,  and  came  out  boldly  an  open 
enemy  to  Great  Britain.  This  event,  and  the  formation  of  the 
Armed  Neutrality,*  gave  the  Americans  great  hopes,  amid  all  their 
distresses  and  reverses,  and  they  looked  with  confidence  for  a  termi- 
nation of  the  war  early  in  the  ensuing  year,  when  the  French  troops 
already  here,  and  others  that  were  expected,  should  be  put  in  opera- 
tion. 

Henry  Laurens,  the  late  President  of  Congress,  was  appointed 
Minister  to  Holland,  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  commercial  treaties, 
making  a  loan,  and  negotiating  for  an  acknowledgment  on  the  part  of 
the  States-General  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States.  The 
Minister  embarked  at  Philadelphia,  carrying  with  him  papers  con- 
ferring extraordinary  discretionary  powers  upon  him,  but  the  vessel 
in  which  he  sailed  was  captured  by  two  British  frigates.     Laurens 

*  The  confederacy,  so  called,  of  the  northern  European  powers  against  England, 
was  commenced  by  the  Empress  Catharine,  of  Russia,  in  L780.  This  continued 
until  near  the  close  of  17S1.  Again  in  the  year  1800,  the  confederacy  was  renew- 
ed, and  treaties  entered  into  to  cause  their  flags  to  be  respected  by  the  belligerent 
powers.  But  the  doctrine  that  neutral  flags  protect  neutral  bottoms  was  not 
regarded  as  orthodox  by  England,  and  Nelson  and  Parker  destroyed  the  fleet  of 
Denmark  before  Copenhagen,  on  the  2d  of  April,  1S01.  In  consequence,  that 
power  was  obliged  to  secede  from  the  alliance,  and  soon  after,  the  Armed  Neutral- 
ity was  dissolved. 


326 


THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


[1780. 


Capture  of  Ex-President  Laurens  while  on  his  way  to  Holland. 

cast  the  box  containing  his  papers  into  the  sea,  but  it  was  recovered, 
and  instantly  forwarded  to  the  British  government,  together  with  Mr. 
Laurens,  who,  after  an  examination,  was  committed  to  the  tower  on 
a  charge  of  high  treason.  As  soon  as  the  British  government  dis- 
covered that  Holland  was  encouraging  American  privateers,  and  had 
actually  commenced  the  negotiation  of  a  treaty  with  Congress,  they 
declared  war  against  that  power,  and  thus,  at  the  close  of  1780, 
England  was  involved  in  hostilities  with  the  three  most  powerful 
nations  of  Europe.  In  proportion  as  necessity  for  strength  increased, 
England  seemed  to  put  forth  new  and  vigorous  exertions.  Parlia- 
ment voted  large  supplies  of  money  and  men  for  the  United  Service,* 
and  extensive  preparations  were  made  for  the  ensuing  campaign  in 
America. 

*  Ninety-one  thousand  men  was  named  as  the  naval  force  for  the  year  1781. 


Washington's  Head-quarters  at  Tappan. 


EVENTS  OF  1781. 


John  Jay— General  Thomas  Sumter— General  Daniel  Morgan. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

HE  balance  of  Destiny  seemea  to  be  equi- 
poised at  the  beginning  of  1781,  and  to 
human  judgment  success  appeared  as  likely 
to  crown  the  efforts  of  the  oppressor  as  those 
of  the  oppressed.  The  independence  of  the 
States  seemed  as  remote  as  ever,  and  the 
prospect  of  ultimate  triumph  was  gloomy 
indeed.  The  condition  of  the  army  was 
deplorable,  and  the  heroism  of  suffering  was 
manifest  in  all  its  intensity  upon  every  side.  The  contrast,  too, 
which  the  enemy  presented,  brought  out  the  poverty  and  the  patriot- 
ism of  the  Republican  army  in  bolder  relief.     While  the  former 


328  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1781. 

Revolt  of  the  Pennsylvania  tioops.  Their  treatment  of  British  emissaries. 

possessed  every  comfort  in  abundance,  being  fed  and  clothed  by  a 
wealthy  and  powerful  mother,  the  latter  were  enduring  intense  suf- 
fering from  want  of  clothing,  and  provisions,  and  pay  for  their  ser- 
vices. So  pressing  became  these  wants  at  last,  that  active  mutiny 
pervaded  the  American  army,  and  an  event  transpired  which  filled 
the  country  with  alarm. 

On  the  first  of  January  the  whole  Pennsylvania  line,  stationed  at 
Morristown,  consisting  of  about  thirteen  hundred  troops,  paraded 
under  arms,  refused  further  obedience  to  orders,  and  declared  their 
intention  to  march  to  Philadelphia  and  demand  from  Congress  a 
redress  of  grievances.*  They  marched  in  a  body  towards  Prince- 
ton with  six  field-pieces,  but  through  the  prudent  management  of 
General  Wayne,t  they  were  not  only  restrained  from  acts  of  violence 
on  their  march,  but  were  brought  to  a  parley  and  induced  to  listen  to 
terms  of  compromise.  "Washington,  on  hearing  of  the  revolt,  recom- 
mended Wayne  not  to  use  force,  for  their  number  was  too  formida- 
ble and  their  complaints  too  just  to  risk  the  hazard  of  such  a  step. 
He  advised  Wayne  to  get  from  them  a  written  statement  of  their 
grievances,  and  promised  to  present  them  candidly  to  Congress  and 
the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania.  This  course  had  its  intended  effect, 
and  a  deputation  from  Congress  met  them  at  Princeton,  and  induced 
them  to  agree  to  a  compromise,  by  which  their  immediate  necessi- 
ties were  relieved,  and  provision  made  for  their  future  pay.  The 
revolters  exhibited  a  spirit  worthy  of  the  soldiers  of  the  War  of 
Independence,  for  when  their  grievances  were  only  in  part  redressed, 
they  cheerfully  returned  to  duty,  and  indignantly  repulsed  the  imputa- 
tion of  a  design  to  go  over  to  the  enemy. t 

*  They  complained,  with  truth,  that  their  pay  was  in  arrears;  that  they  were 
obliged  to  receive  it  in  depreciated  currency,  and  that  they  were  detained  beyond 
their  time  of  enlistment. 

f  In  an  attempt  to  compel  them  to  desist,  a  captain  was  killed,  and  several  others 
were  wounded.  General  Wayne  presented  his  pistols  as  if  about  to  fire  on  them. 
With  their  bayonets  at  his  breast  they  exclaimed  :  "  We  love  and  respect  you  ;  but 
if  you  fire  you  are  a  dead  man.  We  are  not  going  to  the  enemy;  on  the  contrary, 
were  they  now  to  come  out,  you  should  see  us  fight  under  your  orders  with  as  much 
alacrity  as  ever ;  but  we  will  no  longer  be  amused  ;  we  are  determined  on  obtaining 
what  is  our  just  due." 

X  On  hearing  of  this  mutiny,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  sent  some  emissaries  from  his 
camp  at  New  York,  with  a  proposition  to  their  leaders  to  join  him,  and  making 
promises  of  ample  remuneration  to  all  the  mutineers  in  case  they  accepted  the  pro- 
posals. But  the  base  proposition  was  indignantly  spurned.  One  of  the  leaders 
addressed  the  soldiers  and  said,  "  See,  comrades,  he  takes  us  to  be  traitors  !  Let  us 
show  him  that  America  has  no  truer  friends  than  we."  They  immediately  seized 
the  emissaries  and  delivered  them  up  to  Wayne,  who  caused  them  to  be  tried,  and 
they  were  executed  as  spies.  The  mutineers  being  offered  a  reward  for  appre- 
hending the  spies,  nobly  refused  it,  saying  that  necessity  had  forced  them_to  demand 


chap.  x:.J  EVENTS  OF  1781.  329 

Financial  operations  of  Robert  Morris.  Expedition  of  Arnold  against  Virginia. 

A  similar  revolt  was  undertaken  by  the  New  Jersey  troops  a  few 
days  after,  but  through  the  vigilant  preparations  for  such  an  event 
by  Washington,  it  was  speedily  crushed.  Two  of  the  ringleaders 
were  tried  and  executed,  and  by  these  summary  proceedings  the 
spirit  of  mutiny  was  subdued. 

These  events  aroused  the  people  and  Congress  to  more  vigorous 
action,  and  efforts  hitherto  unprecedented  to  raise  money  and  supply 
the  wants  of  the  army  were  put  forth.  Taxes  were  imposed  and 
cheerfully  acquiesced  in ;  a  Commissioner  was  sent  to  Europe  to  ne- 
gotiate loans  of  money  and  obtain  military  supplies  ;*  and,  during  the 
year,  the  Bank  of  North  America  was  established,  under  the  super- 
vision of  Robert  Morris,  a  wealthy  merchant  of  Philadelphia,  to 
whose  superintendence  Congress  had  recently  intrusted  the  Treasu- 
ry. There  can  be  little  doubt  that  it  was  principally  owing  to  the 
financial  operations  of  this  distinguished  patriot  that  the  American 
army  was  not  disbanded  by  its  own  act,  and  that  Congress  was 
enabled  to  commence  offensive  operations  on  the  opening  of  the 
spring  campaign  for  this  year.  He  assumed  the  collection  of  taxes 
and  the  supply  of  the  army  with  flour,  and  used  his  ample  private 
fortune  and  his  personal  credit,  without  stint,  to  sustain  the  govern- 
ment. 

Arnold  began  the  work  of  his  royal  purchaser  early  in  January 
of  this  year.  He  was  despatched  to  Virginia  with  a  corps  of  about 
sixteen  hundred  men,  tories  and  English,  and  a  number  of  armed 
vessels,  for  the  purpose  of  desolating  the  country.  He  entered 
Hampton  Roads  on  the  first  of  January,  and  ascending  the  James 
River,  reached  Richmond  on  the  fifth,  where  he  destroyed  all  the 
public  stores  in  the  vicinity,  and  private  property  to  a  large  amount. 
Jefferson,  then  Governor  of  the  State,  called  upon  the  militia  to 
defend  Richmond,  but  they  so  tardily  obeyed  the  summons,  that  he 
was  obliged  to  leave  the  city  to  its  fate.t     It  was  about  one  half 


justice  from  Congress,  but  they  desired  no  reward  for  doing  their  duty  to  their 
bleeding  country." 

*  Spain  had  loaned  only  fourteen  thousand  dollars,  when  nearly  half  a  million 
was  the  amount  asked,  and  France  seemed  to  feel  that  she  had  done  quite  enough 
in  sending  her  fleets  and  armies  to  America.  Colonel  John  Laurens,  son  of  the 
ex-President,  was,  in  this  extremity,  sent  on  a  special  commission  to  France,  and, 
contrary  to  usual  etiquette,  he  presented  his  memorial  in  person  to  the  King.  He 
succeeded  in  obtaining  a  subsidy  of  six  millions  livres  ($1,200,000),  with  a  further 
sum  by  way  of  loan,  and  guarantee  for  a  Dutch  loan  of  five  millions  guilders 
($2,000,000).  This  was  intimated  as  being  the  very  last  pecuniary  aid  that  could 
be  granted. — Sparks' s  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  vol.  iii.,  p.  190. 

f  Jefferson,  after  causing  some  of  the  public  stores  to  be  removed  into  the  coun- 
try, fled  from  the  city  at  evening,  with  his  Council  and  Secretaries, 


330  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1781. 

Attempt  to  capture  Arnold  and  his  array.  Destruction  of  property  on  the  James  River. 

_  destroyed  by  the  traitor's  torch.     Arnold  encamped  at  Ports- 

mouth,* where  he  was  joined  by  reinforcements  that  swelled 
his  number  to  about  two  thousand. 

Washington  now  conceived  the  design  of  capturing  Arnold  with 
all  his  army,  by  investing  them  by  sea  and  land.  He  desired  Des- 
touches,  who  succeeded  Ternay  in  the  command  of  the  French  fleet, 
to  send  an  armament  to  the  Chesapeake  to  co-operate  with  La  Fay- 
ette, whom  he  intended  to  despatch  with  a  competent  force  to  main- 
tain the  investment  by  land.  But  the  French  Admiral  sent6 
only  a  sixty-four  gun-ship  and  two  frigates,  which  being 
incompetent  for  the  occasion,  returned  to  Newport.  After  a  per- 
sonal conference  between  Washington  and  the  French  officers,  it  was 
agreed  to  send  about  eleven  hundred  of  De  Rochambeau's  troops, 
under  the  command  of  the  Baron  de  Viomenil,  escorted  by  the  whole 
of  the  French  fleet.  Destouches  sailed  on  the  eighth  of  March,  and 
on  the  sixteenth  he  was  met  by  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  who  immediately 
attacked  him.  After  a  battle  of  more  than  an  hour,  the  French  fleet 
bore  away  and  returned  to  Newport.  Thus  Arnold  escaped  from 
the  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  his  countrymen.* 

Clinton,  still  having  in  view  a  diversion  in  favor  of  the  army  of  the 
„    ^  „„    south,  sent  thither  General  Phillips,!  with  about  two  thou- 

c  March  26.  '  .    .    r   ' 

sand  five  hundred  men,  who  joined  Arnold  at  Portsmouth.6 
Phillips  took  the  command,  overran  the  whole  country  between  the 
James  and  York  rivers,  seized  the  large  town  of  Petersburg!],4* 
also  Chester  Court-house,  and  other  places,  and  destroyed  a 
great  quantity  of  shipping  and  stores.  They  then  proceeded  towards 
Richmond  to  complete  its  destruction,  but  on  arriving  at  Manchester, 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  James  River,  they  found  that  La  Fayette 
had  entered  Richmond  the  preceding  evening,  where  his  regular 
force  was  joined  by  about  two  thousand  militia  and  some  dragoons. 
Phillips  and  Arnold,  after  burning  the  stores  and  a  great  quantity  of 
tobacco  at  Manchester,  retired  to  Bermuda  Hundred,  and  soon  after- 
wards re-embarked  their  troops  and  proceeded  down  the  river,  when 
Cornwallis,  who  was  at  Wilmington,  gave  them  notice  that  he  was 
about  marching  into  Virginia.  They  then  returned  to  Petersburgh 
to  await  his  arrival  from  the  Carolinas.  As  this  movement  was 
subsequent  to  othex  important  ones  at  the  south,  we  will  now  turn 
our  attention  to  operations  in  that  quarter. 

*  It  is  related  that  a  militia  officer  whom  Arnold  held  as  a  prisoner  at  Portsmouth, 
was  asked  by  the  traitor  what  the  Americans  would  do  if  they  should  catch  him? 
He  answered,  "  They  would  cut  off  your  leg  wounded  while  fighting  for  your  coun- 
try, and  bury  it  with  the  honors  of  war,  and  then  hang  the  rest  of  you  !" 

f  Phillips  was_among  the  officers  captured  at  Saratoga, 


chap,  xi.]  EVENTS  OF  1781.  331 

Operations  at  the  South.  Battle  of  the  Cowpens. 

As  already  stated  in  the  preceding  chapter,  General  Gates  was 
superseded  by  General  Greene,  after  the  disastrous  conflict  at  Cam- 
den. Greene  established  his  head-quarters  at  Charlotte,  where 
he  collected  his  whole  force,  amounting  to  only  about  two  thousand 
men.  Notwithstanding  this  extreme  feebleness  in  numbers,  he 
despatched  General  Morgan  to  the  western  frontier  of  South  Caro- 
lina, where  the  British  and  tories  were  committing  great  devastations, 
to  arrest  their  operations. 

On  the   eleventh   of  January,  General  Leslie,  with  about  fifteen 
hundred  men,  joined  Cornwallis,  and  they  prepared  to  march  imme- 
diately into  North  Carolina,  and  press  forward  into  Virginia.     But 
Cornwallis  was  unwilling  to  allow  Morgan  to  remain  in  his  rear,  and 
sent  Tarleton  to  dislodge,  and  if  possible,  completely  break  up  his 
forces — "  to  push  him  to  the  utmost."  Colonel  Washington,  a  nephew 
of    the   Commander-in-chief,   was  with   Morgan,   and   they  had  a 
pretty  large  force  of  cavalry  and  riflemen,  but  the  superior  numbers 
of  Tarleton  obliged  them  at  first  to  retreat.     Tarleton  hotly  pursued 
them,  and  on  reaching  a  place  called  the  Cowpens,  about  three  miles 
from  the  division  line  between  North  and  South  Carolina, 
Morgan  wheeled  and  gave  battle.a     The  first  furious  onset 
of   the   enemy  caused  the   Americans  to   yield,  and   at   the   same 
time  a  party  of  the  Republican  regulars  were  dispersed  and  pur- 
sued  by  British  cavalry  under  Ogilvie.     Morgan  rallied  his  men, 
and  in  one   general  charge    upon  the  British  lines  they  dispersed 
the  enemy  in  every  direction.     Tarleton's  squadron  of  cavalry  had 
not  yet  encountered  the  Americans,    and  seeing  the  panic  of  the 
British  militia  and  the   impetuous  advance  of  the  former  they  fled 
with  the  greatest  precipitation.       Quarter   being  promised  to  the 
enemy,  a  large  number  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war. 
Colonel  Washington  pursued  Tarleton  several  miles  and  slightly 
wounded  him,  but,  with  the  most  of  his  cavalry,  he  reached  the  camp 
of  Cornwallis  in  safety.     In  this  battle,  the  South  Carolina  militia 
under  Colonel  Pickens  showed  great  bravery,  as  well  as  a  body  of 
infantry  under  Colonel  Howard.     They  proved  that  Tarleton's  legion 
was  not  invincible.     The  British  had  ten  commissioned  officers  and 
one  hundred  and  twenty-nine  privates  killed,  and  twenty-nine  officers 
and  two  hundred  privates  wounded.    The  Americans  lost  twelve  men 
killed  and  sixty  wounded.     The  Republicans  took  five  hundred  pri- 
soners and  a  large  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition.*     This  battle, 


*  Eight  hundred  stand  of  arms,  one  hundred  dragoon  horses,  thirty-five  baggage- 
wagons,  and  two  standards,  fell  into  their  hands.  Two  brass  cannons  which  were 
taken  from  Burgoyne  and  captured  by  Cornwallis,  at  Camden,  again  became  the 

22 


332  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1781. 

Morgan's  retreat  across  the  Catawba.  Arrival  of  Greene,  and  retreat' to  the  Yadkin. 

it  has  been  justly  remarked,  proved,  in  the  end,  nearly  as  disastrous 
to  Cornwallis  as  the  battle  of  Bennington  did  to  Burgoyne. 

As  soon  as  Cornwallis  heard  of  the  defeat  of  Tarleton,  and  the 
attendant  disasters  at  the  Cowpens,  he  determined  to  take  the  field 
in  person,  and  having  been  reinforced  by  Leslie,  he  felt  confident 
that   he  could  soon  subdue  the  whole  country  south  of  Virginia. 
His  first  effort  was  to  surprise  Morgan  and  recapture  the  prisoners 
whom  he   had  sent   on   towards   Charlotte ville,    in  Virginia ;    and 
accordingly  he  destroyed  all  his  heavy  baggage,  crossed  the 
Catawba  River*  and  endeavored  by  rapid  marches,  to  inter- 
cept his  (Morgan's)   retreat  towards   the  head-quarters  of  Greene. 
But  Morgan  was  as  vigilant  as  he  was  brave,  and  by  well-executed 
and  rapid  marches,  he  succeeded  in  reaching  the  fords  of 
the  Catawba* b  about  two  hours  before  the  vanguard  of  the 
enemy  appeared  in   sight.      It   was   quite  dark   when    Cornwallis 
reached  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  feeling  very  confident  that  he 
could  easily  overtake  the  flying  Americans  in  the  morning,  he  halted 
there  for  the  night.     Before  morning,  a  heavy  rain  which  had  oc- 
curred in  the  mountains   above,   so  swelled  the  stream  that  it  was 
impossible  to  cross  it  without  boats,  and  these,  the  Americans  had 
been  careful  to  take  on  the  opposite   side.      Morgan   hurried   the 
British  prisoners  forward,  and  commenced  preparations  to  defend  the 
passage   of  the  fords  and  keep    Cornwallis  at  bay  until   General 
Greene  should  arrive.     Much  to  his  surprise  and  pleasure, 
Greene  made  his  appearance  two  days  afterwards,6  and  took 
the  command,  having  left  the  main  division  of  his  army  opposite 
Cheraw,  upon  the   banks  of  the  Little  Pedee,  about  ten  miles  south 
from  the  North  Carolina  line.    ( 

As  soon  as  the  waters  subsided,  Cornwallis  commenced 
fording  the  stream/  which  he  effected,  notwithstanding  the 
opposition  of  the  Carolina  militia,  who  were  ordered  to  guard  the 
ford.  General  Davidson,  their  commander,  was  killed,  and  finding 
resistance  dangerous,  Greene,  with  the  whole  American  force,  re- 
treated towards  the  Yadkin.  He  reached  that  river  on  the  evening 
of  the  second  of  February,  and  during  that  night  and  the  next  morn- 
ing, succeeded  in  crossing  it,  with  all  his  army,  upon  "  flats."  Gene- 
ral O'Hara,  at  the  head  of  the  British  van,  pressed  so  closely  upon 
him  that  he  captured  a  few  baggage-wagons  which  the  Americans 

property  of  the  Americans.     Congress  honored  General  Morgan  with  a  gold  medal ; 
and  medals  of  silver  were  presented  to  Colonels  Washington  and  Howard,  a  sword 
to  Colonel  Pickens,  and  a  Brevet-Major's  commission  to  Edward  Giles,  Morgan's 
aide-de-camp. 
*  At  Cowan's  Ford,  thirty  miles  north  from  the  boundary  of  South  Carolina. 


CHAP.  XI.] 

EVENTS  OF  1781. 

333 

Greene's  retreat  across  the  Dan. 

Cornwallis's  return  to  Hillsborough. 

were  unable  to  take  over  before  he  arrived.  Again  Cornwallis ,  not 
doubting  his  ability  to  overtake  Greene  in  the  morning,  halted  for 
the  night,  but  before  dawn  the  rain  poured  down  in  torrents,  and  the 
Yadkin  was  filled  to  the  brim,  and  rendered  entirely  unfordable  ! 
Still  the  British  commander  was  not  disheartened,  and,  marching 
ten  miles  up  the  river,  where  he  found  a  fordable  place,  he  crossed 
over  and  commenced  a  rapid  pursuit  of  the  Americans,  determined 
to  compel  them  to  fight  before  they  could  get  reinforcements  from 
Virginia. 

On  the  seventh  of  February,  Greene  reached  Guilford  Court- 
house, where  he  was  joined  by  the  other  division  of  his  army  under 
Huger  and  Williams.*  As  about  five  hundred  of  the  American 
army  were  militia,  while  all  of  the  British  were  regulars,  Greene 
was  unwilling  to  hazard  a  battle,  and  therefore  continued  his  retreat 
towards  Irwin's  Ferry,  upon  the  river  Dan,  on  the  southern  boundary 
of  Virginia,  about  seventy  miles  from  Guilford.  So  close  again 
was  the  pursuit  of  Conrwallis,  that  Greene's  rear  had  scarcely 
touched  the  northern  banks  of  the  Dan  when  the  enemy's 
van  reached  the  southern  bank.*  The  river  was  not  forda- 
ble at  the  time,  and  the  Americans,  having  taken  all  the  boats  across, 
had,  for  the  third  time,  during  this  remarkable  retreat,  a  deep  river 
placed  between  them  and  the  pursuing  enemy !  So  tangible  was 
the  hand  of  Providence  in  this,  that  it  was  regarded  throughout  the 
whole  country  as  a  mark  of  special  favor  to  the  American  cause, 
and  in  no  small  degree  strengthened  the  hopes  of  the  Republicans.! 

Cornwallis,  having  thought  it  impossible  for  Greene  to  escape 
across  the  Dan  into  Virginia,  was  greatly  disappointed,  and  gave  up 
the  pursuit.  He  returned  to  Hillsborough,  in  North  Carolina,  where 
he  raised  the  royal  standard  and  endeavored  to  rally  around  it  the 
tories  of  the  south,  and  also  to  win  over  the  lukewarm  republicans. 
Greene,  in  the  meanwhile,  reposed  himself  and  his  weary  army  in 
the  rich  valleys  of  Halifax  in  Virginia,  in  the  midst  of  sympathizing 
patriots. 

As  soon  as  Greene  was  rested  and  had  received  reinforcements, 

*  His  whole  force  now  consisted  of  about  twenty-three  hundred  men.  Cornwalli* 
had  about  twenty-five  hundred  men  with  him. 

f  Both  armies  suffered  greatly  from  the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  during  this 
retreat  of  nearly  two  hundred  miles.  The  enemy,  however,  was  well  clothed  and 
fed,  while  the  Americans  were  nearly  destitute  of  clothing  and  shoes,  yet  during 
this  retreat  not  a  single  man  deserted.  This  fact  is  well  established  by  official 
reports,  yet  a  late  British  writer*  has  asserted  that  "  the  militia  had  nearly  all 
deserted  Greene"  when  he  reached  the  Dan. 

*  See  Pic.  His.  of  the  Reign  of  Geo.  m.,  vol.  i.,  p.  438. 


334  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1781. 

Greene's  return  into  North  Carolina.  Battle  of  Guilford  Court-house. 

which  swelled  his  army  to  about  four  thousand  four  hundred  men,  he 
determined  to  recross  the  Dan  into  North  Carolina,  and  commence 
offensive  operations.  Being  informed  that  Tarleton  was  in  the 
district  between  the  Haw  and  Deep  rivers,  inciting  the  tories  to  join 
the  royal  standard,  he  sent  Lieutenant-Colonel  Lee  with  a  body  of 
militia  and  cavalry,  to  oppose  his  movements.  Lee  crossed  the  Dan 
on  the  twenty-first  of  February,  and  by  a  well-executed  stratagem* 
succeeded  in  destroying,  capturing,  and  dispersing  nearly  four  hun- 
dred tories  who  were  on  their  way  to  join  Tarleton.  General 
Greene,  with  the  main  division  of  his  army,  crossed  the  Dan 

a  Feb.  22.  J 

the  next  day,a  and  pushed  on  to  Guilford  Court-house, 
within  ten  miles  of  the  enemy's  camp.  He  reached  there  on  the 
fifteenth  of  March,  and  drawing  his  army  up  in  three  lines,  awaited 
the  attack  of  Cornwallis,  who,  on  the  very  day  of  his  arri- 
val,6 marched  against  him.  The  enemy  approached  in 
three  lines,  the  Hessians  on  the  right,  the  English  in  the  centre,  and 
a  brigade,  composed  chiefly  of  tories,  on  the  left.  The  battle 
was  desperately  fought  for  about  an  hour  and  a  half,  when  Greene 
ordered  a  retreat.  Both  sides  claimed  the  victory, t  but  if  the  loss 
of  men  is  the  criterion  for  determining,  the  triumph  surely  belonged 
to  the  Americans.  They  lost  about  four  hundred  regulars  and  mili- 
tia ;  the  British  lost  nearly  six  hundred  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing.  Great  skill  and  bravery  were  exhibited  on  both  sides,  and, 
considered  in  all  its  features,  this  conflict,  for  courage  and  skilful 
manoeuvring,  was  equal  to  any  during  the  war. 

Notwithstanding  his  claim  of  victory,  Cornwallis  retreated  towards 
"Wilmington,  closely  pursued  by  General  Greene.  At  Ramsay's 
Mills,  on  the  Deep  River,  Greene  halted,  and  while  Cornwallis  con- 
tinued to  retreat  towards  Wilmington,  he  turned  southward  with  the 
intention  of  driving  from  South  Carolina  the  division  of  the  British 

*  Colonel  Pyle  was  in  command  of  the  tory  recruits,  and  he  sent  forward  three 
of  their  number  to  find  out  Tarleton's  camp.  Lee's  legion  were  dressed  very  much 
like  that  of  Tarleton,  and  the  young  tories,  meeting  them,  mistook  them  for  the 
British  troops.  Lee  took  advantage  of  this  mistake,  and  immediately  sent  word  to 
Pickens,  who  was  in  command  of  riflemen  in  the  rear,  to  keep  out  of  sight  in  the 
woods,  until  they  should  receive  a  given  signal.  The  young  men  addressed  Lee  as 
Tarleton,  which  name  he  at  once  assumed,  and  sent  word  to  Pyle  "  to  draw  out  his 
forces  on  the  side  of  the  road,  so  as  to  give  convenient  room  for  his  troops  to  take 
the  right  position."  Pyle  expressed  himself  "  happy  to  comply  with  the  wishes  of 
Colonel  Tarleton,"  and  accordingly,  with  smiling  countenance,  Lee  and  his  legion 
defiled  in  front  of  the  tories.  When  arrived  at  a  proper  position,  a  signal  was 
given  for  the  riflemen  to  appear,  and  all  fell  upon  the  hapless  tories  with  great  fury, 
and  routed  them  with  dreadful  slaughter. 

f  Three  days  after  the  battle,  Cornwallis  issued  a  proclamation,  boasting  of  vic- 
tory, calling  upon  all  good  citizens  to  join  his  standard,  and  offering  pardon  to  all 
"  rebels  "  who  should  lay  down  their  arms. 


chap,  xi.]  EVENTS  OF  1781.  335 

Battle  of  Hobkirk's  Hill.  Capture  of  several  British  forts. 

army  there,  under  the  command  of  Lord  Rawdon.  On  his  march 
thitherward,  many  of  the  borderers  who  composed  the  chief  bulk 
of  Greene's  militia,  left  and  returned  to  their  homes ;  and  when  he 
approached  the  vicinage  of  the  British  army,  his  force,  though  small, 
consisted  almost  entirely  of  regulars. 

Early  in  April,  Greene  arrived  at  a  place  called  Hobkirk's  Hill, 
about  a  mile  from  Rawdon's  encampment  at  Camden.  He  establish- 
ed his  head-quarters  there,  but  was  soon  after  attacked*  by  ^ 
the  British  commander,  and  another  desperate  battle  en- 
sued. For  a  long  time,  the  result  was  doubtful.  Greene,  anticipat- 
ing victory,  sent  a  detachment  to  cut  off  the  expected  retreat  of 
Rawdon,  but  a  regiment  from  Maryland  becoming  confused  by  a 
furious  charge  of  the  enemy,  disconcerted  the  others,  and  soon 
the  rout  of  the  Americans  became  general.  But  Greene  so  far 
restored  order  that  he  retreated  with  deliberation,  and  succeeded  in 
carrying  off  six  English  officers  prisoners.  He  retired  with  his 
army  to  Rugely's  Mills,  where,  after  some  days,  Rawdon,  who  had 
received  a  reinforcement  of  four  hundred  men  (whom  Marion  had 
endeavored  in  vain  to  intercept),  attempted  to  surprise  him  at  night. 
Greene  retreated  to  Saunder's  Creek,  where  Rawdon  made  an  in- 
effectual effort  to  dislodge  him,  and  who,  after  burning  the  jail,  mills, 
private  houses,  and  some  of  his  own  stores,  evacuated  Cam- 
den,* and  retreated  south  of  the   Santee  River. 

During  the  march  of  Greene  to  Hobkirk's  Hill,  he  despatched 
Colonel  Lee  with  his  legion  to  join  General  Marion  on  the  Santee, 
for  the  purpose   of  operating  against  a  chain  of  British  forts  esta- 
blished  along   the  Santee   and   the   Congaree,  the  most  important 
of  which  was  Fort  Watson  on  Wright's  Bluff.     Marion  and  Lee, 
although  provided  with  nothing   but  muskets   and  rifles,* 
closely  invested  that  fort.c     After  a  resistance  of  eight  days, 
the  garrison  was  obliged  to  yield,  and  one  hundred  and  four- 
teen  men  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war.d     Seve-  • 
ral  other  British  posts  fell  in  rapid  succession  before  the  victorious 
Americans.     Orangeburgh  surrendered  to  Sumter  on  the  eleventh 
of  May  ;  Fort  Motte  to  Marion  and  Lee  on  the  twelfth  ;  the  post  at 
Nelson's   Ferry  was  evacuated  on  the  fourteenth  by  the  British  ; 
Fort  Granby  capitulated  to  Lee  on  the  fifteenth  ;  and  on  the  twenty- 

*  The  method  employed  by  the  besiegers  in  their  attack  upon  the  several  forts, 
was  a  novel  one.  As  they  were  armed  with  only  muskets  and  rifles,  they  erected 
towers  which  overlooked  the  forts,  and  thence  picked  off  the  enemy  in  detail.  At 
•the  siege  of  Augusta  two  of  those  towers  were  erected  within  thirty  feet  of  the 
parapet  of  the  fort.  From  there,  the  American  riflemen,  with  deadly  aim,  shot 
the  enemy,  whenever  a  man  dared  to  show  himself. 


336  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [mi. 

giege  of  Ninety-Six.  British  officer  dining  w'th  Marion. 

first,  a  detachment  of  Lee's  Legion  under  Captain  Rudolph,  reduced 
the  fort  at  Silver  Bluffs.     Early  in  June,  Lee  and  Pickens,  having 
united  their  forces,  penetrated  into  Georgia,  and  attacked  Fort  Corn- 
wallis,  at  Augusta.     The  garrison,  after  a  stout  resistance, 
surrendered,0  and  over  three  hundred  men  became  prisoners 
of  war.     The  Americans  lost   during   the    siege   about  forty  men. 
Marion,  in  the  meanwhile,  closely  invested  Georgetown,*  and  the 
garrison,  learning   the   downfall  of  the   other  posts  in  the 
vicinity,  evacuated  the  town.*     The  British  were  now  con- 
fined to  the  three  posts, — Ninety-six,  Eutaw  Springs,  and  Charleston. 
"While  these   occurrences  were  transpiring   in   Georgia,   Greene 
marched  against  the  strong  fortress  of  Ninety-six,  in  which  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Cruger,  with  about  five  hundred  men,  was  advan- 
tageously posted.     He  kept  up  a  siege  for  nearly  a  month,  when,  on 
learning  the  approach  of  Lord  Rawdon  with  about   two  thousand 
troops,  he  determined  to  storm  the  place.     He  began  the 
assault  with  great  vigor,c  but  was  obliged  to  raise  the  siege, 
and  on  the  nineteenth,  he  retreated  across  the   Saluda.     His  loss 
was  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men.     On  this  occasion  Kosciusko, 
the  Polish  general,  particularly  distinguished  himself,  and  enhanced, 
if  possible,  the  high  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by  Washington 
and  his  officers. 

Rawdon  supposed  Greene  had  retreated  out  of  South  Carolina, 

*  Marion,  by  his  daring  and  almost  always  successful  exploits,  became  the  terror 
of  the  enemy  at  the  south,  particularly  of  the  tories.  For  a  long  time  he  encamped 
upon  Snow's  Island,  a  small  spot  of  terra  firma  in  a  morass  at  the  confluence  of 
Lynch's  Creek  and  the  Pedee.  There,  assisted  by  natural  defences,  he  made  his 
impregnable  fortress,  and  with  his  daryig  little  band  sallied  forth  as  occasion  offered, 
to  harass  the  superior  foe,  to  cut  off  his  convoys,  or  to  break  up,  before  they  could 
well  embody,  the  gathering  and  undisciplined  tories.  It  was  while  encamped  there 
towards  the  close  of  the  preceding  year,  that  an  event  occurred  which,  insignificant 
in  itself,  is  peculiarly  illustrative  of  the  heroism  displayed  by  the  Americans  at  that 
period,  under  the  greatest  privations.  A  young  British  officer  was  sent  from  the 
post  at  Georgetown,  to  Marion's  swamp  encampment,  to  effect  an  exchange  of  pri- 
soners. He  had  never  seen  Marion,  and  wras  greatly  astonished  at  finding  such  a 
noted  man  so  diminutive  in  size,  especially  when  compared  to  the  British  generals 
then  in  the  field,  whose  average  weight,  it  is  asserted,  was  more  than  200  pounds. 
Having  finished  their  business,  the  young  officer  prepared  to  depart,  but  was  invited 
by  Marion  to  stop  and  dine.  The  invitation  was  accepted,  and  the  entertainment 
was  served  up  on  pieces  of  bark.  It  consisted  entirely  of  roasted  potatoes,  of 
which  the  General  ate  heartily,  and  requested  his  guest  to  do  the  same,  adding, 
"  hunger  is  the  best  sauce."  "  But,  surely,  General,"  said  the  astonished  officer, 
"  this  cannot  be  your  ordinary  fare  ?"  "  Indeed,  sir,  it  is,"  he  replied,  "  and  we 
are  fortunate,  on  this  occasion,  entertaining  company,  to  have  more  than  our  usual 
allowance."  It  is  said  that  the  young  officer,  on  returning  to  his  post,  threw  up  hi3 
commission,  declaring  that  men  who  could  contentedly  endure  such  privations,  were 
not  to  be  subdued.— See  Simms's  Life  of  Marion,  pp.  168-180. 


British  Officer  invited  to  Line  trtth  Ulrica.     P.  338. 


CHAP.  XI.] 

EVENTS  OF  1781. 

339 

Battle  of  Eutaw  Springs. 

Execution  of  Colonel  Hayne. 

and  divided  his  forces,  fixing  a  detachment  upon  the  Congaree  ;  but 
he  was  soon  undeceived  by  the  sudden  attack  of  Lee  upon  a  fora- 
ging party,  within  a  mile  of  the  British  camp.  About  forty  of 
Rawdon's  cavalry  were  captured.  Rawdon  retreated  to  Orange- 
burgh  and  summoned  Cruger  to  join  him  with  the  garrison  of  Ninety- 
six,  which  junction  was  effected,  although  much  delayed  by  the 
attempts  of  Greene  to  prevent  it.  At  Orangeburgh  Rawdon  received 
reinforcements  from  Charleston  under  Colonel  Stewart,  and  Greene, 
unable    to   withstand  the  combined   armies,  retired  to  the       .  ,     . 

a  July  lo, 

high  hills  of  the  Santee,a  where  his  troops  would  avoid  the 
prevailing  sickness  of  the  season  in  the  low  countries.  He  en- 
deavored, by  sending  out  detachments  under  Marion,  Sumter,  and 
Lee,  to  draw  Rawdon  from  his  position.  They  effectually  inter- 
rupted the  communication  between  Charleston  and  the  British  camp, 
on  discovering  which,  the  enemy  evacuated  all  their  posts  north  of 
the  Santee  and  Congaree,  and  retired  to  Eutaw  Springs,  about  fifty 
miles  from  Charleston.*  Greene  pursued  them,  and  being  b  s  t  7# 
joined  by  Marion,6  resolved  to  attack  them  at  once. 

The  next  day  c  the  Americans,  numbering  about  two  c  sept.  8. 
thousand,  moved  to  the  attack.  An  advance  guard  of  the 
British  were  compelled  to  fall  back,  and  soon  the  battle  became 
general.  The  contest  lasted  nearly  four  hours,  and  great  bravery 
was  exhibited  on  both  sides.  Colonel  Campbell,  who  with  Colonel 
Williams,  was  leading  on  the  Maryland  and  Virginia  regiments,  was 
mortally  wounded.  Learning  that  the  British  were  dispersing,  he, 
like  Wolfe     at   Quebec   under    similar   circumstances,    exclaimed, 

*  Lord  Rawdon  here  resigned  his  command  to  Colonel  Stewart,  and  soon  after- 
wards returned  to  England.  While  he  was  at  Charleston,  a  scene  of  cruelty 
occurred,  which,  it  is  said,  he  tried  in  vain  to  prevent.  When  Charleston  surren- 
dered to  the  British,  it  was  stipulated  that  the  citizens  should  be  allowed  to  remain 
quiet,  and  not  be  called  upon  to  take  up  arms  for  the  crown.  This  contract  was 
soon  violated,  and  they  were  summoned  to  join  the  royal  standard.  Among  them 
was  Colonel  Isaac  Hayne,  a  man  greatly  beloved,  and  at  that  time  living  upon  his 
plantation  near  the  city.  He  was  required  to  subscribe  to  an  allegiance  to  the 
British  crown  and  an  agreement  to  bear  arms  in  its  support,  or  return  to  Charles- 
ton. To  the  last  clause  he  objected,  but  being  told  that  it  would  not  be  required 
of  him,  and  anxious  to  be  at  home  on  account  of  his  dying  wife,  he  subscribed. 
But  when,  contrary  to  assurances,  he  was  called  upon  to  take  up  arms,  he  joined  the 
Americans,  and  was  soon  after  taken  prisoner  by  the  British.  He  was  conducted  to 
Colonel  Balfour,  the  commandant  of  Charleston,  who,  after  a  mock  trial,  sentenced 
him  to  be  hung.  Many  British  and  loyalist  residents,  with  Governor  Bull  at  their 
head,  together  with  all  the  ladies  of  Charleston,  petitioned  for  his  life.  His  little 
children,  whose  mother  had  just  been  laid  in  the  grave,  implored  their  father's  life 
upon  their  knees  before  Balfour,  but  all  in  vain.  Lord  Rawdon's  interposition  is 
doubtful :  at  any  rate,  he  gave  his  sanction  to  the  execution,  and,  under  the  plea  of, 
justice,  the  excellent  Colonel  Hayne  was  deprived  of  his  life. 


340  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1781. 

Close  of  the  War  in  South  Carolina.  Expedition  of  Cornwallis  into  Virginia. 

"•Then  I  die  contented!"  and  immediately  expired.  The  British 
were  vigorously  pursued  by  Lee,  and  upwards  of  five  hundred  were 
taken  prisoners.  Greene  drew  off  his  troops  and  retreated  to  the 
place  of  his  encampment,  upon  the  high  hills  of  the  Santee,  and 
Stewart,  during  the  night,  retired  to  Monk's  Corner.  The  loss  of  the 
British  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners,  was  upwards  of  eleven 
hundred  ;  that  of  the  Americans  over  five  hundred,  of  which  number 
there  were  sixty  officers. 

With  the  battle  of  Eutaw  ended  the  campaign  in  South  Carolina 
for  the  year — in  fact  no  further  hostilities  occurred  there  during 
the  war,  and  the  British  abandoned  the  open  country  and  retired 
to  Charleston.  There  was  a  great  change  in  the  circumstances  of 
the  two  armies  in  this  quarter  at  the  close  of  the  year  ;  the  British 
at  the  beginning  of  the  campaign  being  in  the  possession  of  South 
Carolina  and  Georgia,  but  now  occupying  only  the  ports  of  Charles- 
ton and  Savannah.  We  will  now  resume  our  narrative  of  events  in 
Virginia. 

Cornwallis,  late  in  April,  left  Wilmington,  and  marching  northward, 

formed  a  junction  with  the  forces  of  Phillips*  and  Arnold  at  Peters- 

,,     ™    burs;.'1     He  tried  to  bring  La  Fayette  (then  in  command  of 

a  May  20.  °  °  J  v 

about  three  thousand  troops  for  the  defence  of  Virginia) 
into  an  engagement,  but  failing  in  this  he  proceeded  to  overrun  the 
country  and  spread  desolation  with  fire  and  sword.  One  expedition 
under  Tarleton  penetrated  to  Charlottesville,  took  several  members 
of  the  Virginia  Assembly  prisoners,  and  came  very  near  capturing 
Governor  Jefferson.  Cornwallis,  in  the  meantime,  attempted  to 
capture  American  stores  at  Albemarle  Old  Court-house,  while 
La  Fayette  was  effecting  a  junction  with  General  Wayne  with  a 
reinforcement  of  eight  hundred*  men  of  the  Pennsylvania  line,  but 
was  foiled  by  the  active  vigilance  of  the  Marquis,  who,  after  a 
rapid  march,  succeeded  in  encamping  between  his  stores  and  the 
British  lines.f  The  latter  then  retired  to  Richmond,  and  after  cap- 
turing that  place  and  Williamsburg,  prepared  to  proceed  to  the  sea- 
coast,  pursuant  to  an  order  just  received  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
who,  apprehending  an  attack  from  the  combined  American  and 
French  forces  under  Washington  and  Rochambeau,  wished  to  have 
Cornwallis   in  a  position   to   reinforce   him  if  necessary.      While 


*  General  Phillips  died  a  few  days  before  his  arrival. 

f  In  consideration  of  the  great  military  skill  displayed  by  La  Fayette  during  this 
campaign  in  Virginia,  his  King  commanded  the  French  Minister  of  War  to 
express  to  the  Marquis  his  approbation,  and  assure  him  that  he  should  be 
raised  to  the  rank  of  a  Field  Marshal  of  France,  as  soon  as  the  American  war  should 
terminate. 


chap,  xi.]  EVENTS  OF  1781.  341 

British  encampment  at  Yorktown.  Junction  of  the  American  ami  French  armies  on  the  Hudson. 

proceeding     from     Williamsburg   to    Portsmouth   he    was     a  Ju]y  G 
attacked  by  La  Fayette,a  whose  force  now  numbered  about 
four  thousand  men.     Wayne  led  the  vanguard,  and  supposing  the 
body  of  the  British  army  had  crossed  the  James  River,  he  pushed 
boldly  forward  to  attack  the  loitering  rear.     He  was  greatly  sur- 
prised to  find  the  whole  army  there  ;  but  he  instantly  conceived  the 
best   mode  of  extricating   himself   to   be  a   sudden   attack   before 
retreating.      He  executed   the   feat   with   admirable    success,    and 
Cornwallis,  probably   suspecting  an  ambush,   did  not  pursue  him, 
but  crossed  the  river  and  proceeded  to  Portsmouth.*     Not    b        l 
pleased   with  Portsmouth  as  a  place  of  residence  for  his 
army,  he  soon  moved  on  to  Yorktown,  on  the  south  side  of  the  York 
River,  and    immediately  commenced  fortifying  it.c     Glou-      Au<r 
cester  Point,  opposite  Yorktown,  was  occupied  by  Tarleton 
and  a  part  of  his  legion.     The  whole  British  force  in  Virginia  at 
this  time  was  about,  seven  thousand  men.* 

On  the  twenty-second  of  May  Washington  held  a  conference  at 
Weathersfield,  in  Connecticut,  with  the  French  officers,  and  they 
agreed  upon  an  early  junction  of  the  two  armies  upon  the  Hudson, 
for  the  purpose  of  either  making  a  combined  attack  upon  New  York, 
or  of  marching  southward  against  the  enemy  in  Virginia  and  the 
Carolinas.  Accordingly  Washington  drew  his  troops  from  their 
several  quarters  and  took  his  first  position  at  Peekskill,  but  soon 
afterwards  he  advanced  southward  towards  New  York  and  encamped 
at  Phillipsburgh,d  near  Dobb's  Ferry,  nearly  twelve  miles  d  July  4_ 
from  the  north  end  of  York  Island,  where  he  was  joinede 
by  Rochambeau  and  his  troops,  who  had  marched  in  ' July  6* 
four  divisions  from  Hartford.  Reflecting  that  the  hot  season 
at  the  south  would  be  fatal  to  many  of  the  northern  troops, 
Washington  prepared  to  attack  Clinton  at  New  York,  rather  than 
proceed  to  Virginia.  The  Americans  encamped  in  two  lines,  with 
their  right  resting  on  the  Hudson,  and  the  French,  in  a  single  line, 
occupied  the  left,  extending  to  the  Bronx  River.  General  Lincoln 
wras  despatched  with  about  eight  hundred  men  in  boats,  as  an 
advance  division  to  make  the  attack.  They  landed  and  took  post  at 
Kingsbridge,  but  owing  to  the  delay  of  the  Duke  de  Lauzun,  who 
was  to  fall  upon  a  corps  of  the  enemy  at  Morrisania,  nothing  but 

*  In  the  bold  and  rapid  march  of  Cornwallis  from  North  Carolina  into  Virginia, 
a  vast  amount  of  public  and  private  property  was  laid  waste.  The  growing  crops 
were  destroyed  upon  the  ground,  the  barns  were  burned,  and  all  the  fences  and 
landmarks  of  the  plantations  were  scattered  to  the  winds.  It  is  estimated  that  in 
the  course  of  the  invasion  of  Collier,  Leslie,  Arnold,  Phillips,  and  Cornwallis,  about 
thirty  thousand  slaves  were  carried  off  from  Virginia,  and  property  destroyed  to  the 
amount  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars ! 


312  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1781. 

Letter  from  Count  de  Grasse.  March  of  the  combined  army  for  Virginia, 

some   slight  skirmishing   occurred.      Washington   pushed   forward 
o  Jul   21    w*tn  ^e  mam  armY  t0  within  four  miles  of  Kingsbridge,a  to 
assist  Lincoln  if  necessary,  but  during  the  night  he  returned 
to  Dobb's  Ferry,  and  in  this  position  the  two  armies  remained  about 
six  weeks.     The  American  Commander,  observing  how  tardily  his 
call  for  troops  was  responded  to,  and  informed  of  the  strength  of  the 
enemy,  who  had  just  been  reinforced,  resolved  not  to  make  an  attack 
until  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet  from  the   West  Indies,   under 
the  Count  de  Grasse,  then  daily  expected.     At  length  he  received  a 
letter  from  De  Grasse,*  informing  him  that  he  was  about  to 
sail  with  his  whole  fleet,  and  three  thousand  two  hundred 
land   troops,  for  the  Chesapeake.     Washington  at  once  resolved  to 
abandon  the  project  of  an  attack  upon  New  York,   and  with  the 
cordial  co-operation  of  De  Rochambeau,  proceeded  without  delay 
towards  Virginia,  under  the  general  marching  command  of  Lincoln, 
with  the  whole  of  the   French  army,   and  as  many  Americans  as 
could  be  spared  from  the  posts  on  the  Hudson.*     Washington  and 
De  Rochambeau   preceded  the  armyt    and  reached   La   Fayette's 
head-quarters  at  Williamsburg  on  the  fourteenth  of  Sep- 
tember, where,  soon  after,  the  whole  army  arrived  4  c 
As  soon  as  Clinton  learned  positively  the  destination  of  the  com- 
bined  armies,  he   sent   Arnold  on  a  plundering  expedition  against 
Connecticut,  hoping   thereby   to   draw  off  a  part  of  the  American 
troops,  and    perhaps  cause  Washington  to  return  ;   but    in  this  he 
was   disappointed.      Arnold  landed    at  the   mouth   of  the 
Thames'*  and    marched    against    Fort    Trumbull,   at  New 
London,  fourteen  miles  south  of  Norwich,  the  native  place  of  the 
traitor.     The  fort  was  evacuated  on  his  approach,  and  he  proceeded 
in  imitation  of  Tryon,  whom  he  had  opposed  on  a  similar 

e  Sept.  6.  ...  .         \  .  l[ 

expedition,  to  lay  the  town  in  ashes. c     A  very  large  amount 

*  The  forces  on  the  Hudson  were  left  in  command  of  General  Heath,  one  of  the 
most  useful  officers  of  the  Revolution. 

f  On  his  way,  Washington  made  a  flying  visit  to  his  residence  at  Mount  Vernon 
for  the  first  time  in  six  years,  so  completely  had  he  devoted  himself  to  the  service 
of  his  country. 

%  The  march  of  this  army  through  a  fertile  country,  a  distance  of  more  than  five 
hundred  miles,  was  remarkable  for  its  order  and  discipline.  It  was  at  a  season 
"  when,"  says  Ramsay,  "  the  most  delicious  productions  of  nature  growing  on  and 
near  the  public  highways,  presented  both  opportunity  and  temptation  to  gratify 
their  appetites.  Yet  so  complete  was  their  discipline,  that  in  this  long  march 
scarce  an  instance  could  be  produced  of  an  apple  or  a  peach  being  taken  without 
the  consent  of  the  inhabitants." — Hist.  Revoltition,  vol.  ii.,  p.  267.  The  French 
were  particularly  scrupulous.  At  Rhode  Island,  "  the  Indians  expressed  their 
astonishment  at  nothing  but  to  see  still  laden  with  fruit  the  trees  that  overhung 
the  tents  which  the  soldiers  had  occupied  for  three  months."— De  Rochambeau'a 
Narrative, 


ciiap.  xi.]  EVENTS  OF  1781.  343 

Arnold's  expedition  into  Connecticut.  Blega  of  York  town. 

of  public  and  private  property  was  destroyed.  On  the  same  day  a 
party  of  British  troops  attacked  Fort  Griswold,  opposite  Fort  Trum- 
bull, which  was  surrendered  after  an  obstinate  resistance  by  the  gar- 
rison. Yet,  after  the  surrender,  all  but  about  forty  of  the  garrison 
were  cruelly  massacred.*  The  enemy  lost  in  the  siege,  forty-three 
killed,  and  one  hundred  and  forty-five  wounded.  Arnold,  having 
done  all  the  mischief  in  his  power,  and  glutted  his  vengeance, 
returned  to  New  York. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  Count  de  Grasse,  with  twenty-six  ships  of 
the  line  and  some  frigates,  entered  Chesapeake  Bay,  having  had  a 
brief  engagement  with  the  British  Admiral,  Graves,  off  the  capes. 
Count  de  Barras,  with  the  French  squadron  from  Newport,  arrived 
at  the  same  time.  Three  thousand  troops  under  the  Marquis  de  St. 
Simon,  embarked  from  the  French  fleet  in  light  boats,  ascended  the 
James  River,  and  joined  the  allied  armies  at  Williamsburgh.  The 
whole  combined  forces  then  took  up  their  line  of  march  for  Yorktown, 
and  on  the  thirtieth  of  September  completely  invested  the  place. 
The  Americans  were  stationed  on  the  right,  and  the  French  on  the 
left,  in  a  semicircular  line,  each  wing  resting  on  York  River.  The 
post  at  Gloucester  was  invested  by  Lauzun's  legion,  marines  from 
the  fleet,  and  Virginian  militia,  under  the  command  of  M.  de  Choisy, 
a  brigadier  general  in  the  French  service. 

The  works  erected  for  the  security  of  Yorktown,  on  the  right,  were 
redoubts  and  batteries,  and  a  line  of  stockade  in  the  rear,  while  in 
front  was  a  marshy  ravine,  over  which  was  placed  a  large  redoubt. 
The  Americans  began  operations  on  the  evening  of  their  arrival,  and 
so  silently  and  perseveringly  did  they  work  at  their  first  parallel, 
that  the  next  morning  at  dawn,  greatly  to  the  surprise  and  alarm  of 
the  enemy,  it  was  so  far  completed  as  to  protect  the  besiegers  from 
the  shots  of  the  batteries.  On  the  ninth  and  tenth  of  October,  the 
Americans  and  French  opened  their  batteries,  and  their  shells  and 
hot  shot  reached  the  English  ships  in  the  harbor,  and  destroyed  a 
forty-four  gun  ship  and  a  transport.  The  siege  lasted  seventeen 
days,  the  principal  events  during  the  time  being  the  storming  of  two 
redoubts  simultaneously  ;  one  by  a  party  of  American  light  infantry, 
the  other  by  a  detachment  of  French  grenadiers  and  chasseurs  ;  the 
former  headed  by  La  Fayette,  the  latter  by  the  Baron  de  Viomenil. 
The  advanced  corps  of  the  Americans  was  led  by  Col.  Alexander 

*  Colonel  Ledyard  who  commanded  the  garrison,  on  being  asked  by  a  British 
officer,  "  Who  commands  ?"  replied,  "  I  did,  but  you  do  now,"  at  the  same  time 
handing  him  his  sword.  The  miscreant  immediately  plunged  it  into  Ledyard's 
bosom,  and  then  a  general  massacre  ensued.  This  event  greatly  exasperated  the 
Americans,  and  disgusted  the  loyalists. 


344  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1781. 


Surrender  of  Cornwaliis. 


Hamilton,  and  in  the  action,  Colonels  Laurens,  Gimat,  and  Barber, 
were  distinguished.* 

The  siege  was  vigorously  kept  up  until  the  seventeenth  of 
October,  when  Cornwaliis  proposed  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  and  the 
appointment  of  a  commission  to  conclude  upon  terms  for  surrender- 
ing the  posts  of  Yorktown  and  Gloucester.!  The  proposition  was 
accepted  by  Washington,  commissioners  were  appointed,^  terms  of 
surrender  settled,  and  the  articles  were  signed  at  the  house  of  Mr. 
Moore,  near  the  battle-ground,  on  the  nineteenth  of  October. 

According  to  the  terms,  all  the  troops  in  the  garrison  were  to  be 
made  prisoners  of  war,  and  marched  into  the  country  ;  the  artillery, 
arms,  military  chest,  and  all  munitions  of  war,  with  shipping,  boats, 
furniture,  and  apparel,  were  to  be  delivered  up  ;  the  offices  retain- 
ing their  side-arms,  and  both  officers  and  soldiers  preserving  their 
baggage  and  effects.  The  surrendering  army  was  to  receive  the 
same  honors  as  were  granted  by  the  British  to  the  American  garri- 
son at  Charleston.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  day  on  which 
the  capitulation  was  signed,a  the  garrison  marched  out,  and 
laid  down  their  arms.§  The  soldiers  were  surrendered  to  Washing- 
ton, and  the  shipping  in  the  harbor  to  Count  de  Grasse.||  The  whole 
number  of  prisoners  was  a  little  over  seven  thousand.  The  British 
lost  during  the  siege  in  killed,  between  five  and  six  hundred,  the 
Americans  lost  about  three  hundred.il  The  allied  army  at  the  time 
of  the  attack,  consisted  of  about  seven  thousand  American  regular 
troops,  five  thousand  French,  and  four  thousand  militia.  The 
British  force  consisted  only  of  about  one-half  that  number,  and 
doubtless  Cornwaliis  would  have   abandoned  Yorktown  before  its 


•  Sparks,  p.  340. 

f  On  the  evening  of  the  sixteenth,  the  whole  of  the  walls  being  nearly  battered 
down,  and  almost  every  gun  dismounted,  by  the  heavy  and  incessant  fire  of  a  hun- 
dred pieces  of  ordnance,  Cornwaliis  attempted  to  retreat  by  way  of  Gloucester,  but 
a  violent  storm  arose,  which  dispersed  his  boats,  and  he  saw  no  other  alternative 
than  to  surrender. 

|  The  commissioners  were  Colonel  Laurens  and  Viscount  de  Noailles  on  the  part 
of  the  Americans  and  French,  and  Colonel  Dundas  and  Major  Ross  on  the  part  of  the 
British. 

§  It  is  related  that  when  the  British  soldiers  were  about  to  march  out  and  lay 
down  their  arms,  Washington  said  to  the  American  army,  "  My  boys,  let  there  be 
no  insults  over  a  conquered  foe !  When  they  lay  down  their  arms  don't  huzza : 
posterity  will  huzza  for  you  /" 

||  Congress  passed  a  special  vote  of  thanks  to  each  of  the  commanders,  and  to  the 
officers  and  troops  ;  presented  Washington  with  two  stands  of  colors  ;  gave  Rocham- 
beau  and  de  Grasse  two  field  pieces  each ;  and  resolved  to  erect  a  marble  column 
upon  the  spot  where  the  surrender  took  place. 

H  Sparks,  p.  343. 


' 


chap,  xl]  EVENTS  OF  1781.  347 

Rejoicings  over  the  victory  at  Yorktown.      Retirement  of  the  combined  armies  into  winter-quarters. 

investment,  had  he  not   confidently  expected  reinforcements  from 
Clinton.* 

The  surrender  of  Cornwallis  sent  a  thrill  of  joy  through  the 
country,  and,  in  effect,  recovered  into  the  power  of  Congress,  the 
whole  territory  of  the  thirteen  States.!  Public  celebrations  were 
held — illuminations,  bonfires,  the  roar  of  cannon,  and  the  voice  of 
oratory,  everywhere  testified  the  universal  joy  ;  and  Washington  set 
apart  a  day  for  the  performance  of  divine  service  in  the  army,  enjoin- 
ing the  troops  "  to  engage  in  \t  with  a  serious  deportment,  and  that 
sensibility  of  heart  which  the  surprising  and  particular  interposition 
of  Providence  in  their  favor  claimed."  As  soon  as  Congress  received 
intelligence  of  the  joyful  event,  the  members  marched  in  procession 
to  one  of  the  principal  churches  in  Philadelphia,  and  there  publicly 
offered  up  thanksgiving  to  God  for  the  signal  success  of  the  Ameri- 
can arms.  They  also  appointed  the  thirteenth  of  December  as  a  day 
for  public  thanksgiving  and  prayer  throughout  the  Union. 

Washington  endeavored,  but  in  vain,  to  induce  the  Count  de 
Grasse  to  remain  and  assist  in  the  reduction  of  Charleston,  or  at 
least  to  aid  in  an  attack  upon  Wilmington,  in  North  Carolina,  but  he 
pleaded  special  engagements  in  the  West  Indies,  and  refused  even  to 
delay  his  departure  long  enough  to  take  on  board  some  troops  to  be 
landed  at  a  more  southerly  port,  to  reinforce  General  Greene.  De 
Grasse  sailed  immediately  for  the  West  Indies,a  leaving 
with  Rochambeau  the  three  thousand  land  troops  he  brought 
with  him.  The  French  army  were  cantoned  during  the  winter  at 
Williamsburgh,  in  Virginia,  whither  the  Yorktown  prisoners  were 
marched ;  and  the  main  body  of  the  American  army  returned  to  its 
late  position  in  New  Jersey  and  upon  the  Hudson.  A  strong  detach- 
ment under  General  St.  Clair  was  sent  to  the  south  to  strengthen 
the  army  of  Greene 4 

*  The  tardy  movements  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  twice  lost  the  British  a  large  force  ; 
first,  nearly  six  thousand  men  at  Saratoga ;  and  now  more  than  seven  thousand  at 
Yorktown.  On  the  very  day  Cornwallis  surrendered,  Clinton  left  New  York  with 
seven  thousand  men  to  reinforce  him,  but  on  reaching  the  Capes  of  the  Chesapeake, 
he  heard  of  the  capture  of  Yorktown,  and  immediately  returned  to  New  York. 

f  "  The  year  17S1  terminated  in  all  parts  of  the  United  States,  in  favor  of  the 
Americans.  It  began  with  weakness  in  Carolina,  mutiny  in  New  Jersey,  and  devas- 
tation in  Virginia :  nevertheless,  at  its  close,  the  British  were  confined  in  their 
strongholds  in  or  near  New  York,  Charleston,  and  Savannah,  and  their  whole  army 
in  Virginia  was  captured." — Ramsay,  vol.  ii.,  p.  275. 

J  As  soon  as  these  various  arrangements  were  made,  Washington  hastened  to 
Eltham,  where  his  wife  was  attending  her  dying  son  (and  her  only  one),  Mr.  Custis. 
He  was  present  at  his  death,  and  deep  indeed  was  the  hero's  grief,  for  he  had  oeen 
the  foster-father  of  the  dying  man  from  his  early  childhood,  and  he  seemed  as  near 
to  him  as  his  own  child.    Mr.  Custis  was  then  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Legislature, 


348  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1781.! 

Proceedings  in  Parliament.  Release  of  Ex-President  Laurens. 

Parliament  assembled  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  November,  and 
their  first  business  was  a  consideration  of  the  news  of  the  disasters 
in  America,  which  reached  ministers  officially  on  Sunday,  the 
twenty-fifth.*  Violent  debates  ensued,  and  Fox- even  went  so  far 
as  to  intimate  that  Lord  North  was  in  the  pay  of  the  French.  The 
minister  indignantly  repelled  the  insinuation,  and  justified  the  war  on 
the  ground  of  its  justice,  and  the  maintenance  of  British  rights. 
Upon  this  point,  however,  he  was  violently  assailed  by  Burke,  who 
exclaimed  ;  "  Good  God  !  are  we  yet  to  be  told  of  the  rights  for 
which  we  went  to  war  !  Oh,  excellent  rights  !  Oh,  valuable  rights  ! 
Valuable  you  should  be,  for  we  have  paid  dear  at  parting  with  you. 
Oh,  valuable  rights  !  that  have  cost  Britain  thirteen  provinces,  four 
ishmds,t  one  hundred  thousand  men  and  more  ihan  seventy  millions 
(three  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  dollars)  of  money .!"  The 
younger  Pitt  distinguished  himself  in  this  debate,  and  was  a  powerful 
aid  to  the  opposition.  On  the  thirtieth  of  November,  the  opposition 
proposed  the  bold  measure  (last  adopted  during  the  revolution  of 
1688)  of  not  granting  supplies  until  the  ministers  should  give  a 
pledge  to  the  people  that  the  war  in  America  should  cease.  This 
motion,  however,  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  nearly  two  to  one.  Several 
conflicting  propositions  were  made  by  both  parties,  but  without  any 
definite  result,  and  on  the  twentieth  of  December  Parlia- 
ment adjourned  to  the  twenty-first  of  January .a 

The  attention  of  Parliament  was  called,  early  in  the  session,  to 
the  case  of  Ex-President  Laurens,  still  confined  in  the  Tower  ;  and 
Burke  presented  a  petition  from  the  prisoner/  written  with 
a  black-lead  pencil  on  the  blank  leaf  of  a  book,  asking  leave 
to  use  pen,  ink,  and  paper  (which  had  hitherto  been  denied  him),  to 
draw  a  bill  of  exchange  to  procure  some  money.  After  much  delay 
it  was  granted,  and  not  long  after,  he  was  released  on  bail,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  bodily  infirmities.     He  was  soon  afterwards  exchanged 

and  was  only  twenty-eight  years  of  age  when  he  died.  He  left  four  infant  children, 
the  two  younger  of  whom  (a  son  and  daughter)  were  adopted  by  Washington.  From 
Elthan  he  proceeded  by  way  of  Mount  Vernon  to  Philadelphia,  and  was  everywhere 
greeted  with  respect  and  veneration,  on  his  journey,  by  all  classes.  Congress  re- 
ceived him  with  marked  honor,  and  greeted  him  with  a  congratulatory  address  by 
the  President. 

•  **  I  asked,"  says  Wraxhall,  "  Lord  George  Germaine  afterwards,  how  Lord  North 
took  the  communication."  "  As  he  would  have  taken  a  cannon-ball  in  his  breast," 
he  replied,  "  for  he  opened  his  arms,  exclaiming  wildly,  as  he  paced  up  and  down 
the  apartment  a  few  minutes,  •  Oh,  God  !  it  is  all  over  !'  words  which  he  repeated 
many  times,  under  emotions  of  the  deepest  consternation  and  distress." — See  N.  JV. 
WraxhalVs  Historical  Memoirs  of  his  own  times." 

t  He  referred  to  the  disasters  in  the  West  Indies,  and  the  loss  of  Minorca  in  the 
Mediterranean 


chap,  xi.]  EVENTS  OF  1781.  349 

Eichanire  of  Burgoyne.  N;iv;il  operations. 

for  Burgoyne,  who,  though  at  large  in  England,  and  constantly 
debating  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  side  of  the  opposition, 
was  still  held  as  a  prisoner  upon  parole. 

So  much  did  the  Americans  rely  upon  the  French  navy  to  combat 
with  the  fleets  of  Great  Britain,  that  the  naval  armament  of  the  States 
never  grew  beyond  a  comparatively  feeble  infancy,  yet  it  was  none 
the  less  courageous  than  its  maturcr  ally,  and  seldom  avoided  an 
engagement.  Still,  its  operations  were  so  limited,  after  the  exploits 
of  Jones,  that  a  few  words  of  notice  will  suffice. 

In  June,  17S0,  the  twenty-eight  gun  ship  Trumbull,  commanded 
by  Captain  Nicholson,  attacked  the  British  ship  Wasp,  of  greatly 
superior  strength,  and  was  disabled,  but  not  captured.  She  lost 
thirty-two  in  killed  and  wounded  ;  the  enemy  lost  ninety-two.  In 
October,  the  sixteen-gun  sloop  Saratoga,  Captain  Young,  captured 
a  British  ship  and  two  brigs,  but  while  convoying  them  into  port, 
was  overtaken  by  the  seventy-four  Intrepid,  and  the  prizes  were 
recaptured.  The  Saratoga  escaped.  On  the  second  of  April,  1781, 
the  Alliance,  Captain  Barry,  captured  two  Guernsey  privateers ;  and 
soon  after,  she  captured  two  British  men-of-war,  one  of  which  was 
retaken  on  its  way  to  America.  In  June,  the  Confederacy,  Captain 
Harding,  was  captured  by  two  armed  British  vessels.  In  August, 
the  Trumbull  was  captured  by  three  British  cruisers,  off  the  Capes 
of  the  Delaware  ;  and  on  the  sixth  of  September,  the  Congress, 
Captain  Geddes,  captured  the  British  ship  Savage,  after  a  desperate 
encounter.     She  was  afterwards  recaptured. 


Moore's  House— Yorkto-wn,  V»* 


CLOSING  EVENTS  OF  THE  WAR. 


Henry  Laurens— Thomas  Mifflin— Lord  Shelburne. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


T  is  now  our  pleasing  task  to  record  the 
events  that  marked  the  closing  scenes  of 
the  War  of  Independence,  which  for  seven 
long  years  had  crushed  to  earth  with  mer- 
ciless tread,  both  the  peaceful  industry  and 
its  fruits,  of  the  people  of  the  American 
States.  They  sighed  for  peace,  yet  the 
peace  for  which  they  aspired  was  that  alone 
which  absolute  political  freedom  and  inde- 
pendence   guarantees,    without    which   no 

State  can  be  truly  prosperous — no  people  essentially  happy. 

Notwithstanding  the  power  of  Great  Britain  within  the  domain  of 

her    ancient  American  States  was  completely  paralysed,   yet   so 


352  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1782. 

Closing  military  movements  at  the  South.  Case  of  Captain  Huddy. 

frequently  had  the  Republicans  seen  her  break  the  thousand  meshes 
of  discouraging  events  that  were  often  toiled  about  her,  that  they 
dared  not  trust  her  seeming  weakness,  and  become  lulled  into  a 
careless  repose. 

As  vigilant  measures  as  ever  were  adopted  by  Washington  for  the 
campaign  of  1782,  but  fortunately  they  were  unnecessary,  for  active 
hostilities  soon  after  ceased.  In  the  southern  States  some  skir- 
mishing took  place,  particularly  in  Georgia  and  South  Carolina ;  but 
these  combats  were  chiefly  partisan,  and  carried  on  with  intense 
hatred  by  the  whigs  and  tories. 

After  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis,  Greene,  being  reinforced  by  the 
Pennsylvania  line,  sent  Wayne  with  a  part  of  the  southern  army 
into  Georgia.  General  Clarke,  the  British  commander,  ordered 
his  officers  at  the  outposts  to  burn  all  the  provisions  of  the  country  as 
far  as  possible,  and  then  retire  within  the  lines  at  Savannah.  The 
State  was   thus   evacuated,  and  the  Republican  Governor 

a  May  21. 

re-established  authority.*  On  the  same  day,  Colonel 
Brown,  with  a  considerable  force,  marched  out  of  Savannah  against 
Wayne ;  but  the  vigilant  American,  by  a  skilful  manoeuvre,  got  in 
his  rear,  attacked  him  at  midnight,  and  routed  his  whole  party. 
Wayne  was  afterwards  assaulted  about  five  miles  from  Savannah, 
by  a  large  party  of  Creek  Indians,  led  on  by  their  chiefs  and  British 
officers,  but  he  successfully  repelled  them,  and  this  was  the  con- 
cluding battle  in  Georgia.*  In  July,  arrangements  were 
made  for  withdrawing  the  royal  troops  from  that  Stale. 
Some  slight  skirmishes  took  place  in  South  Carolina  in  August,  in 
one  of  which  Colonel  John  Laurens  was  killed. 

General  Washington  left  Philadelphia  about  the  middle  of  April, 
and  established  the  head-quarters  of  his  army  at  Newburgh,  in  the 
State  of  New  York,  about  eight  miles  north  of  West  Point.  On 
his  arrival  in  camp  he  was  informed  of  the  murder,  by  hanging,  of 
Captain  Huddy,  an  American  officer,  which  outrage  he  determined 
to  avenge  by  a  retaliatory  step,  and  for  this  purpose  selected  a  British 
officer  by  lot,  from  among  his  prisoners  at  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylva- 
nia. The  lot  fell  upon  Captain  Asgill  (son  of  Sir  Charles  Asgill), 
a  very  young  officer ;  but  after  a  great  deal  of  delay,  prompted  by 
the  generous  humanity  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  it  was  resolved 
to  forego  the  rigorous  measure,  and  young  Asgill  was  set  at  liberty.* 

*  Captain  Huddy  commanded  a  small  force  in  New  Jersey,  and  was  taken  prisoner 
by  a  party  of  refugees  and  carried  to  New  York.  He  was  sent  out  of  the  city  under 
the  charge  of  Captain  Lippencot,  at  the  head  of  a  number  of  refugees,  and  upon 
the  heights  of  Middletown  they  hanged  the  unfortunate  prisoner.  Captain  Asgill, 
who  was  selected  as  the  victim  for  retaliation,  was  only  nineteen  vears  of  age.     Sir 


chap.  xii.J  EVENTS  OF  1782.  353 

Proceedings  in  Parliament  Arrival  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton. 

Hostilities  having,  by  tacit  consent,  ceased  in  America,  let  us  now 
turn  to  a  view  of  events  in  Europe,  tending  towards  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States. 

The  combined  effects  of  the  Armed  Neutrality  (at  the  head  of 
which  was  the  Empress  Catharine,  of  Russia),  and  the  defeat  of 
Cornwallis,  upon  the  minds  of  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  raised  an 
universal  cry  for  peace  throughout  the  realm.  The  resources  of  the 
country  were  nearly  exhausted  ;  all  Europe  was  arming  against  her  ; 
America  was  virtually  severed  from  her,  and  the  people  clamored 
for  the  recognition  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  conclusion  of  peace  with  the  Continental  powers.  When  Par- 
liament re-assembled  on  the  twentieth  of  January,  a  phalanx  of 
first-rank  statesmen  appeared  with  the  opposition — Fox,  the  younger 
Pitt,  Burke,  Rockingham,  Shelburne,  and  others.  The  unpopularity 
of  ministers  was  very  evident,  and  on  the  nineteenth  of  February, 
this  fact  was  glaringly  exhibited  by  the  result  of  a  vote  taken  upon 
a  resolution  offered  by  General  Conway,  for  an  address  to  the  King, 
deprecating  the  continuance  of  the  war  in  America,  &c.  It  was 
negatived  by  a  majority  of  only  one.  On  the  twenty-seventh,  Con- 
way renewed  his  motion  in  another  shape,  and  Lord  North  endea- 
vored to  stay  its  adoption  by  an  adjournment,  but  was  defeated. 
Conway  then  moved  that  the  House  would  consider  as  enemies  to 
their  King  and  country,  all  who  should  advise  or  attempt  the 

•  r     i  mi  •  i  itt     a  March  8. 

further  prosecution  of  the  war.  I  his  was  adopted.0  Lord 
George  Germaine,  seeing  the  tendency  of  affairs,  resigned,  but  Lord 
North  clung  pertinaciously  to  his  office.  On  the  twentieth  of  March, 
North  resigned,  after  an  administration  of  over  ten  years.  The 
Marquis  of  Rockingham  again  assumed  the  Premiership,  and  the 
friends  of  peace  came  into  power. 

Sir  Guy  Carleton,  who  was  appointed  to  succeed  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton in  command  of  all  the  British  forces  in  America,  arrived  at  New 
York  early  in  May,  bearing  instructions  to  use  all  honorable  means 
to  bring  about  an  accommodation  with  the  United  States.  In  con- 
sequence of  these  peaceful  features  of  the  mission  of  the  new  com- 
mander, both  parties  ceased  offensive  warfare,  and  preparations  were 
made  to  conclude  terms  of  Peace.     France  invited  Congress  to  send 

Henry  Clinton,  and  his  successor,  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  both  disavowed  the  act  of  Lip- 
pencot,  and  Washington,  considering  the  irresponsible  character  of  the  miscreant, 
recommended  Congress  to  release  Asgill.  Its  movements  were  tardy,  and  in  the 
meanwhile,  the  mother  of  the  young  soldier,  borne  down  with  family  afflictions, 
wrote  a  pathetic  appeal  to  the  King  and  Queen  of  France  in  behalf  of  her  son.  By 
their  directions  the  Count  de  Vergennes  wrote  in  her  behalf  to  Washington,  but  his 
generosity  had  anticipated  the  letter.  It,  however,  doubtless  accelerated  the  move- 
ment of  Congress  in  the  matter,  and  Asgill  was  soon  set  at  liberty. 


354  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1782, 

Preliminary  negotiations  for  Peace.  Death  of  Rockingham,  and  accession  of  Shelburne. 

.  plenipotentiaries  for  that  purpose  (the  Empress  of  Russia  having 
offered  to  mediate,  and  the  Emperor  of  Germany  having  agreed  to 
become  a  party  thereto),  and,  if  possible,  bring  about  a  cessation  of 
hostilities  between  France,  Spain,  Holland,  and  Great  Britain. 
Accordingly,  John  Jay,  Henry  Laurens  (who  had  been  confined  in 
the  Tower  of  London),  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  were  sent  with  almost 
unlimited  powers,  to  act  in  concert  with  John  Adams,  then  Ambas- 
sador at  Paris.  Doctor  Franklin,  who  was  about  leaving  for  Ame- 
rica, was  prevailed  upon  to  remain  and  assist  in  the  momentous 
labor. 

Vienna  was  agreed  upon  as  the  place  of  negotiation,  but  at  the 
outset,  difficulties  arose  concerning  the  basis  on  which  it  should  be 
conducted.  The  American  Commissioners  refused  to  appear  in  any 
other  character  than  as  representatives  of  an  independent  nation, 
while  the  British  Cabinet  made  the  dissolution  of  the  league  between 
France  and  the  United  States  an  essential  preliminary.  This  the 
Americans  would  not  concede,  and  the  mediatory  scheme  was  aban- 
doned. 

Rockingham  and  his  cabinet,  sincerely  desiring  peace,  opened 
negotiations  on  a  lower  basis,  although  opposed  by  the  King  and 
Lord  Shelburne,  so  far  as  the  recognition  of  the  Independence  of 
the  States  was  concerned.  Mr.  Oswald  was  sent  to  Paris  to  ascer- 
tain the  views  of  both  parties,  and  also  to  negotiate,  with  the  Ameri- 
cans ;  and  the  Count  de  Vergennes  expressed  hisjeadiness  to  nego- 
tiate, and  his  wish  that  Paris  might  be  made  the  theatre  of  action. 
His  wish  was  acceded  to,  and  Mr.  Grenville  went  to,  Paris,  clothed 
with  full  powers  to  conclude  a  treaty  ;  but  difficulties  again^rpse  at 
the  outset.  He  intimated  to  Vergennes  that  one  condition  of  the 
acknowledgment  of  American  Independence  by  Great  Britain,  wQul4d 
be  the  restoration,  by  the  French,  of  conquests  made  during  the 
War.     This  stipulation  Vergennes  decidedly  refused  to  agree  to.    •    I 

Rockingham  was  removed  by  death  on  the  first  of  July,  and  Lord 
Shelburne,  a  friend  of  the  American  cause,  but  like  Chatham,  an 
opponent  of  American  Independence,  succeeded  him  in  the  Premier- 
ship. Still,  the  negotiations  at  Paris  proceeded ;  Mr.  Fitzherbert 
having  succeeded  Mr.  Grenville.  Oswald  continued  to  conduct  the 
American  treaty,*  but  the  style  of  his  commission  did  not  suit  the 

*  Mr.  Jones,  afterwards  the  celebrated  Sir  William  Jones,  went  to  Paris  for  the 
purpose  of  sounding  the  Americans  on  the  subject  of  a  continued  union  with  reci- 
procal privileges,  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States.  He  sent  to  Frank- 
lin a  curious  imaginary  fragment  of  Polybius,  respecting  the  dissensions  between 
Athens  and  her  colonies,  hoping  thereby  to  draw  out  from  the  veteran  diplomatist 
his  views  upon  the  subject.  But  no  notice  was  taken  of  this  overture. — See  Appen- 
dix,  Note  ix. 


chap,  xn.]  EVENTS  OF  1782.  355 

Preliminary  Treaty.  Cassation  of  hostilities  in  America,  and  evacuation  of  cities 

sturdy  Republican,  Mr.  Jay,  as  it  gave  him  power  to  treat  with  the 
"  Colonies  or  plantations  in  America."  His  objections  were  so 
strong  that  a  new  Commission  was  sent  over,a  in  which  a  s  21 
the  expression  was  altered  to  "  United  States." 

The  question  as  to  Independence  being  affirmatively  settled,  there 
were  still  other  points  upon  which  very  warm  discussion  arose  : 
First,  The  western  boundary — the  Americans  demanding  its  exten- 
sion to  the  lakes,  the  British  wishing  it  to  be  formed  by  the  Ohio 
River  :  Second,  Our  requisition  of  a  share  in  the  valuable  fisheries 
of  Newfoundland  and  its  vicinity  :  and  Third,  The  compensation  to 
loyalists  or  tories,  who  had  sustained  losses  during  the  War,  or  who 
had  been  driven  out  of  the  country.  The  American  Commissioners 
took  a  resolute  stand  on  all  these  points,  but  in  the  latter  they  were  not 
only  not  supported,  but  opposed,  by  Vergennes.  At  this  point,  Mr 
Oswald,  earnestly  desirous  for  peace,  proposed  to  the  Americans  to 
make  a  treaty  separate  from  France,  but  they  were  bound  by  the 
instructions  given  them  by  Congress,  to  act  strictly  in  concert  with 
the  French  Cabinet.  Through  the  influence  of  Mr.  Adams,  these 
instructions  were  winked  at,  and  a  preliminary  treaty  of  peace  was 
concluded  with  Mr.  Oswald,*  without  the  knowledge  of  Vergennes. 
At  this  the  minister  was  very  indignant,  and  wrote  a  letter  to  Frank- 
lin, accusing  him  of  violating  his  instructions,  and  demanding  an 
explanation.  The  Americans  justified  the  act — the  French  minister 
was  satisfied — and  Congress  never  found  fault  with  them. 

On  the  twentieth  of  January  following/  the  preliminary 
treaty  was  signed  between  France,  Spain, t  and  Great  Britain,  and 
on  the  third  of  September  of  the  same  year,  definitive  treaties  of  all 
the  powers  were  signed  at  one  time.     Congress  ratified  the  one  with 
America  on  the  fourteenth  of  January,  17844 

The  reception  of  the  news  of  the  acknowledgment  of  the  Inde- 
pendence of  the  States  and  the  conclusion  of  Peace,  was  the  occa- 
sion of  great  joy  throughout  the  Union,  and  on  the  anniversary  of 
the  battle  of  Lexington,0  a  cessation  of  hostilities  was  pro-  c  A  ril  19 
claimed  in  the  American  army.  On  the  third  of  November 
following/  the  army  was  disbanded  *by  general  orders   of 


d  1783. 


*  The  River  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Lakes  were  fixed  as  the  leading  boundaries, 
and  extending  their  frontier  thence  to  the  Mississippi.  They  were  allowed  to  fish 
on  the  Great  Banks  of  Newfoundland  within  nine  miles  of  the  shores;  and  in  rela- 
tion to  the  compensation  to  loyalists,  the  American  Commissioners  agreed  that 
Congress  should  recommend  it  to  the  several  States.  The  treaty  was  signed  on  the 
thirtieth  of  November,  1782.— See  Pitkin,  vol.  ii.,  p.  143-148. 

f  In  the  treaty  with  Spain,  the  two  Floridas,  which  had  long  been  held  by  Great 
Britain,  were  restored  to  the  former. 

%  Appendix,  Note  X. 


35?  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1783. 

Alarming  state  of  the  country.  A  monarchy  proposed  to  Washington. 

Congress,  and  the  three  cities  dccupied  by  British  troops  were 
evacuated  ;  Savannah  in  July,  New  York  in  November,  and  Charles- 
ton in  December,  of  the  same  year. 

The  conclusion  of  Peace,  and  the  disbanding  of  the  army,  were 
events  that  reflecting  men  looked  forward  to  with  feelings  of  mingled 
joy  and  fear.  Although  the  struggle  had  been  brought  to  a  triumph- 
ant issue  by  the  United  States,  yet  the  country  was  impoverished  to 
almost  the  last  degree.  Much  of  the  territory  had  been  laid  waste  ; 
commerce  was  nearly  annihilated;  a  heavy  burden  of  debt*  was 
weighing  like  an  incubus  upon  the  enterprise  of  the  people  ;  and 
their  circulating  medium  had  become  so  utterly  worthless,  that,  by  a 
decree  of  Congress,  its  functions  were  terminated.  Added  to  this, 
an  army  of  about  ten  thousand  men  were  large  creditors  to  Congress, 
their  pay  being  greatly  in  arrears.  They  had  been  promised  prompt 
liquidation  at  the  close  of  the  war,  but  so  crippled  was  the  govern- 
ment in  its  pecuniary  affairs,  that  justice  to  the  brave  soldiers  in  this 
particular  was  out  of  the  question.  Many  feared  an  open  insurrec- 
tion, and  perhaps  a  civil  war,  when  orders  should  be  given  for  dis- 
banding the  army;  for  starving  men,  with  arms  in  their  hands,  were 
quite  likely  to  help  themselves.  Events  which  immediately  pre- 
ceded the  act  of  disbanding,  threatened  to  realize  these  fears. 

It  was  manifest  that  Congress  was  unable  to  meet  the  claims  of 
the  soldiers,  and  could  only  recommend  their  case  to  their  respective 
States.  The  proposition  made  in  1780,  for  the  officers  to  receive 
half-pay  for  life,  met  with  little  favor,  as  it  was  of  an  aristocratic 
tendency  ;  and  although  the  promise  was  still  standing,  they  regarded 
it  as  a  matter  that  would  not  be  accomplished.  A  spirit  of  discon- 
tent prevailed  in  the  camp,  and  in  the  midst  of  these  gloomy  fore- 
bodings, Washington  received  a  letter  from  an  old  and  highly 
respectable  Colonel  of  the  army,  expressing  distrust  of  the  stability 
of  a  republican  government,  proposing  the  establishment  of  an  Inde- 
pendent Monarchy,  and  intimating  the  desire  of  the  army  to  make  the 
Commander-in-chief  King.  To  this  letter  Washington  made  quick 
reply,  sternly  rebuking  the  writer.!  He  declared  that  no  event 
during  the  war  had  given  him  so  much  pain,  that  he  was  at  a  loss  to 
conceive  what  part  of  his  conduct  had  given  encouragement  to  such 
an  address,  avowed  his  earnest  desire  to  have  justice  done  the  army, 


*  The  United  States  had  incurred  a  debt  of  forty-two  millions  of  dollars,  besides 
twenty-four  millions  incurred  by  the  individual  States.  Taxation  could  not  yield 
a  tithe  of  the  amount  demanded  through  it,  and  in  1782,  of  eight  millions  of  dollars 
called  for  by  the  government,  only  four  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  were  ob- 
tained. 

f  His  letter  is  dated  "  Newburgh,  22d  Mav,  17S2." 


chap,  xii.]  EVENTS  OF  1783.  1*57 

The  "Xowhurirli  Addresses."  Washington's  prudence  and  influence. 

and  his  firm  adherence  to  republican  principles,  and  concluded,  il  Let 
me  conjure  you,  then,  if  you  have  any  regard  for  your  country,  concern 
for  yourself  or  posterity,  or  respect  for  me,  to  banish  those  thoughts 
from  your  mind  ;  and  never  communicate,  as  from  yourself  or  any 
one  else,  a  sentiment  of  the  like  nature."  How  pure  and  lofty  was 
the  patriotism  of  that  chief  who,  at  the  head  of  a  devoted  army,  and 
at  the  pinnacle  of  general  popularity,  could  thus  repel  a  proffered 
crown,  and  so  indignantly  rebuke  the  man  who  held  it  up  to  view  ! 

In  the  month  of  December,  the  officers  in  the  army  resolved  to 
memorialize  Congress  upon  the  subject  of  their  grievances,  propos- 
ing that  the  half-pay  for  life  should  be  commuted  for  a  specific  sum, 
and  requesting  government  to  give  security  for  the  fulfilment  of  its 
engagements.  Congress  had  a  stormy  debate  upon  the  subject,  but 
as  nine  States  could  not  be  obtained  to  vote  the  commutation  propo- 
sition, the  whole  matter  was  dropped.  This  neglect  of  Congress  to 
provide  for  their  wants,  produced  a  violent  ferment  among  the 
officers,  and  through  them  the  whole  army  became  excited,  and 
many  minds  among  them  determined  upon  coercive  measures.  In 
the  midst  of  this  ferment  an  anonymous  notice  for  a  meeting  of  the 
general  and  field  officers,  and  a  commissioned  officer  from 

&      ,  •         i  i   •        t  -i      a  March  10. 

each  company,  was  circulated  in  the  camp,a  accompanied 
with  a  letter,  or  address,  complaining  of  their  great  hardships,  and 
asserting  that  their  country,  instead  of  relieving  them,  "  trampled 
upon  their  rights,  disdained  their  cries,  and  insulted  their  distresses."* 
Fortunately,  Washington  was  in  the  camp,  and  with  his  usual 
promptness  and  wisdom,  called  a  general  meeting  of  all  the  officers, 
in  place  of  the  irregular  one.t  He  condemned  the  tone  of  the  letter 
as  implying  a  proposal  either  to  desert  their  country  or  turn  their 
arms  against  her,  and  then  gave  them  the  strongest  pledges  that  he 
would  use  his  utmost  power  to  induce  Congress  to  grant  their 
demands.  His  address  was  a  feeling  one,  and  appealed  directly  to 
their  patriotism  and  the  nobler*  sentiments  of  the  heart.  When  he 
had  concluded,  he  immediately  retired  from  the  meeting.  The 
deliberations  of  the  officers  were  exceedingly  brief,  and  resulted  in 
the  adoption  of  resolutions,  thanking  the  Commander-in-chief  for 
the  course  he  had  pursued,  and  expressing  their  unabated  attachment 
to  him,  and  confidence  in  the  justice  and  good  faith  of  Congress. 

*  It  was  unknown  at  the  time,  who  the  author  of  the  "  Newburgh  Addresses" 
was,  but  it  was  afterwards  ascertained  to  be  Major  John  Armstrong,  then  one  of 
General  Gates's  aides,  who  was  subsequently  a  Minister  to  the  Court  of  France, 
and  Secretary  of  War  during  our  last  contest  with  Great  Britain. 

f  This  call  was  followed  by  another  anonymous  address,  but  more  subdued  in  its 
tone  than  the  first. — See  Ajipcndix,  Note  xi. 


358  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1783. 

Disbanding  of  the  army.  Washington's  Address  to  the  Army. 

They  then  separated,  and  with  hearts  glowing  with  warmer  patriotism, 
resolved  still  longer  to  endure  privations  for  their  beloved  country. 
Congress  soon  after  made  arrangements  for  granting  the  officers  full 
pay  for  five  years  instead  of  half-pay  for  life,  and  four  months  full 
pay  for  the  army,  in  part  payment  of  arrearages.  But  as  there  were 
no  funds  to  make  this  payment  immediately,  it  required  all  the 
address  of  Washington  to  induce  the  soldiers  to  quietly  return  to 
their  homes. 

On  the  twenty-fourth  of  March,*  a  letter  was  received 
from  La  Fayette,  announcing  the  signing  of  the  preliminary 
treaty;  and  Sir  Guy  Carleton  gave  official  notice  of  the  same 
soon  after.  In  June,  Washington  wrote  a  Circular  Letter*  to  the 
Governors  of  the  States,  having  for  its  theme  the  general  welfare 
of  the  country,  in  which  he  exhibited  great  ability,  and  the  most 
truthful  features  of  genuine  patriotism.  During  the  summer,  many 
of  the  troops  went  home  on  furlough,  and  the  Commander-in-chief 
was  employed,  with  Congress,  in  arranging  a  peace  establishment, 
and  making  preparations  for  the  evacuation  of  New  York  by  the 
British  troops.  On  the  eighteenth  of  October,  Congress  issued  a 
proclamation,  discharging  the  troops  from  further  service,  and  thus, 
in  effect,  the  Continental  army  was  disbanded.  This  proclamation 
was  soon  followed  by  General  Washington's  Farewell  Address  to  the 
Army,t  *  an  address  replete  with  sound  wisdom  and  evidences 
of  a  virtuous  attachment  to  the  men  and  the  cause  with 
whom,  and  for  which,  he  had  labored  for  eight  years. 

A  small  body  of  troops  who  had  enlisted  for  a  definite  period, 
were  retained  in  the  service,  and  assembled  at  West  Point  under 
General  Knox.  Arrangements  having  been  made  with  Carleton  for 
the  evacuation  and  surrender  of  New  York  on  the  twenty-fifth  of 
November,  these  troops  proceeded  to  the  city,  and  as  soon  as  the 
British  were  embarked,  they  entered  in  triumphal  procession,  with 
Governor  Clinton  and  other  civil  officers  of  the  State.  The  cere- 
monies of  the  day  were  ended  by  a  public  entertainment  given  by 
Governor  Clinton,  and  throughout  the  whole  transaction,  perfect 
order  prevailed. 

On  the  fourth  of  December,  Washington  bade  a  final  adieu  to  his 
companions  in  arms.J     The  event  took  place  at  New  York,  and  was 

*  Appendix,  Note  xn.  f  Appendix,  Note  xin. 

t  "  At  noon,"  says  Marshall,  "  the  principal  officers  of  the  army  assembled  at 
Francis's  tavern,  soon  after  which  their  beloved  commander  entered  the  room.  His 
emotions  were  too  strong  to  be  concealed.  Filling  a  glass,  he  turned  to  them  and 
said,  *  With  a  heart  full  of  love  and  gratitude,  I  now  take  leave  of  you.  I  most 
devoutly  wish  that  your  latter  days  may  be  as  prosperous  and  happy,  as  your  former 


CHAP,  xn.] 


EVENTS  OF  1782. 


359 


Washington's  resignation  of  his  commission  at  Annapolis. 


a  deeply  affecting  scene.  He  then  repaired  to  Annapolis,  where  Con- 
gress was  in  session,  and  on  the  twenty-third  of  December  resigned 
into  their  hands  the  commission  he  had  received  from  that  body  more 
than  eight  years  before,  appointing  him  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
Continental  armies.  In  all  the  towns  and  villages  through  which  he 
passed,  public  and  private  demonstrations  of  joy  and  gratitude  met 
him  on  every  side  ;  and  Congress  resolved  that  the  resignation  of 
his  commission  should  be  in  a  public  audience.  A  large  con- 
course of  distinguished  persons  were  present,  and  at  the  close  of  a 
brief  address,*  he  stepped  forward  and  handed  his  commission  to 
the  President  (General  Mifflin),  who  made  an  affectionate  reply. 
He  then  "  hastened  with  ineffable  delight "  (to  use  his  own  words) 
to  his  seat  at  Mount  Vernon,  resolved  there  to  pass  the  remainder 
of  his  days  amid  the  pure  and  quiet  pleasures  of  his  domestic  circle, 
enhanced  a  thousand-fold  by  the  consideration  that  his  dear  country 
was  free  and  independent,  and  had  taken  a  place  among  the  nations 
of  the  earth. 

ones  have  been  glorious  and  honorable.'  Having  drunk,  he  added,  *  I  cannot  come  to 
each  of  you  to  take  my  leave,  but  shall  be  obliged  if  each  of  you  will  come  and  take 
me  by  the  hand.'  General  Knox,  being  nearest,  turned  to  him.  Washington,  inca- 
pable of  utterance,  grasped  his  hand  and  embraced  him.  In  the  same  affectionate 
manner  he  took  leave  of  each  succeeding  officer.  The  tear  of  manly  sensibility  was 
in  every  eye,  and  not  a  word  was  articulated  to  interrupt  the  dignified  silence, 
and  the  tenderness  of  the  scene.  Leaving  the  room,  he  passed  through  the  corps 
of  light-infantry,  and  walked  to  Whitehall,  where  a  barge  waited  to  convey  him  to 
Paulus's  Hook.  The  whole  company  followed  in  mute  and  solemn  procession, 
with  dejected  countenances,  testifying  feelings  of  delicious  melancholy,  which  no 
language  can  describe.  Having  entered  the  barge,  he  turned  to  the  company,  and 
waving  his  hat,  bade  them  a  silent  adieu.  They  paid  him  the  same  affectionate 
compliment;  and,  after  the  barge  had  left  them,  returned  in  the  same  solemn 
manner  to  the  place  where  they  had  assembled." — Marshall's  Life  of  Washington. 
*  Washington  closed  his  address  with  the  following  words : — "  I  consider  it  an 
indispensable  duty  to  close  this  last  solemn  act  of  my  official  life,  by  commending 
the  interests  of  our  dearest  country  to  the  protection  of  Almighty  God,  and  those 
who  have  the  superintendence  of  them,  into  His  holy  keeping.  Having  now 
finished  the  work  assigned  me,  I  retire  from  the  great  theatre  of  action ;  and  bid- 
ding an  affectionate  farewell  to  this  august  body,  under  whose  orders  I  have  long 
acted,  I  here  offer  my  commission,  and  take  my  leave  of  all  employment  of  public 
life." 


Waeaiagtoa'8  Head-quarters  at  Newburga. 


EVENTS  FROM  1784  TO  1789. 


George  Washington— Alexander  Hamilton— Henry  Knox: 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

UR  story  of  the  War  of  American  Independ- 
ence is  ended.  We  have  traced  it  from  its 
first  inception,  during  its  progress  along  its 
wondrous  pathway  of  suffering  and  hope,  to 
its  goal  of  Political  Freedom  for  more  than 
three  millions  of  people.  It  now  remains  for 
us  to  record,  in  brief,  the  events  which  mark- 
ed the  erection  of  that  mighty  bulwark  of 

defence  for  the   Freedom  thus   dearly   purchased — The  Federal 

Constitution. 

i    At  the  close  of  the  War,  Congress,  as  the  representative  of  the 

24 


362*  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1783. 

Im potency  of  Congress.  Convention  to  revise  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 

people,  was  burdened  with  a  foreign  debt  of  eight  millions  of  dol 
lars  ;  and  a  domestic  debt  of  about  thirty  millions,  due  to  the  army 
and  to  other  American  citizens.  Congress,  according  to  the  terms 
of  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  possessed  no  power  to  liquidate 
debts  incurred  during  the  war  ;  it  had  the  privilege  only  of  recom- 
mending to  the  several  States  the  payment  thereof.  This  recom- 
mendation was  respectfully  listened  to,  but  tardily  complied  with,* 
and  Congress  had  no  binding  power  to  compel  them  to  obey  its 
mandates.  In  fact,  the  people  had  lost  nearly  all  regard  for  the 
authority  of  Congress,  and  its  members  urged  in  vain  the  State 
Assemblies  to  agree  to  a  common  duty  on  imports  and  exports,  and 
to  such  general  regulations  of  trade  as  might  afford  a  basis  for  a 
commercial  treaty.  General  indifference  prevailed,  and  in  some 
quarters,  an  indisposition  to  pay  any  taxes  whatever,  began  to  be 
cherished.  Conventions  were  formed ;  law  was  trampled  under 
foot  ;t  and  alarming  symptoms  of  anarchy  filled  the  minds  of  the 
thoughtful  with  serious  apprehensions  for  the  public  safety. 

The  leading  minds  of  the  Revolution,  in  view  of  these  increasing 
evils,  and  the  glaring  defects  of  the  confederation,  were  turned  to 
the  consideration  of  a  plan  for  a  closer  union  of  the  States,  and  for 
giving  more  efficiency  to  the  general  government.  Washington 
having  contemplated  a  scheme  for  uniting  the  Potomac  with  the 
Ohio,  and  thus  connect  the  waters  of  the  East  and  West,  he  so  far 
influenced  the  Legislatures  of  Virginia  and  Maryland,  as  to  induce 
a  March     tnem  t0  send   commissioners   to  Alexandria,  to  deliberate 

1785-  on  the  subject.*  They  spent  some  time  at  Mount  Vernon, 
and  proposed  another  commission,  to  establish  a  general  tariff  on 
b  Sept        imports,  and  to  mature  other  commercial  regulations.     This 

1786.  convention  was  accordingly  hejd  at  Annapolis,6  when  only 
five  States  were  represented.  But  able  statesmen  were  there,  and, 
feeling  sensible  of  the  great  importance  of  having  a  thorough  revisal 
of  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  they  issued  an  address  to  all  the 
provincial  assemblies,  urging  them  to  send  delegates  for  the  purpose, 
to  meet  in  convention  in  May,  1787.     In  February,  Congress  passed 

*  During  fourteen  months  there  were  paid  into  the  public  treasury  only  $482,890, 
and  the  foreign  interest  was  defrayed  by  a  fresh  loan  made  in  Holland. 

f  In  New  England  the  theory  prevailed  to  a  great  extent,  that,  having  all  con- 
tributed to  defend  the  national  property,  they  had  all  an  equal  right  to  possession. 
At  length  the  lawless  spirit  of  a  certain  class  manifested  itself  in  open  acts  of 
rebellion.  In  Exeter,  in  New  Hampshire,  a  mob  made  prisoners  of  the  General 
Assembly  of  the  State.  In  Massachusetts,  an  insurrectionary  movement  was  so 
extensive  that  four  thousand  militia  were  called  out  to  quell  it.  A  daring  leader, 
named  Daniel  Shay,  with  eleven  hundred  followers,  marched  to  attack  the  arsenal 
at  Worcester,  but  his  forces  were  soon  dispersed,  and  the  rebellion  subdued. 


chap,  xra.]  EVENTS  FROM  17S4  TO  f789. 


fft 


Adopiion  of  the  Constitution. 


resolutions  recommending  the  measure,  and  the  States  promptly 
responded  to  the  call.  All  were  represented  except  Rhode  Island. 
Washington,  who  was  a  delegate  from  Virginia,  was  unanimously 
chosen  President  of  the  convention.  They  entered  earnestly  upon' 
their  duties,  but  had  not  proceeded  far  when  they  found  the  Articles 
of  Confederation  so  exceedingly  defective — so  entirely  inadequate  to 
the  wants  of  the  country,  that  they  deviated  from  the  original  purpose 
for  which  they  convened,  and  instead  of  trying  to  amend  the  code  of 
the  old  confederation,  they  went  diligently  at  work  to  form  a  new 
constitution.  Edmund  Randolph,  a  distinguished  Virginia  statesman, 
submitted  a  series  of  resolutions,"  embodying  the  plan  of  a  M  M 
new  constitution,  in  which  it  was  proposed  to  form  a  general 
government,  consisting  of  a  legislature,  executive,  and  judiciary  ;  and 
a  revenue,  army,  and  navy,  entirely  independent  of  the  States.  It 
proposed  to  give  it  power  to  conduct  war,  peace,  and  treaties  ;  have 
the  exclusive  privilege  of  coining  money,  and  have  the  supervision 
of  all  national  transactions.  His  plan  was  generally  approved,  but 
there  were  many  ardent  patriots,  who  were  ready  to  do  all  things 
for  the  common  weal,  that  looked  upon  the  proposition  as  an  unjusti- 
fiable infringement  of  State  Rights,  and  therefore  violently  opposed  it. 
Mr.  Patterson,  of  New  Jersey,  proposed  another  plan,  enlarging 
the  powers  of  Congress,  but  leaving  its  resources  and  supplies  to  be 

procured  through   the  medium  of  the  State  governments. 

rr.      i  -  °-  i  i  i  •      o  b  June  19- 

lo  this  proposition,  when  the  vote  was  taken,&  six  otates 

gave  a  negative  voice.*  A  committee  was  then  appointed  to  reduce 
Mr.  Randolph's  resolutions  into  the  form  of  a  constitution.  The 
committee  reported  on  the  sixth  of  August,  and  a  long  debate  en- 
sued.! On  the  eighth  of  September,  a  committee  was  appointed  X 
to  "  revise  the  style,  and  arrange  the  articles."  They  reported  on 
the  twelfth,  but  amendments  and  debates  continued  until  the  seven- 
teenth of  September,  when  a  final  vote  was  taken,  and  decided  in 
the  affirmative.  The  constitution  was  then  signed  by  thirty-nine  of 
the  fifty-five  members,  and  immediately  submitted  to  Congress. 
That  body  recommended  the  calling  of  conventions  in  the  various 

*  It  was  during  the  debate  upon  this  proposition,  that  Doctor  Franklin  made 
his  remarkable  speech  on  the  occasion  of  his  motion  for  prayers  in  the  Con- 
vention. It  is  a  singular  fact  that  after  the  adoption  of  his  resolution,  far  greater 
unanimity  prevailed  in  the  Convention.     For  his  speech,  see  Appendix,  Note  xiv. 

f  A  very  difficult  question  arose  respecting  the  slaves  in  the  southern  States,  to 
whom  no  vote  was  allowed.  It  was  justly  contended  that  they  formed  an  essential 
element  in  the  power  and  resources  of  those  States.  It  was  finally  agreed  as  a 
compromise,  that  three-fifths  of  them,  under  the  title  of  "  other  persons,"  should 
be  added  to  the  list  upon  which  the  number  of  representative  members  was  to  be 
apportioned. 

\  Consisting  of  Messrs.  Johnson,  Hamilton,  G.  Morris,  Madison,  and  King. 


364  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  [1789 

Organization  of  the  government.  Washington  elected  President  His  progress  to  New  York. 

States,  to  consider  it,  and  it  was  stipulated  that  it  should  go  into 

operation  when  nine   States  should  signify  their  approval.     In  some 

of  the  States  there  was  much  opposition  to  it,  and  it  was  not 

until   June,a  1788,  that  New  Hampshire,  the  ninth  State, 

ratified  it.     It  then  became  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land  * 

Steps  were  immediately  taken  to  put  the  new  constitution  into 
operation  and  organize  a  government  under  it.  The  choice  of  a 
Chief  Magistrate  was  the  most  important  consideration,  and  all  the 
friends  of  the  new  constitution  looked  to  Washington  as  the  one  whose 
character,  popularity,  wisdom,  and  influence,  would  unite  all  parties, 
and  they  felt  that  upon  his  judgment  they  could  implicitly  rely.  On 
the  first  Wednesday  in  February,  1789,  the  first  Presidential  electors 
were  chosen,  and  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  March,*  they 
met  to  vote  for  President.  Washington  received  the  unani- 
mous vote  of  the  college,  "  and,  probably  without  a  dissenting  voice 
in  the  whole  nation,  was  chosen  the  first  President  of  the  United 
States."  t     John  Adams  was  chosen  Vice  President. 

The  intelligence  of  his  election  being  communicated  to  him  at 
"  Mount  Vernon,  Washington  soon  after  proceeded  to  New 
York,c  the  seat  of  the  general  government.  His  journey 
thitherward  was  one  continued  triumphal  march.  Addresses  and 
congratulations  were  presented  to  him  in  almost  every  place  through 
which  he  passed.  "  So  great  were  the  honors  with  which  he  was 
loaded,  that  they  could  scarcely  have  failed  to  produce  haughtiness 
in  the  mind  of  any  ordinary  man  ;  but  nothing  of  the  kind  was  ever 
discovered  in  this  extraordinary  personage.  On  all  occasions  he 
behaved  to  all  men  with  the  affability  of  one  citizen  to  another.  He 
was  truly  great  in  deserving  the  plaudits  of  his  country,  but  much 
greater  in  not  being  elated  with  them."  J 

On  approaching  Philadelphia,  he  was  received  with  distinguished 
honors.  The  bridge  across  the  Schuylkill  was  highly  decorated 
with  laurels,  and  at  each  end  were  triumphal  arches  of  evergreen. 
As  he  passed  the  bridge,  a  civic  crown  was  let  down  from  above 
upon  his  head,  and  at  that  moment  a  loud  shout  arose  from  nearly 
twenty  thousand  people  who  lined  the  avenues  between  the  Schuyl- 
kill and  Philadelphia.  At  Trenton  he  was  met  by  a  depu- 
tation from  Congress/  and  the  highest  honors  were  paid 
to  him  by  the  inhabitants.^     At  Elizabethtown  Point  he  embarked 

*  See  Appendix,  Note  xv.  f  Sparks,  p.  406. 

X  Ramsay,  vol.  ii.,  p.  345. 

§  On  the  brow  of  a  hill  near  Trenton,  a  triumphal  arch  was  erected  under  the 
direction  of  the  ladies  of  the  place.  The  crown  of  the  arch  was  decorated  with 
laurels  and  flowers,  and  on  it  was  displayed  in  large  characters,  "  December,  1776  " 


Inauguration  of  Washington.    P.  307. 


ckat.  xm.]  EVENTS  FROM  1784  TO  1789.  367 


The  Inauguration  of  Washington. 


in  an  elegant  barge,  rowed  by  thirteen  pilots,  and  as  he  passed  the 
shipping  in  the  bay,  the  vessels  all  hoisted  their  flags.  He  was 
received,  on  landing,  by  Governor  Clinton  and  other  distinguished 
persons,  and  a  great  concourse  of  people,  and  in  the  evening,  the 
houses  of  the  inhabitants  were  brilliantly  illuminated. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  April,0  he  took  the  oath  of  office.  At  «  H». 
nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  appropriate  religious  services 
were  held  in  all  the  churches  in  the  city,  and  at  twelve,  the  troops 
paraded  before  the  President's  door.  The  committees  of  Congress, 
heads  of  departments,  foreign  ministers,  and  civil  officers  of  the 
State,  in  carriages,  following  the  escort  of  troops,  accompanied  him 
to  the  Federal  Hall,  upon  the  balcony  in  front  of  which,  Chancellor 
Livingston  administered  to  him,  in  the  presence  of  a  vast  concourse 
of  people,  the  oath  of  office,  which  was  in  the  following  words  : — 
"  I  do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office  of 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
preserve,  protect,  and  defend,  the  constitution  of  the  United  States." 
The  Chancellor  then  proclaimed  him  President  of  the  United  States, 
which  was  answered  by  a  discharge  of  thirteen  guns,  and  the  shouts 
of  many  thousand  people.  Washington  then  went  to  the  Senate 
Chamber,  and  delivered  his  Inaugural  Speech  to  both  Houses,  after 
which  he  walked  to  St.  Paul's  church,  where  prayers  were  read 
by  the  Bishop,  and  thus  concluded  the  momentous  ceremonies  of 
the  day.  This  was  the  crowning  act  of  the  War  of  Independence. 
By  this  act,  the  foundation  of  a  mighty  State  was  laid  ;  the  corner- 
stone of  the  great  temple  of  Universal  Freedom  was  implanted  ;  the 
divine  truth  of  man's  equality  was  vindicated,  and  the  dawn  of  a 
glorious  era  broke  upon  the  world. 

Unlike  the  revolutions  of  other  times,  whose  conception  and  execu- 
tion were  frequently  simultaneous,  and  when  physical  power,  aided 
only  by  the  inflammatory  harangues,  or  promised  benefits,  of  dema- 

(the  day  of  the  battle  of  Trenton).  On  the  sweep  of  the  arch  beneath  was  this 
inscription  : — "  The  defender  of  the  mothers  will  also  protect  the  daughters." 
On  one  side  a  row  of  young  girls,  dressed  in  white,  with  baskets  of  flowers,  were 
arranged — in  a  second  row  stood  the  young  ladies,  and  behind  them  the  married 
ladies.  The  instant  he  passed  the  arch,  the  young  girls  began  to  sing  the  following 
ode,  at  the  same  time  strewing  flowers  in  the  road  : — 

"  Welcome,  mighty  chief,  onco  more, 
Welcome  to  this  grateAU  shore  ; 
Now  no  mercenary  foe 

Aims  again  the  fetal  blow — 
Aims  at  thee  the  fatal  blow. 

Virgins  fair,«end  matrons  grave, 
These  thy  conquering  arm  did  save ; 
Baild  for  thee  triumphal  bowers, 
Strew,  ye  (air,  Mi  way  with  (lowers — 
Strew  your  Hero's  way  with  flowers  " 


368 


THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


[1789. 


Revolutionary  Writers. 


gogues,  supported  rebellion,  and  overturned  existing  government, 
our  Revolution  was  the  result  of  long  years  of  patiently-endured 
oppression — of  violated  principles,  whose  unfettered  exercise  is  an 
essential  element  of  human  freedom.  For  ten  years,  the  Pen  was 
the  only  implement  of  rebellion  used.  It  supplicated  and  it  warned 
the  British  King,  and  it  incited  to  action  and  guided  aright,  the  patri- 
otism of  the  oppressed.  The  Pen  had  already  effected  the  Revolu- 
tion, when  the  Sword  was  called  to  its  aid,  as  the  executor  of  its 
will ;  and  during  the  brilliant  achievements  of  the  latter,  the  leading 
minds  of  the  country,  such  as  Dr.  Franklin,  John  Adams,  James 
Otis,  Samuel  Adams,  Richard  Bland,  John  Dickenson,  John  Jay, 
William  Henry  Drayton,  Daniel  Dulaney,  Alexander  Hamilton, 
David  Ramsay,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Arthur  Lee,  Jonathan  Hyman, 
Dr.  Mahew,  Governor  Livingston,  Thomas  Paine,  Doct.  Rush, 
James  Wilson,  Dr.  Warren,  Josiah  Quincy,  James  Madison,  Charles 
Thompson,  William  Tennant,  and  many  others,  were  constantly 
laboring  in  the  diffusion  of  correct  political  knowledge  among  the 
people,  and  animating  them  to  a  proper  and  dignified  defence  of 
their  liberties.  While  we  weave  chaplets  of  laurel  for  the  heroes 
who  led  our  patriot  armies,  let  us  not  forget  to  entwine  a  wreath  of 
the  olive  and  myrtle  for  the  brows  of  those  civic  heroes  who  so  early 
and  ardently  thought  and  labored,  and  who  perilled  so  much  for  their 
country's  welfare. 


Great  Seal  of  the  United  States,    and  the  Seals  of  th« 
Thirteen  Original  States. 


APPENDIX. 


NOTE    I. PAGE    60. 

STAMP   ACT.* 

Whereas,  by  an  act  made  in  the  last  session  of  Parliament,  several 
duties  were  granted,  continued,  and  appropriated  towards  defraying 
the  expenses  of  defending,  protecting,  and  securing  the  British  colo- 
nies and  plantations  in  America  :  and  whereas  it  is  first  necessary, 
that  provision  be  made  for  raising  a  further  revenue  within  your 
majesty's  dominions  in  America,  towards  defraying  the  said  expenses  ; 
we,  your  majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  the  Commons  of 
Great  Britain,  in  parliament  assembled,  have  therefore  resolved  to 
give  and  grant  unto  your  majesty  the  several  rights  and  duties 
hereinafter  mentioned  ;  and  do  most  humbly  beseech  your  majesty 
that  it  may  be  enacted,  And  be  it  enacted  by  the  king's  most  excel- 
lent majesty,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  lords 
spiritual  and  temporal,  and  commons,  in  this  present  parliament 
assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  That  from  and  after 
the  first  day  of  November,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty- 
five,  there  shall  be  raised,  levied,  collected,  and  paid  unto  his 
majesty,  his  heirs,  and  successors,  throughout  the  colonies  and  plan- 
tations in  America,  which  now  are,  or  hereafter  may  be,  under  the 
dominion  of  his  majesty,  his  heirs  and  successors  : 

1.  For  every  skin  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of 
paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  declara- 
tion, plea,  replication,  rejoinder,  demurrer,  or  other  pleading,  or  any 
copy  thereof,  in  any  court  of  law  within  the  British  colonies  and 
plantations  in  America,  a  stamp  duty  of  three  pence. 

2.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
special  bail,  and  appearance  upon  such  bail  in  any  such  court,  a 
stamp  duty  of  two  shillings. 

3.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  may  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 

*  Received  the  royal  signature,  March  27,  1765. 


iT 


370  APPENDIX. 

petition,  bill,  or  answer,  claim,  plea,  replication,  rejoinder  demurrer, 
or  other  pleading,  in  any  court  of  chancery  or  equity  witnin  the  said 
coloaies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling  and  six  pence. 

4.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
copy  of  any  petition,  bill,  answer,  claim,  plea,  replication,  rejoinder, 
demurrer,  or  other  pleading,  in  any  such  court,  a  stamp  duty  of 
three  pence. 

5.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
monition,  libel,  answer,  allegation,  inventory,  or  renunciation,  in 
ecclesiastical  matters,  in  any  court  of  probate,  court  of  the  ordinary, 
or  other  court  exercising  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  within  the  said 
colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling. 

6.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  oi 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
copy  of  any  will  (other  than  the  probate  thereof),  monition,  libel 
answer,  allegation,  inventory,  or  renunciation,  in  ecclesiastical  mat- 
ters, in  any  such  court,  a  stamp  duty  oi  six  pence. 

7.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
donation,  presentation,  collation  or  institution,  of  or  to  any  benefice, 
or  any  writ  or  instrument  for  the  like  purpose,  or  any  register,  entry, 
testimonial,  or  certificate  of  any  degree  taken  in  any  university, 
academy,  college,  or  seminary  of  learning,  within  the  said  colonies 
and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  pounds. 

8.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
monition,  libel,  claim,  answer,  allegation,  information,  letter  of 
request,  execution,  renunciation,  inventory,  or  other  pleading,  in  any 
admiralty  court  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty 
of  one  shilling. 

9.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  any  copy  of  any  such  monition,  libel,  claim, 
answer,  allegation,  information,  letter  of  request,  execution,  renun- 
ciation, inventory,  or  other  pleading,  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or 
printed,  a  stamp  duty  of  six  pence. 

10.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
appeal,  writ  of  error,  writ  of  dower,  ad  quod  damnum,  certiorari, 
statute  merchant,  statute  staple,  attestation,  or  certificate,  by  any 
officer,  or  exemplification  of  any  record  or  proceeding,  in  any  court 
whatsoever,  witnin  the  said  colonies  and  plantations  (except  appeals, 
writs  of  error,  certiorari,  attestations,  certificates,  and  exemplifica- 
tions, for,  or  relating  to  the  removal  of  any  proceedings  from  before 
a  single  justice  of  the  peace),  a  stamp  duty  of  ten  shillings. 

11.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
writ  of  covenant  for  levying  fines,  writ  of  entry  for  suffering  a  com- 
mon recovery,  or  attachment  issuing  out  of,  or  returnable  into  any 


STAMP  ACT.  371 

court  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  five 
shillings. 

12.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
judgment,  decree,  or  sentence,  or  dismission,  or  any  record  of  nisi 

prius  or  postca,  in  any  court  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations, 
a  stamp  duty  of  four  shillings. 

13.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
affidavit,  common  bail,  or  appearance,  interrogatory,  deposition, 
rule,  order  or  warrant  of  any  court,  or  any  dedimus  potestatem, 
capias  subpoena,  summons,  compulsory  citation,  commission,  recog- 
nisance, or  any  other  writ,  process,  or  mandate,  issuing  out  of,  or 
returnable  into,  any  court,  or  any  office  belonging  thereto,  or  any 
other  proceeding  therein  whatsoever,  or  any  copy  thereof,  or  of  any 
record  not  herein  before  charged,  within  the  said  colonies  and  planta- 
tions (except  warrants  relating  to  criminal  matters,  and  proceedings 
thereon,  or  relating  thereto),  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling. 

14.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
note  or  bill  of  lading,  which  shall  be  signed  for  any  kind  of  goods, 
wares,  or  merchandise,  to  be  exported  from,  or  any  cocket  or  clear- 
ance granted  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty 
of  four  pence. 

15.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed, 
letters  of  mart  or  commission  for  private  ships  of  war,  within  the 
said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  twenty  shillings. 

16.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
grant,  appointment,  or  admission  of,  or  to  any  public  beneficial  office 
or  employment,  for  the  space  of  one  year,  or  any  lesser  time,  of  or 
above  twenty  pounds  per  annum  sterling  money,  in  salary,  fees,  and 
perquisites,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations  (except  commis- 
sions and  appointments  of  officers  of  the  army,  navy,  ordnance,  or 
militia,  of  judges,  and  of  justices  of  the  peace),  a  stamp  duty  of  ten 
shillings. 

17.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  any  grant,  of  any  liberty,  privilege,  or  fran- 
chise, under  the  seal  or  sign  manual,  of  any  governor,  proprietor,  or 
public  officer,  alone,  or  in  conjunction  with  any  other  person  or  per- 
sons, or  with  any  council,  or  any  council  and  assembly,  or  any 
exemplification  of  the  same,  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed, 
within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  six  pounds. 

18.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
license  for  retailing  of  spirituous  liquors,  to  be  granted  to  any  person 
who  shall  take  out  the  same,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations, 
a  stamp  duty  of  twenty  shillings. 

19.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 


372  APPENDIX. 

piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
license  for  retailing  of  wine,  to  be  granted  to  any  person  who  shall 
not  take  out  a  license  for  retailing  of  spirituous  liquors,  within  the 
said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  oi  four  pounds. 

20.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
license  for  retailing  of  wine,  to  be  granted  to  any  person  who  shall 
lake  out  a  license  for  retailing  of  spirituous  liquors,  within  the  said 
colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  three  pounds. 

21.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
probate  of  will,  letters  of  administration,  or  of  guardianship  for  any 
estate  above  the  value  of  twenty  pounds  sterling  money,  within  the 
British  colonies  and  plantations  upon  the  continent  of  America,  the 
islands  belonging  thereto,  and  the  Bermuda  and  Bahama  islands,  a 
stamp  duty  oifivc  shillings. 

22.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
such  probate,  letters  of  administration  or  of  guardianship,  within  all 
other  parts  of  the  British  dominions  in  America,  a  stamp  duty  of  ten 
shillings. 

23.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
bond  for  securing  the  payment  of  any  sum  of  money,  not  exceeding 
the  sum  of  ten  pounds  sterling  money,  within  the  British  colonies 
and  plantations  upon  the  continent  of  America,  the  islands  belonging 
thereto,  and  the  Bermuda  and  Bahama  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of 
six  pence. 

24.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
bond  for  securing  the  payment  of  any  sum  of  money,  above  ten 
pounds,  and  not  exceeding  twenty  pounds  sterling  money,  within 
such  colonies,  plantations,  and  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling. 

25.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
bond  for  securing  the  payment  of  any  sum  of  money  above  twenty 
pounds,  and  not  exceeding  forty  pounds  sterling  money,  within  such 
colonies,  plantations,  and  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling  and 
six  pence. 

26.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
order  or  warrant  for  surveying  or  setting  out  any  quantity  of  land, 
not  exceeding  one  hundred  acres,  issued  by  any  governor,  proprietor, 
or  any  public  officer,  alone,  or  in  conjunction  with  any  other  person 
or  persons,  or  with  any  council,  or  any  council  and  assembly,  within 
the  British  colonies  and  plantations  in  America,  a  stamp  duty  of 
six  pence. 

27.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
such  order  or  warrant  for  surveying  or  setting  out  any  quantity  of. 


STAMP  ACT.  373 

land  above  one  hundred  and  not  exceeding  two  hundred  acres,  within 
the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling. 

28.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  wTritten,  or  printed,  any 
such  order  or  warrant  for  surveying  or  setting  out  any  quantity  of 
land  above  two  hundred  and  not  exceeding  three  hundred  and  twenty 
acres,  and  in  proportion  for  every  such  order  or  warrant  for  surveying 
or  setting  out  every  other  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  within 
the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling  and 
six  pence. 

29.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
original  grant  or  any  deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument 
whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of  land,  not  exceeding  one  hun- 
dred acres,  shall  be  granted,  conveyed,  or  assigned,  within  the 
British  colonies  and  plantations  upon  the  continent  of  America,  the 
islands  belonging  thereto,  and  the  Bermuda  and  Bahama  islands 
(except  leases  for  any  term  not  exceeding  the  term  of  twenty-one 
years),  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling  and  six  pence. 

30.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
such  original  grant,  or  any  such  deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other 
instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of  land,  above  one 
hundred  and  not  exceeding  two  hundred  acres,  shall  be  granted,  con- 
veyed, or  assigned,  within  such  colonies,  plantations,  and  islands,  a 
stamp  duty  of  tivo  shillings. 

31.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
such  original  grant,  or  any  such  deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other 
instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of  land,  above  two 
hundred,  and  not  exceeding  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  shall  be 
granted,  conveyed,  or  assigned,  and  in  proportion  for  every  such 
grant,  deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument,  granting,  con- 
veying, or  assigning,  every  other  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres, 
within  such  colonies,  plantations,  and  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  two 
shillings  and  six  pence.  « 

32.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
such  original  grant,  or  any  such  deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other 
instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of  land,  not  exceeding 
one  hundred  acres,  shall  be  granted,  conveyed,  or  assigned,  within 
all  other  parts  of  the  British  dominions  in  America,  a  stamp  duty  of 
three  shillings. 

33.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
such  original  grant,  or  any  such  deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other 
instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of  land,  above  one 
hundred  and  not  exceeding  two  hundred  acres,  shall  be  granted,  con- 
veyed, or  assigned,  within  the  same  parts  of  the  said  dominions,  a 
stamp  duty  of  four  shillings. 


374  APPENDIX, 

34.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any- 
such  original  grant,  or  any  such  deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other 
instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of  land,  above  two . 
hundred  and  not  exceeding  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  shall  be 
granted,  conveyed,  or  assigned,  and  in  proportion  for  every  such 
grant,  deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument,  granting,  con- 
veying, or  assigning  every  other  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres, 
within  the  same  parts  of  the  said  dominions,  a  stamp  duty  of  Jive 
shillings. 

35.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
grant,  appointment,  or  admission,  of  or  to  any  beneficial  office  or 
employment,  not  herein  before  charged,  above  the  value  of  twenty 
pounds  per  annum  sterling  money,  in  salary,  fees,  and  perquisites, 
or  any  exemplification  of  the  same,  within  the  British  colonies  and 
plantations  upon  the  continent  of  America,  the  islands  belonging 
thereto,  and  the  Bermuda  and  Bahama  islands  (except  commissions 
of  officers  of  the  army,  navy,  ordnance,  or  militia,  and  of  justices  of 
the  peace),  a  stamp  duty  of  four  pounds. 

36.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
such  grant,  appointment,  or  admission,  of  or  to  any  such  public  bene- 
ficial office  or  employment,  or  any  exemplification  of  the  same, 
within  all  other  parts  of  the  British  dominions  in  America,  a  stamp 
duty  of  six  pounds. 

37.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
indenture,  lease,  conveyance,  contract,  stipulation,  bill  of  sale, 
charter  party,  protest,  articles  of  apprenticeship  or  covenant  (except 
for  the  hire  of  servants  not  apprentices,  and  also  except  such  other 
matters  as  herein  before  charged),  within  the  British  colonies  and 
plantations  in  America,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings  and  six  pence. 

38.  For  every  skin  or  piece  Cf  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  any  warrant  or  order  for  auditing  any 
public  accounts,  beneficial  warrant,  order,  grant,  or  certificate,  under 
any  public  seal,  or  under  the  seal  or  sign  manual  of  any  governor, 
proprietor,  or  public  officer,  alone,  or  in  conjunction  with  any  person 
or  persons,  or  with  any  council,  or  any  council  and  assembly,  not 
herein  before  charged,  or  any  passport  or  letpass,  surrender  of  office, 
or  policy  of  assurance,  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  within 
the  said  colonies  and  plantations  (except  warrants  or  orders  for  the 
service  of  the  army,  navy,  ordnance,  or  militia,  and  grants  of.  offices 
under  twenty  pounds  per  annum,  in  salary,  fees,  and  perquisites)  a 
stamp  duty  of  Jive  shillings. 

39.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
notarial   act,  bond,  deed,  letter  of  attorney,  procuration,  mortgage 
release,  or  other  obligatory  instrument,  not  herein  before  charged, 


STAMP  ACT.  375 

within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings 
and  three  pence. 

40.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
register,  entry,  or  enrolment  of  any  grant,  deed,  or  other  instrument 
whatsoever,  herein  before  charged,  within  the  said  colonies  and 
plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  three  pence. 

41.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 
piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any 
register,  entry,  or  enrolment  of  any  grant,  deed,  or  other  instrument 
whatsoever,  not  herein  before  charged,  within  the  said  colonies  and 
plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings. 

42.  And  for  and  upon  every  pack  of  playing  cards,  and  all  dice, 
which  shall  be  sold  or  used  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations, 
the  several  stamp  duties  following  (that  is  to  say) ; 

43.  For  every  pack  of  such  cards,  one  shilling. 

44.  And  for  every  pair  of  such  dice,  ten  shillings. 

45.  And  for  and  upon  every  paper  called  a  pamphlet,  and  upon 
every  newspaper,  containing  public  news,  or  occurrences,  which 
shall  be  printed,  dispersed,  and  made  public,  within  any  of  the  said 
colonies  and  plantations,  and  for  and  upon  such  advertisements  as  are 
hereinafter  mentioned,  the  respective  duties  following  (that  is 
to  say) ; 

46.  For  every  such  pamphlet  and  paper,  contained  in  a  half  sheet, 
or  any  lesser  piece  of  paper,  which  shall  be  so  printed,  a  stamp  duty 
of  one  half-penny  for  every  printed  copy  thereof. 

47.  For  every  such  pamphlet  and  paper  (being  larger  than  half  a 
sheet,  and  not  exceeding  one  whole  sheet),  which  shall  be  printed,  a 
stamp  duty  of  one  penny  for  every  printed  copy  thereof. 

48.  For  every  pamphlet  and  paper,  being  larger  than  one  whole 
sheet,  and  not  exceeding  six  sheets  in  octavo,  or  in  a  lesser  page,  or 
not  exceeding  twelve  sheets  in  quarto,  or  twenty  sheets  in  folio, 
which  shall  be  so  printed,  a  duty  after  the  rate  of  one  shilling  for 
every  sheet  of  any  kind  of  paper  which  shall  be  contained  in  one 
printed  copy  Thereof. 

49.  For  every  advertisement  to  be  contained  in  any  gazette, 
newspaper,  or  other  paper,  or  any  pamphlet  which  shall  be  so 
printed,  a  duty  of  two  shillings. 

50.  P^or  every  almanac,  or  calendar,  for  any  one  particular  year, 
or  for  any  time  less  than  a  year,  which  shall  be  written  or  printed  on 
one  side  only  of  any  one  sheet,  skin,  or  piece  of  paper,  parchment, 
or  vellum,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of 
two  put*  e. 

51.  For  every  other  almanac  or  calendar,  for  any  one  particular 
year,  which  shall  be  written  or  printed  within  the  said  colonies  and 
plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  four  pence. 

52.  And  for  every  almanac  or  calendar,  written  or  printed  in  the 
said  colonies  and  plantations,  to  serve  for  several  years,  duties  to  the 
same  amount  respectively  shall  be  paid  for  every  such  year. 

53.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or 


376  APPENDIX. 

piece  of  paper,  on  which  any  instrument,  proceeding,  or  other  matter 
or  thing  aforesaid,  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  within  the 
said  colonies  and  plantations,  in  any  other  than  the  English  language, 
a  stamp  duty  of  double  the  amount  of  the  respective  duties  before 
charged  thereon. 

54.  And  there  shall  be  also  paid,  in  the  said  colonies  and  planta- 
tions, a  duty  of  six  pence  for  every  twenty  shillings,  in  any  sum  not 
exceeding  fifty  pounds  sterling  money,  which  shall  be  given,  paid, 
contracted,  or  agreed  for,  with  or  in  relation  to  any  clerk  or  appren- 
tice, which  shall  be  put  or  placed  to  or  with  any  master  or  mistress, 
to  learn  any  profession,  trade,  or  employment.  II.  And  also  a  duty 
of  one  shilling  for  every  twenty  shillings,  in  any  sum  exceeding  fifty 
pounds,  which  shall  be  given,  paid,  contracted,  or  agreed  for,  with, 
or  in  relation  to,  any  such  clerk  or  apprentice. 

55.  Finally,  the  produce  of  all  the  aforementioned  duties  shall  be 
paid  into  his  majesty's  treasury  ;  and  there  held  in  reserve,  to  be 
used  from  time  to  time  by  the  parliament,  for  the  purpose  of  defray- 
ing the  expenses  necessary  for  the  defence,  protection,  and  security 
of  the  said  colonies  and  plantations. 


NOTE    II. PAGE    66. 

DECLARATION  OF  RIGHTS.* 

The  members  of  this  congress,  sincerely  devoted,  with  the  warmest 
sentiments  of  affection  and  duty  to  his  majesty's  person  and 
government,  inviolably  attached  to  the  present  happy  establishment 
of  the  Protestant  succession,  and  with  minds  deeply  impressed 
by  a  sense  of  the  present  and  impending  misfortunes  of  the  British 
colonies  on  this  continent  ;  having  considered  as  maturely  as  time 
would  permit,  the  circumstances  of  said  colonies,  esteem  it  our 
indispensable  duty  to  make  the  following  declarations,  of  our  humble 
opinions,  respecting  the  most  essential  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
colonists,  and  of  the  grievances  under  which  they  labor,  by  reason 
of  several  late  acts  of  parliament. 

1st.  That  his  majesty's  subjects  in  these  colonies  owe  the  same 
allegiance  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  that  is  owing  from  his  sub- 
jects born  within  the  realm,  and  all  due  subordination  to  that  august 
body,  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain. 

2d.  That  his  majesty's  liege  subjects  in  these  colonies  are  entitled 
to  all  the  inherent  rights  and  privileges  of  his  natural  born  subjects 
within  the  kingdom  of  Great  Britain. 

3d.  That  it  is  inseparably  essential  to  the  freedom  of  a  people, 
and  the  undoubted  rights  of  Englishmen,  that  no  taxes  should  be 
imposed  on  them,  but  with  their  own  consent,  given  personally,  or 
by  their  representatives. 

4th.  That  the  people  of  these  colonies  are  not,  and  from  their 

•Adopted  October  19,  1765. 


DECLARATION  OF  RIGHTS— 1765.  377 

local  circumstances,  cannot  be  represented  in  the  house  of  commons 
in  Great  Britain. 

5th.  That  the  only  representatives  of  the  people  of  these  colonies, 
are  persons  chosen  therein,  by  themselves  :  and  that  no  taxes  ever 
have  been,  or  can  be  constitutionally  imposed  on  them,  but  by  their 
respective  legislatures. 

6th.  That  all  supplies  to  the  crown,  being  free  gifts  of  the  people, 
it  is  unreasonable  and  inconsistent  with  the  principles  and  spirit  of 
the  British  constitution,  for  the  people  of  Great  Britain  to  grant  to 
his  majesty  the  property  of  the  colonists. 

7th.  That  trial  by  jury  is  the  inherent  and  invaluable  right  of 
every  British  subject  in  these  colonies. 

8th.  That  the  late  act  of  parliament  entitled,  an  act  for  granting 
and  applying  certain  stamp  duties,  and  other  duties  in  the  British 
colonies  and  plantations  in  America,  &c,  by  imposing  taxes  on  the 
inhabitants  of  these  colonies,  and  the  said  act,  and  several  other  acts, 
by  extending  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  of  admiralty  beyond  its 
ancient  limits,  have  a  manifest  tendency  to  subvert  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  colonists. 

9th.  That  the  duties  imposed  by  several  late  acts  of  parliament, 
from  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  these  colonies,  will  be  extremely 
burdensome  and  grievous,  and  from  the  scarcity  of  specie,  the  pay- 
ment of  them  absolutely  impracticable. 

10th.  That  as  the  profits  of  the  trade  of  these  colonies  ultimately 
centre  in  Great  Britain,  to  pay  for  the  manufactures  which  they  are 
obliged  to  take  from  thence,  they  eventually  contribute  very  largely 
to  all  supplies  granted  there  to  the  crown. 

11th.  That  the  restrictions  imposed  by  several  late  acts  of  parlia- 
ment, on  the  trade  of  these  colonies,  will  render  them  unable  to 
purchase  the  manufactures  of  Great  Britain. 

12th.  That  the  increase,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  these  colo- 
nies, depend  on  the  full  and  free  enjoyment  of  their  rights  and  liber- 
ties, and  an  intercourse,  with  Great  Britain,  mutually  affectionate 
and  advantageous. 

13th.  That  it  is  the  right  of  the  British  subjects  in  these  colonies, 
to  petition  the  king  or  either  house  of  parliament. 

Lastly.  That  it  is  the  indispensable  duty  of  these  colonies  to  the 
best  of  sovereigns,  to  the  mother  country,  and  to  themselves,  to 
endeavor,  by  a  loyal  and  dutiful  address  to  his  majesty,  and  humble 
application  to  both  houses  of  parliament,  to  procure  the  repeaJ  of  the 
act  for  granting  and  applying  certain  stamp  duties,  of  all  clauses  of 
any  other  acts  of  parliament,  whereby  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ad- 
miralty is  extended  as  aforesaid,  and  of  the  other  late  acts  for  the 
restriction  of  the  American  commerce. 


378  APPENDIX. 

PETITION  TO  THE  KING.* 

To  the  King's  most  excellent  majesty. 

The  petition  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants  of  the  colonies 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations, 
New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  the  government  of  the 
counties  of  New  Castle,  Kent  and  Sussex,  upon  Delaware,  and 
province  of  Maryland, 

Most  humbly  showeth, 

That  the  inhabitants  of  these  colonies,  unanimously  devoted  with 
the  warmest  sentiments  of  duty  and  affection  to  your  sacred  person 
and  government,  and  inviolably  attached  to  the  present  happy  estab- 
lishment of  the  Protestant  succession  in  your  illustrious  house,  and 
deeply  sensible  of  your  royal  attention  to  their  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness, humbly  beg  leave  to  approach  the  throne,  by  representing  to 
your  majesty,  that  these  colonies  were  originally  planted  by  subjects 
of  the  British  crown,  who,  animated  with  the  spirit  of  liberty, 
encouraged  by  your  majesty's  royal  predecessors,  and  confiding  in 
the  public  faith  for  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  rights  and  liberties 
essential  to  freedom,  emigrated  from  their  native  country  to  this 
continent,  and,  by  their  successful  perseverance,  in  the  midst  of 
innumerable  dangers  and  difficulties,  together  with  a  profusion  of 
their  blood  and  treasure,  have  happily  added  these  vast  and  extensive 
dominions  to  the  Empire  of  Great  Britain. 

That,  for  the  enjoyment  of  these  rights  and  liberties,  several 
governments  were  early  formed  in  the  said  colonies,  with  full  power 
of  legislation,  agreeably  to  the  principles  of  the  English  constitu- 
tion ; — that,  under  these  governments,  these  liberties,  thus  vested  in 
their  ancestors,  and  transmittedvto  their  posterity,  have  been  exer- 
cised and  enjoyed,  and  by  the  inestimable  blessings  thereof,  under 
the  favor  of  Almighty  God,  the  inhospitable  deserts  of  America 
have  been  converted  into  flourishing  countries  ;  science,  humanity, 
and  the  knowledge  of  divine  truths  diffused  through  remote  regions 
of  ignorance,  infidelity,  and  barbarism  ;  the  number  of  British  sub- 
jects wonderfully  increased,  and  the  wealth  and  power  of  Great 
Britain  proportionably  augmented. 

That,  by  means  of  these  settlements  and  the  unparalleled  success 
of  your  majesty's  arms,  a  foundation  is  now  laid  for  rendering  the 
British  empire  the  most  extensive  and  powerful  of  any  recorded  in 
history  ;  our  connexion  with  this  empire  we  esteem  our  greatest 
happiness  and  security,  and  humbly  conceive  it  may  now  be  so 
established  by  your  royal  wisdom,  as  to  endure  to  the  latest  period 
of  time  ;  this,  with  the  most  humble  submission  to  your  majesty,  we 
apprehend  will  be  most  effectually  accomplished  by  fixing  the  pillars 
thereof  on  liberty  and  justice,  and  securing  the  inherent  rights  and 

*  Adopted  October  22,  1765. 


PETITION  TO  THE  KING— 1755.  379 

liberties  of  your  subjects  here,  upon  the  principles  of  the  English 
constitution.  To  this  constitution,  these  two  principles  are  essen- 
tial ;  the  rights  of  your  faithful  subjects  freely  to  grant  to  your 
majesty  such  aids  as  are  required  for  the  support  of  your  govern- 
ment over  them,  and  other  public  exigencies ;  and  trials  by  their 
peers.  By  the  one  they  are  secured  from  unreasonable  impositions, 
and  by  the  other  from  the  arbitrary  decisions  of  the  executive  power. 
The  continuation  of  these  liberties  to  the  inhabitants  of  America,  we 
ardently  implore,  as  absolutely  necessary  to  unite  the  several  parts 
of  your  wide-extended  dominions,  in  that  harmony  so  essential  to  the 
preservation  and  happiness  of  the  whole.  Protected  in  these  liber 
ties,  the  emoluments  Great  Britain  receives  from  us,  however  great 
at  present,  are  inconsiderable,  compared  with  those  she  has  the 
fairest  prospect  of  acquiring.  By  this  protection,  she  will  for  ever 
secure  to  herself  the  advantages  of  conveying  to  all  Europe,  the 
merchandize  which  America  furnishes,  and  for  supplying,  through 
the  same  channel,  whatsoever  is  wanted  from  thence.  Here  opens 
a  boundless  source  of  wealth  and  naval  strength.  Yet  these  immense 
advantages,  by  the  abridgment  of  those  invaluable  rights  and  liber- 
ties, by  which  our  growth  has  been  nourished,  are  in  danger  of  being 
for  ever  lost,  and  our  subordinate  legislatures  in  effect  rendered  use- 
less by  the  late  acts  of  parliament  imposing  duties  and  taxes  on  these 
colonies,  and  extending  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  of  admiralty 
here,  beyond  its  ancient  limits ;  statutes  by  which  your  majesty's 
commons  in  Britain  undertake  absolutely  to  dispose  of  the  property 
of  their  fellow-subjects  in  America  without  their  consent,  and  for  the 
enforcing  whereof,  they  are  subjected  to  the  determination  of  a  single 
judge,  in  a  court  unrestrained  by  the  wise  rules  of  the  common  law, 
the  birthright  of  Englishmen,  and  the  safeguard  of  their  persons  and 
properties. 

The  invaluable  rights  of  taxing  ourselves  and  trial  by  our  peers, 
of  which  we  implore  your  majesty's  protection,  are  not,  we  most 
humbly  conceive,  unconstitutional,  but  confirmed  by  the  Great 
Charter  of  English  liberties.  On  the  first  of  these  rights  the 
honorable  house  of  commons  found  their  practice  of  originating 
money,  a  right  enjoyed  by  the  kingdom  of  Ireland,  by  the  clergy 
of  England,  until  relinquished  by  themselves  ;  a  right,  in  fine,  which 
all  other  your  majesty's  English  subjects,  both  within  and  without 
the  realm,  have  hitherto  enjoyed. 

With  hearts,  therefore,  impressed  with  the  most  indelible  charac- 
ters of  gratitude  to  your  majesty,  and  to  the  memory  of  the  kings  of 
your  illustrious  house,  whose  reigns  have  been  signally  distinguished 
by  their  auspicious  influence  on  the  prosperity  of  the  British  domi- 
nions ;  and  convinced  by  the  most  affecting  proofs  of  your  majesty's 
paternal  love  to  all  your  people,  however  distant,  and  your  unceasing 
and  benevolent  desires  to  promote  their  happiness  ;  we  most  humbly 
beseech  your  majesty  that  you  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  take  into 
your  royal  consideration  the  distresses  of  your  faithful  subjects  on 
this  continent,  and  to  lay  the  same  before  your  majesty's  parliament, 


380  APPENDIX. 

arid  to  afford  them  such  relief  as,  in  your  royal  wisdom,  their  uiv- 
happy  circumstances  shall  be  judged  to  require. 
And  your  petitioners  will  pray,  &c. 


MEMORIALS  TO  PARLIAMENT.* 

To  the  right  honorable  the  Lords  spiritual  and  temporal  of  Great 
Britain  in  parliament  assembled  : 

The  memorial  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants  of  the 
colonies  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence 
Plantations,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  the  govern- 
ment of  the  counties  of  New  Castle,  Kent  and  Sussex,  upon 
Delaware,  and  province  of  Maryland,  in  America, 

Most  humbly  showeth, 

That  his  majesty's  liege  subjects  in  his  American  colonies, 
though  they  acknowledge  a  due  subordination  to  that  august  body 
the  British  parliament,  are  entitled,  in  the  opinion  of  your  memorial- 
ists, to  all  the  inherent  rights  and  liberties  of  the  natives  of  Great 
Britain,  and  have,  ever  since  the  settlement  of  the  said  colonies, 
exercised  those  rights  and  liberties,  as  far  as  their  local  circumstan- 
ces would  permit. 

That  your  memorialists  humbly  conceive  one  of  the  most  essen- 
tial rights  of  these  colonists,  which  they  have  ever  till  lately  unin- 
terruptedly enjoyed,  to  be  trial  by  jury. 

That  your  memorialists  also  humbly  conceive  another  of  these 
essential  rights,  to  be  the  exemption  from  all  taxes,  but  such  as  are 
imposed  on  the  people  by  the  several  legislatures  in  these  colonies, 
which  rights  they  have  also  till  of  late  enjoyed.  But  your  memo- 
rialists humbly  beg  leave  to  represent  to  your  lordships,  that  the  act 
granting  certain  stamp  duties  in  the  British  colonies  in  America,  &c, 
fills  his  majesty's  American  subjects  with  the  deepest  concern,  as  it 
tends  to  deprive  them  of  the  two  fundamental  and  invaluable  rights 
and  liberties  above  mentioned  ;  and  that  several  other  late  acts  of 
parliament,  which  extend  the  jurisdiction  and  power  of  courts  of 
admiralty  in  the  plantations  beyond  their  limits  in  Great  Britain, 
thereby  make  an  unnecessary,  unhappy  distinction,  as  to  the  modes 
of  trial  between  us  and  our  fellow-subjects  there,  by  whom  we  never 
have  been  excelled  in  duty  and  loyalty  to  our  sovereign. 

That  from  the  natural  connexion  between  Great  Britain  and 
America,  the  perpetual  continuance  of  which  your  memorialists  most 
ardently  desire,  they  conceive  that  nothing  can  conduce  more  to  the 
interest  of  both,  than  the  colonists'  free  enjoyment  of  their  rights 
and  liberties,  and  an  affectionate  intercourse  between  Great  Britain 
and  them.     But  your  memorialists  (not  waiving  their  claim  to  these 

•  Adopted  October  23, 1765. 


MEMORIALS  TO  PARLIAMENT— 1765.  381 

rights,  of  which,  with  the  most  becoming  veneration  and  deference 
to  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  your  lordships,  they  apprehend,  they 
cannot  reasonably  be  deprived),  humbly  represent,  that,  from  the 
peculiar  circumstances  of  these  colonies,  the  duties  imposed  by  the 
aforesaid  act,  and  several  other  late  acts  of  parliament,  are  extremely 
grievous  and  burdensome  ;  and  the  payment  of  the  several  duties 
will  very  soon,  for  want  of  specie,  become  absolutely  impracticable  ; 
and  that  the  restrictions  on  trade  by  the  said  acts,  will  not  only  dis- 
tress the  colonies,  but  must  be  extremely  detrimental  to  the  trade 
and  true  interest  of  Great  Britain. 

Your  memorialists,  therefore,  impressed  with  a  just  sense  of  the 
unfortunate  circumstances  of  the  colonies,  the  impending  destructive 
consequences  which  must  necessarily  ensue  from  the  execution  of 
these  acts,  and  animated  with  the  warmest  sentiments  of  filial  affec- 
tion for  their  mother  country,  most  earnestly  and  humbly  entreat 
your  lordships  will  be  pleased  to  hear  their  council  in  support  of  this 
memorial,  and  take  the  premises  into  your  most  serious  consider- 
ation, and  that  your  lordships  will  also  be  thereupon  pleased  to  pur- 
sue such  measures  for  restoring  the  just  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
colonies,  and  preserving  them  for  ever  inviolate  ;  for  redressing  their 
present,  and  preventing  future  grievances,  thereby  promoting  the 
united  interests  of  Great  Britain  and  America,  as  to  your  lordships, 
in  your  great  wrisdom,  shall  seem  most  conducive  and  effectual  to 
that  important  end. 

And  your  memorialists  will  pray,  &c. 


To  the  honorable  the  Knights,  Citizens  and  Burgesses,  of  Great 
Britain,  in  parliament  assembled, 

The  petition  of  his  majesty's  dutiful,  loyal  subjects,  the  Freeholders 
and  other  Inhabitants  of  the  colonies  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  the  government  of  the  counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent 
and  Sussex,  upon  Delaware,  and  province  of  Maryland,  in  America. 

Most  humbly  showeth, 

That  the  several  late  acts  of  parliament,  imposing  divers  duties 
and  taxes  on  the  colonies,  and  laving  the  trade  and  commerce  under 
very  burdensome  restrictions  ;  but  above  all,  the  act  for  granting 
and  applying  certain  stamp  duties  in  America,  have  filled  them  with 
the  deepest  concern  and  surprise,  and  they  humbly  conceive  the 
execution  of  them  will  be  attended  with  consequences  very  injurious 
to  the  commercial  interests  of  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies,  and 
must  terminate  in  the  eventual  ruin  of  the  latter.  Your  petitioners, 
therefore,  most  ardently  implore  the  attention  of  the  honorable  house 
to  the  united  and  dutiful  representation  of  their  circumstances,  and 
to  their  earnest  supplications  for  relief  from  their  regulations,  that 
have  already  involved  this  continent  in   anxiety,  confusion,  and  dis 


382  APPENDIX. 

tress.  We  most  sincerely  recognise  our  allegiance  to  the  crown,  and 
acknowledge  all  due  subordination  to  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain, 
and  shall  always  retain  the  most  grateful  sense  of  their  assistance 
and  approbation  ;  it  is  from  and  under  the  English  constitution  we 
derive  all  our  civil  and  religious  rights  and  liberties  ;  we  glory  in 
being  subjects  of  the  best  of  kings,  having  been  born  under  the  most 
perfect  form  of  government.  But  it  is  with  the  most  ineffable  and 
humiliating  sorrow  that  we  find  ourselves  of  late  deprived  of  the 
right  of  granting  our  own  property  for  his  majesty's  service,  to  which 
our  lives  and  fortunes  are  entirely  devoted,  and  to  which,  on  his 
royal  requisitions,  we  have  been  ready  to  contribute  to  the  utmost  of 
our  abilities. 

We  have  also  the  misfortune  to  find  that  all  the  penalties  and  for- 
feitures mentioned  in  the  stamp  act,  and  divers  late  acis  of  trade 
extending  to  the  plantations,  are,  at  the  election  of  the  informers, 
recoverable  in  any  court  of  admiralty  in  America.  This,  as  the 
newly  erected  court  of  admiralty  has  a  general  jurisdiction  over  all 
British  America,  renders  his  majesty's  subjects  in  these  colonies 
liable  to  be  carried,  at  an  immense  expense,  from  one  end  of  the  con- 
tinent to  the  other.  It  always  gives  us  great  pain  to  see  a  manifest 
distinction  made  therein  between  the  subjects  of  our  mother  country 
and  the  colonies,  in  that  the  like  penalties  and  forfeitures  recoverable 
there  only  in  his  majesty's  courts  of  record,  are  made  cognisable 
here  by  a  court  of  admiralty.  By  this  means  we  seem  to  be,  in 
effect,  unhappily  deprived  of  two  privileges  essential  to  freedom, 
and  which  all  Englishmen  have  ever  considered  as  their  best  birth- 
rights— that  of  being  free  from  all  taxes  but  such  as  they  have  con- 
sented to  in  person,  or  by  their  representatives,  and  of  trial  by  their 
peers. 

Your  petitioners  further  show,  that  the  remote  situation  and  other 
circumstances  of  the  colonies,  render  it  impracticable  that  they 
should  be  represented  but  in  their  respective  subordinate  legisla- 
tures ;  and  they  humbly  conceive  that  the  parliament  adhering 
strictly  to  the  principles  of  the  constitution,  have  never  hitherto  taxed 
any  but  those  who  were  therein  actually  represented  ;  for  this  reason, 
we  humbly  apprehend,  they  never  have  taxed  Ireland,  nor  any  other 
of  the  subjects  without  the  realm.  But  were  it  ever  so  clear,  that 
the  colonies  might  in  law  be  reasonably  represented  in  the  honorable 
house  of  commons,  yet  we  conceive  that  very  good  reasons,  from 
inconvenience,  from  the  principles  of  true  policy,  and  from  the  spirit 
of  the  British  constitution,  may  be  adduced  to  show,  that  it  would  be 
for  the  real  interest  of  Great  Britain,  as  well  as  her  colonies,  that  the 
late  regulations  should  be  rescinded,  and  the  several  acts  of  parlia- 
ment imposing  duties  and  taxes  on  the  colonies,  and  extending  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  courts  of  admiralty  here,  beyond  their  ancient 
limits,  should  be  repealed. 

We  shall  not  attempt  a  minute  detail  of  all  the  reasons  which  the 
wisdom  of  the  honorable  house  may  suggest,  on  this  occasion,  but 
would  humbly  submit  the  following  particulars  to  their  consider- 
ation : 


MEMORIALS  TO  PARLIAMENT— 1774.  383 

That  money  is  already  very  scarce  in  these  colonies,  and  is  still 
decreasing  by  the  necessary  exportation  of  specie  from  the  continent 
for  the  discharging  of  our  debts  to  British  merchants  ;  that  an  im- 
mensely heavy  debt  is  yet  due  from  the  colonists  for  British  manu- 
factures, and  that  they  are  still  heavily  burdened  with  taxes  to 
discharge  the  arrearages  due  for  aids  granted  by  them  in  the  late 
war ;  that  the  balance  of  trade  will  ever  be  much  against  the  colonies, 
and  in  favor  of  Great  Britain,  whilst  we  consume  her  manufactures  ; 
the  demand  of  which  must  ever  increase  in  proportion  to  the  number 
of  inhabitants  settled  here,  with  the  means  of  purchasing  them. 
We,  therefore,  humbly  conceive  it  to  be  the  interest  of  Great  Britain 
to  increase  rather  than  diminish  those  means,  as  the  profit  of  all  the 
trade  of  the  colonies  ultimately  centres  there  to  pay  for  her  manufac- 
tures, as  we  are  not  allowed  to  purchase  elsewhere,  and  by  the  con- 
sumption of  which  at  the  advanced  prices  the  British  taxes  oblige 
the  makers  and  venders  to  set  on  them,  we  eventually  contribute 
very  largety  to  the  revenues  of  the  crown. 

That,  from  the  nature  of  American  business,  the  multiplicity  of 
suits  and  papers  used  in  matters  of  small  value,  in  a  country  where 
freeholds  are  so  minutely  divided,  and  property  so  frequently  trans- 
ferred, a  stamp  duty  must  be  ever  very  burdensome  and  unequal. 

That  it  is  extremely  improbable  that  the  honorable  house  of 
commons  should  at  all  times  be  thoroughly  acquainted  with  our 
condition,  and  all  facts  requisite  to  a  just  and  equal  taxation  of  the 
colonies. 

It  is  also  humbly  submitted  whether  there  be  not  a  material  dis- 
tinction, in  reason  and  sound  policy,  at  least,  between  the  necessary 
exercise  of  parliamentary  jurisdiction  in  general  acts,  and  the  com- 
mon law,  and  the  regulations  of  trade  and  commerce,  through  the 
whole  empire,  and  the  exercise  of  that  jurisdiction  by  imposing  taxes 
on  the  colonies. 

That  the  several  subordinate  provincial  legislatures  have  been 
moulded  into  forms  as  nearly  resembling  that  of  the  mother  country, 
as  by  his  majesty's  royal  predecessors  was  thought  convenient  ;  and 
these  legislatures  seem  to  have  been  wisely  and  graciously  estab- 
lished, that  the  subjects  in  the  colonies  might,  under  the  due  admi- 
nistration thereof,  enjoy  the  happy  fruits  of  the  British  government, 
which  in  their  present  circumstances  they  cannot  be  so  fully  and 
clearly  availed  of  any  other  way. 

Under  these  forms  of  government  we  and  our  ancestors  have  been 
born  or  settled,  and  have  had  our  lives,  liberties,  and  properties, 
protected  ;  the  people  here,  as  everywhere  else,  retain  a  great  fond- 
ness of  their  old  customs  and  usages,  and  we  trust  that  his  majesty's 
service,  and  the  interest  of  the  nation,  so  far  from  being  obstructed, 
have  been  vastly  promoted  by  the  provincial  legislatures. 

That  we  esteem  our  connexion  with  and  dependence  on  Great 
Britain,  as  one  of  our  greatest  blessings,  and  apprehend  the  latter 
will  be  sufficiently  secure,  when  it  is  considered  that  the  inhabitants 
in  the  colonies  have  the  most  unbounded  affection  for  his  majesty's 
person,  family,  and  government,  as  well  as  for  the  mother  country, 


384  APPENDIX. 

and  that  their  subordination  to  the  parliament  is  universally  acknow 
ledged. 

We,  therefore,  most  humbly  entreat  that  the  honorable  house 
would  be  pleased  to  hear  our  counsel  in  support  of  this  petition,  and 
to  take  our  distressed  and  deplorable  case  into  their  serious  consider- 
ation, and  that  the  acts  and  clauses  of  acts  so  grievously  restraining 
our  trade  and  commerce,  imposing  duties  and  taxes  on  our  property, 
and  extending  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court  of  admiralty  beyond  its 
ancient  limits,  may  be  repealed  ;  or  that  the  honorable  house  would 
otherwise  relieve  your  petitioners,  as  in  your  great  wisdom  and 
goodness  shall  seem  meet. 

And  your  petitioners  shall  ever  pray,  &c. 


note  in. — page  123. 

PROPOSITIONS  FOR  A  GENERAL  CONGRESS. 

Several  States  claim  the  honor  of  having  been  first  in  recommend- 
ing a  General  Congress  of  Delegates  from  the  several  Colonies.  It 
seems,  however,  to  have  been  a  spontaneous,  and  almost  simultane- 
ous movement  in  nearly  all  of  the  Colonies.  On  this  point,  the 
New  York  Review  for  1839,  vol.  i.,  p.  337,  has  the  following  arti- 
cle : — 

"  We  have  compiled  from  the  American  archives  (published  under  the  authority 
of  Congress)  a  summary  of  the  earliest  dates  in  which,  in  every  Colony,  the  subject 
of  a  General  Congress  was  acted  upon  by  any  public  assembly  in  the  year  1774  :— 

1774. 

1.  By  a  town-meeting  in  Providence, Rhode  Island,  -        May  17. 

2.  By  the  committee  of  a  town  meeting  in  Philadelphia,     ...  "     21. 

3.  By  the  committee  of  a  town-meeting  in  New  York,         -  "     23. 

4.  By  the  Members  of  the  dissolved  House  of  Burgesses  Of  Virginia,  and 

others  at  Williamsburg,  -   ,     -         -         -         -         -         -  "27. 

5.  By  a  county-meeting  in  Baltimore,         --._..  "31 

6.  By  a  town-meeting  in  Norwich,  Connecticut,         -  June  6 

7.  By  a  county-meeting  in  Newark,  New  Jersey,         -         -         -        -  "11 

8.  By  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives,  and  by  a  town-meeting 

in  Faneuil  Hall,  the  same  day,  -         -         -         -         -         -  "17. 

9.  By  a  county-meeting  in  Newcastle,  Delaware,         ....  "29. 

10.  By  the  committee  of  correspondence  in  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,     July   6. 

11.  By  a  general  province  Meeting  in  Charleston,  S.  C,        -         -  July  6,  7,  8. 

12.  By  a  district-meeting  at  Wilmington,  N.  C,  -        -         -         -        July  21. 
"  A  comparison  of  these  dates  will  at  once  show  how  strongly  was  the  instinct 

of  union,  which,  at  this  period,  pervaded  the  country,  and  how  prompt  the  Colonies 
were  in  adopting  that  principle  of  combination  which  served  as  the  direct  antago- 
nist to  the  policy  of  the  British  ministry,  designed  as  it  was,  by  confining  its  obnox- 
ious measures  to  one  Colony,  to  diminish  the  probability  of  a  united  resistance.  In 
looking  to  these  dates,  it  should  also  be  remembered  that  the  Colonial  action,  in 
some  instances,  was  independent  of  that  of  an  earlier  date  in  other  Colonies.  In 
Virginia,  the  recommendation  of  a  Congress  was  adopted  two  days  before  the  intel- 
ligence was  received  of  a  similar  measure,  several  days  earlier,  both  in  Philadelphia 
and  in  New  York." 

As  an  interesting  addendum  to  the  above  we  add  the  following  state- 
ment of  the  several  places  where  Congress  held  its  session  from 


MEMBERS  OF  THE  FIRST  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS.      385 

1774  until  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.     It  is  taken  from  the 
"  American  Almanac"  for  1834,  p.  98  : — 

"  At  Philadelphia,  September  5,  1771,  At  Philadelphia,  July  2,  1778, 

"  May  10,  11  Princeton,  June  *30,  1783, 

Baltimore,*  December  -20,  1770,  Annapolis,  November  2»5,  17S3. 

Philadelphia,  March  4,  1777.  Trenton,  November  1,  17S4, 

Lancaster,!  September,  27,  1777,  New  York,  January  11,  17S5, 

York,! 
where  it  continued  to  moot  until  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution      From  17S1  to 
17SS,  Congress  met  annually  on  the  first  Monday  in  November." 


NOTE    IV. PAGE     131. 

NAMES  OF  MEMBERS 

COMPOSING   THE     FIRST     CONTINENTAL     CONGRESS. § 

New  Hampshire. — John  Sullivan,  Nathaniel  Folsom. 

Massachusetts. — Thomas  dishing,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams, 
Robert  Treat  Paine. 

Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations, — Stephen  Hopkins, 
Samuel  Ward. 

Connecticut. — Eliphalet  Dyer,  Roger  Sherman,  Silas  Deane. 

Neio  York. — James  Duane,  Isaac  Lord,  Henry  Wisner,  John 
Alsop,  John  Jay,  William  Floyd,  Philip  Livingston. 

Neiv  Jersey. — James  Kinsey,  Stephen  Crane,  William  Living- 
ston, Richard  Smith,  John  De  Hart. 

Pennsylvania. — Joseph  Galloway,  John  Morton,  Charles  Hum- 
phreys, Thomas  Mifflin,  Samuel  Rhodes,  Edward  Biddle,  George 
Ross,  John  Dickenson. 

Delaware. — Caesar  Rodney,  Thomas  McKean,  George  Read. 

Maryland. — Robert  Goldsborough,. Samuel  Chase,  Thomas  John- 
son, Mathew  Tilghman,  William  Paca. 

Virginia. — Peyton  Randolph,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George  Wash- 
ington, Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Bland,  Benjamin  Harrison,  Edmund 
Pendleton. 

North  Carolina. — William  Hooper,  Joseph  Hughes,  Richard 
Caswell. 

South  Carolina. — Henry  Middlcton,  John  Rutledge,  Thomas 
Lynch,  Christopher  Gadsden,   Edward  Rutledge. 

*  Congress  adjourned  to  Baltimore,  in  expectation  of  an  attack  upon  Philadelphia 
by  Cornwallis,  who  had  chased  the  Americans  across  New  Jersey  to  the  banks  of 
the  Delaware. 

f  Adjourned  to  Lancaster  when  Howe  marched  upon  Philadelphia,  after  the  bat- 
tle of  Brandy  wine. 

\  Adjourned  to  York  for  greater  security,  where  its  sessions  were  held  during 
the  winter  that  the  Americans  were  encamped  at  Valley  Forge. 

§  Assembled  in  Carpenters'  Hall,  Philadelphia,  September  5,  1774 


, 


386  APPENDIX. 

NOTE    V. PAGE    134. 

ADDRESSES,  &c, 

OF      THE      FIRST      CONTINENTAL     CONGRESS,      1774, 

TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN.* 

When  a  nation,  led  to  greatness  by  the  hand  of  liberty,  and  pos- 
sessed of  all  the  glory  that  heroism,  munificence,  and  humanity  can 
bestow,  descends  to  the  ungrateful  task  of  forging  chains  for  her 
friends  and  children,  and  instead  of  giving  support  to  freedom,  turns 
advocate  for  slavery  and  oppression,  there  is  reason  to  suspect 
she  has  ceased  to  be  virtuous,  or  been  extremely  negligent  in  the 
appointment  of  her  rulers. 

In  almost  every  age,  in  repeated  conflicts,  in  long  and  bloody 
wars,  as  well  civil  as  foreign,  against  many  and  powerful  nations, 
against  the  open  assaults  of  enemies,  and  the  more  dangerous  treache- 
ry of  friends,  have  the  inhabitants  of  your  Island,  your  great  and 
glorious  ancestors,  maintained  their  independence,  and  transmitted 
the  rights  of  men,  and  the  blessings  of  liberty,  to  you,  their  posterity. 

Be  not  surprised,  therefore,  that  we,  who  arc  descended  from  the 
same  common  ancestors  ;  that  we,  whose  forefathers  participated  in 
all  the  rights,  the  liberties,  and  the  Constitutions  you  so  justly  boast 
of,  and  who  have  carefully  conveyed  the  same  fair  inheritance  to  us, 
guaranteed  by  the  plighted  faith  of  government  and  the  most  solemn 
compacts  with  British  sovereigns,  should  refuse  to  surrender  them  to 
men,  who  found  their  claims  on  no  principles  of  reason,  and  who 
prosecute  them  with  a  design,  that  by  having  our  lives  and  property 
in  their  power,  thev  may,  with  the  greatest  facility,  enslave  you. 
The  cause  of  America  is  now  the  object  of  universal  attention  :  it 
lias  at  length  become  very  serious.  This  unhappy  country  has  not 
only  been  oppressed,  but  abused  and  misrepresented  ;  and  the  duty 
we  owe  ourselves  and  posterity,  to  your  interest,  and  the  general 
welfare  of  the  British  empire,  leads  us  to  address  you  on  this  very 
important  subject.  Know  then,  That  we  consider  ourselves,  and  do 
insist,  that  we  are  and  ought  to  be,  as  free  as  our  fellow  subjects  in 
Britain,  and  that  no  power  on  earth  has  a  right  to  take  our  property 
from  us,  without  our  consent.  That  we  claim  all  the  benefits 
secured  to  its  subjects  by  the  English  constitution,  and  particularly 
that  inestimable  one  of  trial  by  jury.  That  we  hold  it  essential  to 
English  liberty,  that  no  man  be  condemned  unheard,  or  punished  for 
supposed  offences,  without  having  an  opportunity  of  making  his 
defence.  That  we  think  the  legislature  of  Great  Britain  is  not 
authorized,  by  the  constitution,  to  establish  a  religion,  fraught  with 
sanguinary  and  impious  tenets,  or  to  erect  an  arbitrary  form  of 
government,  in  any  quarter  of  the  globe.     These  rights  we,  as  well 

*  Adopted  October  21, 1774. — Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  i.,  p.  36. 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS— 1774.         387 

as  you,  deem  sacred  ;  and  yet,  sacred  as  they  are,  they  have,  with 
many  others,  been  repeatedly  and  flagrantly  violated. 

Are  not  the  proprietors  of  the  soil  of  Great  Britain,  lords  of  their 
own  property  ?  can  it  be  taken  from  them  without  their  consent  ? 
will  they  yield  it  to  the  arbitrary  disposal  of  any  man,  or  number  of 
men  whatever  ?  You  know  they  will  not.  Why  then  are  the 
proprietors  of  the  soil  in  America  less  lords  of  their  property  than 
you  are  of  yours  ?  or  why  should  they  submit  it  to  the  disposal  of 
your  parliament,  or  of  any  other  parliament,  or  council  in  the  world, 
not  of  their  election  ?  Can  the  intervention  of  the  sea  that  divides 
us,  cause  disparity  in  rights,  or  can  any  reason  be  given  why 
English  subjects  who  live  three  thousand  miles  from  the  royal 
palace,  should  enjoy  less  liberty  than  those  who  are  three  hundred 
miles  distant  from  it  ? 

Reason  looks  with  indignation  on  such  distinctions,  and  freemen 
can  never  perceive  their  propriety.  And  yet,  however  chimerical 
and  unjust  such  discriminations  are,  the  parliament  assert  they  have 
a  right  to  bind  us,  in  all  cases,  without  exception,  whether  we  con- 
sent or  not  ;  that  they  may  take  and  use  our  property  when  and  in 
what  manner  they  please  ;  that  we  are  pensioners  on  their  bounty,  for 
all  that  we  possess,  and  can  hold  it  no  longer  than  they  vouchsafe  to 
permit.  Such  declarations  we  consider  as  heresies  in  English  poli- 
tics ;  and  which  can  no  more  operate  to  deprive  us  of  our  property, 
than  the  interdicts  of  the  pope  can  divest  kings  of  sceptres,  which 
the  laws  of  the  land  and  the  voice  of  the  people  have  placed  in  their 
hands. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  late  war — a  war  rendered  glorious  by  the 
abilities  and  integrity  of  a  minister,  to  whose  efforts  the  British 
empire  owes  its  safety  and  its  fame  ;  at  the  conclusion  of  this  war, 
which  was  succeeded  by  an  inglorious  peace,  formed  under  the 
auspices  of  a  minister  of  principles  and  of  a  family  unfriendly  to 
the  Protestant  cause,  and  inimical  to  liberty  :  we  say,  at  this  period, 
and  under  the  influence  of  that  man,  a  plan  for  enslaving  your  fellow 
subjects  in  America  was  concerted,  and  has  ever  since  been  pertina- 
ciously carrying  into  execution. 

Prior  to  this  era  you  were  content  with  drawing  from  us  the 
wealth  produced  by  our  commerce.  You  constrained  our  trade  in 
every  way  that  would  conduce  to  your  emoluments.  You  exercised 
unbounded  sovereignty  over  the  sea.  You  named  the  ports  and 
nations  to  which  alone  our  merchandise  should  be  carried,  and  with 
whom  alone  we  should  trade  :  and  though  some  of  these  restrictions 
were  grievous,  we  nevertheless  did  not  complain  ;  we  looked  up  to 
you  as  to  our  parent  state,  to  which  we  were  bound  by  the  strongest 
ties,  and  were  happy  in  being  instrumental  to  your  prosperity  and 
your  grandeur. 

We  call  upon  you  yourselves,  to  witness  our  loyalty  and  attach- 
ment to  the  common  interest  of  the  whole  empire  :  did  we  not,  in 
the  last  war,  add  all  the  strength  of  this  vast  continent  to  the  force 
which  repelled  our  common  enemy  ?  did  we  not  leave  our  native 
shores,  and  meet  disease  and  death,  to  promote  the  success  of  British 


388  APPENDIX. 

arms  iii  foreign  climates  ?  did  you  not  thank  us  for  our  zeal,  and  even 
reimburse  us  large  sums  of  money,  which  you  confessed  we  had 
advanced  beyond  our  proportion  and  far  beyond  our  abilities  ?  You 
did. 

To  what  causes,  then,  are  we  to  attribute  the  sudden  change  of 
treatment,  and  that  system  of  slavery  which  was  prepared  for  us  at 
the  restoration  of  peace  ? 

Before  we  had  recovered  from  the  distresses  which  ever  attend 
war,  an  attempt  was  made  to  drain  this  country  of  all  its  money,  by 
the  oppressive,  stamp  act.  Paint,  glass,  and  other  commodities, 
which  you  would  not  permit  us  to  purchase  of  other  nations,  were 
taxed  ;  nay,  although  no  wine  is  made  in  any  country  subject  to  the 
British  state,  you  prohibited  our  procuring  it  of  foreigners  without 
paying  a  tax,  imposed  by  your  parliament,  on  all  we  imported. 
These  and  many  other  impositions  were  laid  upon  us  most  unjustly 
and  unconstitutionally  for  the  express  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue. 
In  order  to  silence  complaint  it  was,  indeed,  provided,  that  this 
revenue  should  be  expended  in  America,  for  its  protection  and 
defence.  These  exactions,  however,  can  receive  no  justification 
from  a  pretended  necessity  of  protecting  and  defending  us  ;  they  are 
lavishly  squandered  on  court  favorites  and  ministerial  dependants, 
generally  avowed  enemies  to  America,  and  employing  themselves  by 
partial  representations  to  traduce  and  embroil  the  colonies.  For  the 
necessary  support  of  government  here  we  ever  were  and  ever  shall 
be  ready  to  provide.  And  whenever  the  exigencies  of  the  state  may 
require  it,  we  shall,  as  we  have  heretofore  done,  cheerfully  con- 
tribute our  full  proportion  of  men  and  money.  To  enforce  this 
unconstitutional  and  unjust  scheme  of  taxation,  every  fence  that  the 
wisdom  of  our  British  ancestors  had  carefully  erected  against  arbi- 
trary power,  has  been  violently  thrown  down  in  America,  and  the 
inestimable  right  of  trial  by  jury  taken  away  in  cases  that  touch  both 
life  and  property.  It  was  ordained,  that  whenever  offences  should 
be  committed  in  the  colonies  against  particular  acts,  imposing  various 
duties  and  restrictions  upon  trade,  the  prosecutor  might  bring  his 
action  for  penalties  in  the  courts  of  admiralty  ;  by  which  means  the 
subject  lost  the  advantage  of  being  tried  by  an  honest  uninfluenced 
jury  of  the  vicinage,  and  was  subjected  to  the  sad  necessity  of  being 
judged  by  a  single  man,  a  creature  of  the  crown,  and  according 
to  the  course  of  a  law,  which  exempted  the  prosecutor  of  the  trouble 
of  proving  his  accusation,  and  obliges  the  defender  either  to  evince 
his  innocence,  or  suffer.  To  give  this  new  judiciary  the  greater 
importance,  and  as  if  with  design  to  protect  false  accusers,  it  is 
further  provided,  that  the  judge's  certificate  of  there  having  been 
probable  causes  of  seizure  and  prosecution,  shall  protect  the  prose- 
cutors from  actions  at  common  law  for  recovery  of  damages. 

By  the  course  of  our  laws,  offences  committed  in  such  of  the 
British  dominions,  in  which  courts  are  established  and  justice  duly 
and  regularly  administered,  shall  be  there  tried  by  a  jury  of  the 
vicinage.     There  the  offenders  and  the  witnesses  are  known,  and  the 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS— 1774.         369 

degree  of  credibility?  to  be  given  to  their  testimony  can  be  ascer- 
tained. 

In  all  these  colonies,  justice  is  regularly  and  impartially  adminis- 
tered, and  yet,  by  the  construction  of  some,  and  the  direction  of 
other  acts  of  parliament,  offenders  are  to  be  taken  by  force,  together 
with  all  such  persons  as  may  be  pointed  out  as  witnesses,  and  car- 
ried to  England,  there  to  be  tried  in  a  distant  land,  by  a  jury  of 
strangers,  and  subject  to  all  the  disadvantages  that  result  from  want 
of  friends,  want  of  witnesses,  and  want  of  money. 

When  the  design  of  raising  a  revenue,  from  the  duties  imposed  on 
the  importation  of  tea  in  America,  had  in  a  great  measure  been  ren- 
dered abortive,  by  our  ceasing  to  import  that  commodity,  a  scheme 
was  concerted  by  the  ministry  with  the  East  India  company,  and  an 
act  passed,  enabling  and  encouraging  them  to  transport  and  vend 
it  in  the  colonies.  Aware  of  the  danger  of  giving  success  to  this 
insidious  manoeuvre,  and  of  permitting  a  precedent  of  taxation  thus 
to  be  established  among  us,  various  methods  were  adopted  to  elude 
the  stroke.  The  people  of  Boston,  then  ruled  by  a  governor  whom, 
as  well  as  his  predecessor,  Sir  Francis  Bernard,  all  America  considers 
as  her  enemy,  were  exceedingly  embarrassed.  The  ships  which  had 
arrived  with  the  tea  were,  by  his  management,  prevented  from  re- 
turning. The  duties  would  have  been  paid,  the  cargoes  landed  and 
exposed  to  sale  ;  a  governor's  influence  would  have  procured  and  pro- 
tected many  purchasers.  While  the  town  was  suspended  by  deli- 
berations on  this  important  subject,  the  tea  was  destroyed.  Even 
supposing  a  trespass  was  thereby  committed,  and  the  proprietors  of  the 
tea  entitled  to  damages,  the  courts  of  law  were  open,  and  judges, 
appointed  by  the  crown,  presided  in  them.  The  East  India  com- 
pany, however,  did  not  think  proper  to  commence  any  suits,  nor  did 
they  even  demand  satisfaction,  either  from  individuals  or  from  the 
community  in  general.  The  ministry,  it  seems,  officially  made  the 
case  their  own,  and  the  great  council  of  the  nation  descended  to 
intermeddle  with  a  dispute  about  private  property.  Divers  papers, 
letters,  and  other  unauthenticated  ex-parte  evidence  were  laid  before 
them  ;  neither  the  persons  who  destroyed  the  tea  nor  the  people  of 
Boston,  were  called  upon  to  answer  the  complaint.  The  ministry, 
incensed  by  being  disappointed  in  a  favorite  scheme,  were  deter- 
mined to  recur  from  the  little  arts  of  finesse,  to  open  force  and 
unmanly  violence.  The  port  of  Boston  was  blocked  up  by  a  fleet, 
and  an  army  placed  in  the  town.  Their  trade  was  to  be  suspended, 
and  thousands  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  gaining  subsistence  from 
charity,  till  they  should  submit  to  pass  under  the  yoke,  and  consent 
to  become  slaves,  by  confessing  the  omnipotence  of  parliament,  and 
acquiescing  in  whatever  disposition  they  might  think  proper  to  make 
of  their  lives  and  property. 

Let  justice  and  humanity  cease  to  be  the  boast  of  your  nation  ! 
consult  your  history,  examine  your  records  of  former  transactions  ; 
nay,  turn  to  the  annals  of  the  many  arbitrary  states  and  kingdoms 
that  surround  you,  and  show  us  a  single  instance  of  men  being  con- 
demned to  suffer  for  imputed  crimes,  unheard,   unquestioned,  and 


390  APPENDIX. 

without  even  the  specious  formality  of  a  trial  ;  and  that,  too,  by  laws 
made  expressly  for  the  purpose,  and  which  had  no  existence  at  the 
time  of  the  fact  committed.  If  it  be  difficult  to  reconcile  these  pro- 
ceedings to  the  genius  and  temper  of  your  laws  and  constitution,  the 
task  will  become  more  arduous  when  we  call  upon  our  ministerial 
enemies  to  justify,  not  only  condemning  men  untried  and  by  hearsay, 
but  involving  the  innocent  in  one  common  punishment  with  the  guilty, 
and  for  the  acts  of  thirty  or  forty,  to  bring  poverty,  distress,  and 
calamity,  on  thirty  thousand  souls,  and  these  not  your  enemies,  but 
your  friends,  brethren,  and  fellow  subjects. 

It  would  be  some  consolation  to  us,  if  the  catalogue  of  American 
oppressions  ended  here.  It  gives  us  pain  to  be  reduced  to  the  neces- 
sity of  reminding  you,  that  under  the  confidence  reposed  in  the  faith 
of  government,  pledged  in  a  royal  charter  from  the  British  sovereign, 
the  forefathers  of  the  present  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  left 
their  former  habitations,  and  established  that  great,  flourishing,  and 
loval  colony.  Without  incurring  or  being  charged  with  a  forfeiture 
of  their  right,  without  being  heard,  without  being  tried,  and  without 
justice,  by  an  act  of  parliament  this  charter  is  destroyed,  their 
liberties  violated,  their  constitution  and  form  of  government  changed  ; 
and  all  this  upon  no  better  pretence  than  because  in  one  of  their 
towns  a  trespass  was  committed  upon  some  merchandise,  said  to 
belong  to  one  of  the  companies,  and  because  the  ministry  were  of 
opinion,  that  such  high  political  regulations  were  necessary  to  due 
subordination  and  obedience  to  these  mandates. 

Nor  are  these  the  only  capital  grievances  under  which  we  labor : 
we  might  tell  of  dissolute,  weak,  and  wicked  governors  having  been 
set  over  us  ;  of  legislatures  being  suspended  for  asserting  the  rights 
of  British  subjects  ;  of  needy  and  ignorant  dependants  on  great  men 
advanced  to  the  seats  of  justice,  and  to  other  places  of  trust  and 
importance  ;  of  hard  restrictions  on  commerce,  and  a  great  variety 
of  lesser  evils,  the  recollection  of  which  is  almost  lost  under  the 
pressure  and  weight  of  greater  and  more  poignant  calamities. 

Now  mark  the  progression  of  the  ministerial  plan  for  enslaving 
us. 

Well  aware  that  such  hardy  attempts  to  take  our  property  from  us, 
to  deprive  us  of  that  valuable  right  of  trial  by  jury,  to  seize  our  per- 
sons and  carry  us  for  trial  to  Great  Britain,  to  blockade  our  ports,  to 
destroy  our  charters,  and  change  our  form  of  government,  would 
occasion,  and  had  already  occasioned,  great  discontent  in  the  colo- 
nies, which  would  produce  opposition  to  these  measures,  an  act  was 
passed  to  protect,  indemnify,  and  screen  from  punishment,  such  as 
might  be  guilty  even  of  murder,  in  endeavoring  to  carry  their  oppres- 
sive edicts  into  execution  ;  and  by  another  act  the  dominion  of 
Canada  is  to  be  so  extended,  modelled,  and  governed,  as  that  by 
being  disunited  from  us,  detached  from  our  interests,  by  civil  as  well 
as  religious  prejudices,  that  by  their  numbers  daily  swelling  with 
Catholic  emigrants  from  Europe,  and  by  their  devotion  to  adminis- 
tration, so  friendly  to  their  religion,  they  might  become  formidable  to 
us,  and  on  occasion,  be  fit  instruments  in  the  hands  of  power  to 


ADDRESSES,  &c.,  OF  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS— 1771.        391 

reduce  the   ancient,  free  Protestant  colonies  to  the  same  state  of 
slavery  with  themselves. 

This  was  evidently  the  object  of  the  act  ;  and  in  this  view,  being 
extremely  dangerous  to  our  liberty  and  quiet,  we  cannot  forbear  com- 
plaining of  it,  as  hostile  to  British  America.  Superadded  to  these 
considerations,  we  cannot  help  deploring  the  unhappy  condition  to 
which  it  has  reduced  the  many  English  settlers,  who,  encouraged 
by  the  royal  proclamation,  promising  the  enjoyment  of  all  their 
rights,  have  purchased  estates  in  that  country.  They  are  now  the 
subjects  of  an  arbitrary  government,  deprived  of  trial  by  jury,  and 
when  imprisoned,  cannot  claim  the  benefit  of  the  habeas  corpus  act, 
that  great  bulwark  and  palladium  of  English  liberty  ;  nor  can  we 
suppress  our  astonishment,  that  a  British  parliament  should  ever  con- 
sent  to  establish  in  that  country  a  religion  that  has  deluged  your 
island  in  blood,  and  dispersed  impiety,  bigotry,  persecution,  murder, 
and  rebellion,  through  every  part  of  the  world. 

This  being  a  true  state  of  facts,  let  us  beseech  you  to  consider  to 
what  end  they  lead. 

Admit  the  ministry,  by  the  powers  of  Britain,  and  the  aid  of  our 
Roman  Catholic  neighbors,  should  be  able  to  carry  the  point  of  tax- 
ation, and  reduce  us  to  a  state  of  perfect  humiliation  and  slavery. 
Such  an  enterprise  would  doubtless  make  some  addition  to  your 
national  debt,  which  already  presses  down  your  liberty,  and  fills  you 
with  pensioners  and  placemen.  We  presume,  also,  that  your  com- 
merce will  be  somewhat  diminished.  However,  suppose  you  should 
prove  victorious,  in  what  condition  will  you  then  be  ?  What  advan- 
tages or  what  laurels  will  you  reap  from  such  a  conquest  ? 

May  not  a  ministry  with  the  same  armies  enslave  you  ? — it  may  be 
said,  you  will  cease  to  pay  them  ;  but  remember  the  taxes  from 
America,  the  wealth,  and  we  may  add  the  men,  and  particularly  the 
Roman  Catholics  of  this  vast  continent,  will  then  be  in  the  power  of 
your  enemies  ;  nor  will  you  have  any  reason  to  expect,  that  after 
making  slaves  of  us,  many  among  us  should  refuse  to  assist  in 
reducing  you  to  the  same  abject  state. 

Do  not  treat  this  as  chimerical.  Know,  that  in  less  than  half  a 
centurv,  the  quit  rents  reserved  for  the  crown,  from  the  numberless 
grantsof  this  vast  continent,  will  pour  large  streams  of  wealth  into 
the  royal  coffers  ;  and  if  to  this  be  added  the  power  of  taxing  America 
at  pleasure,  the  crown  will  be  rendered  independent  of  you  for  sup- 
plies, and  will  possess  more  treasure  than  may  be  necessary  to 
purchase  the  remains  of  liberty  in  your  island.  In  a  word,  take 
care  that  you  do  not  fall  into  the  pit  that  is  preparing  for  us. 

We  believe  there  is  yet  much  virtue,  much  justice,  and  much 
public  spirit  in  the  English  nation.  To  that  justice  we  now  appeal. 
You  have  been  told  that  we  are  seditious,  impatient  of  government, 
and  desirous  of  independency.  Be  assured  that  these  are  not  facts, 
but  calumnies.  Permit  us  to  be  as  free  as  vourselvcs,  and  we  shall 
ever  esteem  a  union  with  you  to  be  our  greatest  glory  and  our  great 
est  happiness  ;  we  shall  ever  be  ready  to  contribute  all  in  our  power 
to  the  welfare  of  the  empire  ',  we  shall  consider  your  enemies  as  our 


392  APPENDIX. 

enemies,  and  your  interest  as  our  own.  But,  if  you  are  determined 
that  your  ministers  shall  wantonly  sport  with  the  rights  of  mankind— 
if  neither  the  voice  of  justice,  the  dictates  of  the  law,  the  principles 
of  the  constitution,  nor  the  suggestions  of  humanity,  can  restrain  your 
hands  from  shedding  human  blood  in  such  an  impious  cause,  we 
must  tell  you,  that  we  will  never  submit  to  be  hewers  of  wood  or 
drawers  of  water,  for  any  ministry  or  nation  in  the  world. 

Place  us  in  the  same  situation  that  we  were  at  the  close  of  the 
last  war,  and  our  former  harmony  will  be  restored. 

But,  lest  the  same  supineness,  and  the  same  inattention  to  our 
common  interest,  which  you  have  for  several  years  shown,  should 
continue,  we  think  it  prudent  to  anticipate  the  consequences. 

By  the  destruction  of  the  trade  of  Boston,  the  ministry  have 
endeavored  to  induce  submission  to  their  measures.  The  like  fate 
may  befall  us  all.  We  will  endeavor,  therefore,  to  live  without 
trade,  and  recur,  for  subsistence,  to  the  fertility  and  bounty  of  our 
native  soil,  which  will  afford  us  all  the  necessaries,  and  some  of  the 
conveniences,  of  life.  We  have  suspended  our  importation  from 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland  ;  and,  in  less  than  a  year's  time,  unless 
our  grievances  should  be  redressed,  shall  discontinue  our  exports  to 
those  kingdoms  and  to  the  West  Indies. 

It  is  with  the  utmost  regret,  however,  that  we  find  ourselves  com- 
pelled, by  the  overruling  principles  of  self-preservation,  to  adopt 
measures  detrimental  in  their  consequences  to  numbers  of  our 
fellow  subjects  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  But  we  hope  that  the 
magnanimity  and  justice  of  the  British  nation  will  furnish  a  parlia- 
ment of  such  wisdom,  independence,  and  public  spirit,  as  may  save 
the  violated  rights  of  the  whole  empire  from  the  devices  of  wicked 
ministers  and  evil  counsellors,  whether  in  or  out  of  office  ;  and 
thereby  restore  that  harmony,  friendship,  and  fraternal  affection, 
between  all  the  inhabitants  of  his  majesty's  kingdoms  and  territories, 
so  ardently  wished  for  by  every  true  and  honest  American. 

The  congress  then  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  memorial  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  British  colonies,  and  the  same,  being  debated 
by  paragraphs  and  amended,  was  approved,  and  is  as  follows  : — 


TO   THE   INHABITANTS   OF   THE   SEVERAL  ANGLO-AMERICAN 
COLONIES.* 

We,  the  delegates  appointed,  by  the  good  people  of  these  colonies, 
to  meet  at  Philadelphia,  in  September  last,  for  the  purposes  men- 
tioned by  our  respective  constituents,  have,  in  pursuance  of  the  trust 
reposed  in  us,  assembled,  and  taken  into  our  most  serious  considera- 
tion, the  important  matters  recommended  to  the  congress.  Our 
resolutions  thereupon  will  be  herewith  communicated  to  you.  But, 
as  the  situation  of  public  affairs  grows  daily  more  and  more  alarm- 
ing ;  and  as  it  may  be  more  satisfactory  to  you  to  be  inform ed  by 

*  Adopted  October  21,  1774.— Journal  of  Congress,  Vol.  1,  p.  43. 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  TIIE  FIRST  CONGRESS— 1774.         393 

us  in  a  collective  body,  than  in  any  other  manner,  of  those  senti- 
ments that  have  been  approved  upon  a  full  and  free  discussion,  by 
the  representatives  of  so  great  a  part  of  America,  we  esteem  ourselves 
obliged  to  add  this  address  to  these  resolutions. 

In  every  case  of  opposition  by  a  people  to  their  rulers,  or  of  one 
state  to  another,  duty  to  Almighty  God,  the  creator  of  all,  requires 
that  a  true  and  impartial  judgment  be  formed  of  the  measures  lead- 
ing to  such  opposition  ;  and  of  the  causes  by  which  it  has  been 
provoked,  or  can  in  any  degree  be  justified,  that  neither  affection  on 
one  hand,  nor  resentment  on  the  other,  being  permitted  to  give  a 
wrong  bias  to  reason,  it  may  be  enabled  to  take  a  dispassionate  view 
of  all  circumstances,  and  to  settle  the  public  conduct  on  the  solid 
foundations  of  wisdom  and  justice. 

From  councils  thus  tempered  arise  the  surest  hopes  of  the  divine 
favor,  the  firmest,  encouragement  of  the  parties  engaged,  and  the 
strongest  recommendation  of  their  cause  to  the  rest  of  mankind. 

With  minds  deeply  impressed  by  a  sense  of  these  truths,  we  have 
diligently,  deliberately,  and  calmly  inquired  into  and  considered  those 
exertions,  both  of  the  legislative  and  executive  power  of  Great 
Britain,  which  have  excited  so  much  uneasiness  in  America,  and 
have  with  equal  fidelity  and  attention  considered  the  conduct  of  the 
colonies.  Upon  the  whole,  we  find  ourselves  reduced  to  the  dis- 
agreeable alternative  of  being  silent  and  betraying  the  innocent,  or 
of  speaking  out  and  censuring  those  we  wish  to  revere.  In  making 
our  choice  of  these  distressing  difficulties,  we  prefer  the  course 
dictated  by  honesty  and  a  regard  for  the  welfare  of  our  country. 

Soon  after  the  conclusion  of  the  late  war  there  commenced  a 
memorable  change  in  the  treatment  of  these  colonies.  By  a  statute 
made  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  present  reign,  a  time  of  profound 
peace,  alleging  "  the  expediency  of  new  provisions  and  regulations 
for  extending  the  commerce  between  Great  Britain  and  his  majesty's 
dominions  in  America,  and  the  necessity  of  raising  a  revenue  in  the 
said  dominions,  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  defending,  protecting, 
and  securing  the  same,"  the  commons  of  Great  Britain  undertook  to 
give  and  grant  to  his  majesty  many  rates  and  duties  to  be  paid  in 
these  colonies.  To  enforce  the  observance  of  this  act,  it  prescribes 
a  great  number  of  severe  penalties  and  forfeitures  ;  and  in  two  sec- 
tions makes  a  remarkable  distinction  between  the  subjects  in  Great 
Britain  and  those  in  America.  By  the  one,  the  penalties  and  for- 
feitures incurred  there  are  to  be  recovered  in  any  of  the  king's  courts 
of  record  at  Westminster,  or  in  the  court  of  exchequer  in  Scotland ; 
and  by  the  other,  the  penalties  and  forfeitures  incurred  here  are  to  be 
recovered  in  any  court  of  record,  or  in  any  court  of  admiralty  or  vice- 
admiralty,  at  the  election  of  the  informer  or  prosecutor. 

The  inhabitants  of  these  colonies,  confiding  in  the  justice  of  Great 
Britain,  were  scarcely  allowed  sufficient  time  to  receive  and  consider 
this  act,  before  another,  well  known  by  the  name  of  the  stamp  act, 
and  passed  in  the  fifth  year  of  this  reign,  engrossed  their  whole  atten- 
tion. By  this  statute  the  British  parliament  exercised  in  the  most 
explicit  manner  a  power  of  taxing  us,  and  extending  the  jurisdiction 

20 


394  APPENDIX. 

of  courts  of  admiralty  and  vice-admiralty  in  the  colonies  to  mat- 
ters arising  within  the  body  of  a  county,  and  directed  the  numerous 
penalty  and  forfeitures  thereby  inflicted  to  be  recovered  in  the  said 
courts. ' 

In  the  same  year  a  tax  was  imposed  upon  us  by  an  act  establish- 
ing several  new  fees  in  the  customs.  In  the  next  year  the  stamp  act 
was  repealed,  jiot  because  it  was  founded  in  an  erroneous  principle, 
but,  as  the  repealing  act  recites,  because  "  the  continuance  thereof 
would  be  attended  with  many  inconveniences,  and  might  be  product- 
ive of  consequences  greatly  detrimental  to  the  commercial  interest  of 
Great  Britain." 

In  the  same  year,  and  by  a  subsequent  act,  it  was  declared,  "  that 
his  majesty  in  parliament,  of  right,  had  power  to  bind  the  people  of 
these  colonies  by  statutes  in  all  cases  whatsoever."  In  the  same 
year  another  act  was  passed  for  imposing  rates  and  duties  payable  in 
these  colonies.  In  this  statute  the  commons,  avoiding  the  terms  of 
giving  and  granting,  "  humbly  besought  his  majesty  that  it  might  be 
enacted,  &c."  But  from  a  declaration  in  the  preamble,  that  the 
rates  and  duties  were  "  in  lieu  of"  several  others  granted  by  the 
statute  first  before  mentioned  for  raising  a  revenue,  and  from  some 
other  expressions,  it  appears  that  these  duties  were  intended  for 
that  purpose. 

In  the  next  year  (1767)  an  act  was  made  "  to  enable  his  majesty 
to  put  the  customs  and  other  duties  in  America  under  the  manage- 
ment of  commissioners,"  &c,  and  the  king  thereupon  erected  the 
present  expensive  board  of  commissioners,  for  the  express  purpose 
of  carrying  into  execution  the  several  acts  relating  to  the  revenue 
and  trade  in  America. 

After  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  having  again  resigned  ourselves 
to  our  ancient  unsuspicious  affections  for  the  parent  state,  and 
anxious  to  avoid  any  controversy  with  her,  in  hopes  of  a  favorable 
alteration  in  sentiments  and  measures  towards  us,  we  did  not  press 
our  objections  against  the  above  mentioned  statutes  made  subsequent 
to  that  repeal. 

Administration  attributing  to  trifling  causes,  a  conduct  that 
really  proceeded  from  generous  motives,  were  encouraged  in  the 
same  year  (1767)  to  make  a  bolder  experiment  on  the  patience  of 
America. 

By  a  statute  commonly  called  the  glass,  paper,  and  tea  act,  made 
fifteen  months  after  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  the  commons  of 
Great  Britain  resumed  their  former  language,  and  again  undertook 
to  "  give  and  grant  rates  and  duties  to  be  paid  in  these  colonies," 
for  the  express*  purpose  of  "  raising  a  revenue  to  defray  the  charges- 
of  the  administration  of  justice,  the  support  of  civil  government, 
and  defending  the  king's  dominions,"  on  this  continent.  The  penal- 
ties and  forfeitures  incurred  under  this  statute  are  to  be  recovered  in 
the  same  manner  with  those  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  acts. 

To  this  statute,  so  naturally  tending  to  disturb  the  tranquillity  then 
universal  throughout  the  colonies,  parliament  in  the  same  session 
added  another  no  less  extraordinary. 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS— 1774.         395 

Ever  since  the  making  the  present  peace  a  standing  army  has 
been  kept  in  these  colonies.  From  respect  for  the  mother  country 
the  innovation  was  not  only  tolerated,  but  the  provincial  legislatures 
generally  made  provision  for  supplying  the  troops. 

The  assembly  of  the  province  of  New  York  having  passed  an  act 
of  this  kind,  but  differing  in  some  articles  from  the  directions  of  the 
act  of  parliament  made  in  the  fifth  year  of  this  reign,  the  house  of 
representatives  in  that  colony  was  prohibited  by  a  statute  made  in  the 
last  session  mentioned  from  making  any  bill,  order,  resolution,  or  vote, 
except  for  adjourning  or  choosing  a  speaker,  until  provision  should 
be  made  by  the  said  assembly  for  furnishing  the  troops  within  that 
province,  not  only  with  all  such  necessaries  as  were  required  by  the 
statute,  which  they  were  charged  with  disobeying,  but  also  with 
those  required  by  two  other  subsequent  statutes,  which  were 
declared  to  be  in  force  until  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  March,  1769. 

These  statutes  of  the  year  1767,  revived  the  apprehensions  and 
discontents  that  had  entirely  subsided  on  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act ; 
and,  amidst  the  just  fears  and  jealousies  thereby  occasioned,  a  statute 
was  made  in  the  next  year  (1768)  to  establish  courts  of  admiralty 
and  vice-admiralty  on  a  new  model,  expressly  for  the  end  of  more 
effectually  recovering  of  the  penalties  and  forfeitures  inflicted  by 
acts  of  parliament  framed  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in 
America,  &c.  The  immediate  tendency  of  these  statutes  is  to  sub- 
vert the  right  of  having  a  share  in  legislation  by  rendering  assem- 
blies useless  ;  the  right  of  property,  by  taking  the  money  of  the 
colonists  without  their  consent  ;  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  by  sub- 
stituting in  their  places  trials  in  admiralty  and  vice-admiralty  courts, 
where  single  judges  preside,  holding  their  commissions  during 
pleasure,  and  unduly  to  influence  the  courts  of  common  law  by 
rendering  the  judges  thereof  totally  dependent  on  the  crown  for  their 
salaries. 

The  statutes,  not  to  mention  many  others  exceedingly  exception- 
able compared  one  with  another,  will  be  found  not  only  to  form  a  regu- 
lar system  in  which  every  part  has  great  force,  but  also  a  pertinacious 
adherence  to  that  system  for  subjugating  these  colonies,  that  are  not, 
and  from  local  circumstances  cannot,  be  represented  in  the  house  of 
commons,  to  the  uncontrollable  and  unlimited  power  of  parliament, 
in  violation  of  their  undoubted  rights  and  liberties,  in  contempt  of 
their  humble  and  repeated  supplications. 

This  conduct  must  appear  equally  astonishing  and  unjustifiable 
when  it.  is  considered  how  unprovoked  it  has  been  by  any  behavior  of 
these  colonies.  From  their  first  settlement  their  bitterest  enemies 
never  fixed  on  any  of  them  any  charge  of  disloyalty  to  their  sovereign 
or  disaffection  to  their  mother  country.  In  the  wars  she  has  carried 
on  they  have  exerted  themselves,  whenever  required,  in  giving  her 
assistance  ;  and  have  rendered  her  services  which  she  has  publicly 
acknowledged  to  be  extremely  important.  Their  fidelity,  duty,  and 
usefulness  during  the  last  war,  were  frequently  and  affectionately 
confessed  by  his  late  majesty  and  the  present  king. 

The  reproaches  of  those  who  are  most  unfriendly  to  the  freedom 


396  APPENDIX. 

of  America  axe^  principally  levelled  against  the  province  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  but  with  what  little  reason  will  appear  by  the  following 
declarations  of  a  person,  the  truth  of  whose  evidence  in  their  favor 
will  not  be  questioned.  Governor  Bernard  thus  addresses  the  two 
houses  of  assembly  in  his  speech  on  the  24th  of  April,  1762,  "  The 
unanimity  and  despatch  with  which  you  have  complied  with  the 
requisitions  of  his  majesty  require  my  particular  acknowledgment, 
and  it  gives  me  additional  pleasure  to  observe  that  you  have  therein 
acted  under  no  other  influence  than  a  due  sense  of  your  duty,  both 
as  members  of  a  general  empire  and  as  the  body  of  a  particular 
province." 

In  another  speech,  on  the  27th  of  May  in  the  same  year,  he  says, 
"  Whatever  shall  be  the  event  of  the  war,  it  must  be  no  small  satis- 
faction to  us  that  this  province  hath  contributed  its  full  share  to  the 
support  of  it.  Everything  that  hath  been  required  of  it  hath  been 
complied  with  ;  and  the  execution  of  the  powers  committed  to  me 
for  raising  the  provincial  troops  hath  been  as  full  and  complete  as  the 
grant  of  them.  Never  before  were  regiments  so  easily  levied,  so 
well  composed,  and  so  early  in  the  field  as  they  have  been  this  year : 
the  common  people  seem  to  be  animated  with  the  spirit  of  the 
general  court,  and  to  vie  with  them  in  their  readiness  to  serve  the 
king." 

Such  was  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
during  the  last  war.  As  to  their  behavior  before  that  period  it  ought 
not  to  have  been  forgot  in  Great  Britain,  that  not  only  on  every 
occasion  they  had  constantly  and  cheerfully  complied  with  the  fre- 
quent royal  requisitions,  but  that  chiefly  by  their  vigorous  efforts 
Nova  Scotia  was  subdued  in  1710,  and  Louisbourg  in  1745. 

Foreign  quarrels  being  ended,  and  the  domestic  disturbances  that 
quickly  succeeded  on  account  of  the  stamp  act  being  quieted  by  its 
repeal,  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts  Bay  transmitted  an  humble 
address  of  thanks  to  the  king  and  divers  noblemen,  and  soon  after 
passed  a  bill  for  granting  compensation  to  the  sufferers  in  the  disorder 
occasioned  by  that  act. 

These  circumstances  and  the  following  extracts  from  Governor 
Bernard's  letters,  in  1768,  to  the  Earl  of  Shelburne,  secretary  of 
state,  clearly  show  with  what  grateful  tenderness  they  strove  to  bury 
in  oblivion  the  unhappy  occasion  of  the  late  discords,  and  with  what 
respectful  deference  they  endeavored  to  escape  other  subjects  of 
future  controversy.  "  The  house  (says  the  governor),  from  the  time 
of  opening  the  session  to  this  day,  has  shown  a  disposition  to  avoid 
all  dispute  with  me ;  everything  having  passed  with  as  much  good 
humor  as  I  could  desire,  except  only  their  continuing  to  act  in 
addressing  the  king,  remonstrating  to  the  secretary  of  state,  and 
employing  a  separate  agent.  It  is  the  importance  of  this  innovation, 
without  any  wilfulness  of  my  own,  which  induces  me  to  make  this 
remonstrance  at  a  time  when  I  have  a  fair  prospect  of  having  in  all 
other  business  nothing  but  good  to  say  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
house." 

"  They  have   acted  in  all  things,   even  in  their  remonstrance, 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS— 1774.         397 

with  temper  and  moderation  ;  they  have  avoided  some  subjects  of 
dispute,  and  have  laid  a  foundation  for  removing  some  causes  of 
former  altercation." 

"  I  shall  make  such  a  prudent  and  proper  use  of  this  letter  as  I 
hope  will  perfectly  restore  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  this  province, 
for  which  purpose  considerable  steps  have  been  'jnade  by  the  house 
of  representatives." 

The  vindication  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  contained 
in  these  letters,  will  have  greater  force  if  it  be  considered  that  they 
were  written  several  months  after  the  fresh  alarm  given  to  the  colo- 
nies by  the  statutes  passed  in  the  preceding  year. 

In  this  place  it  seems  proper  to  take  notice  of  the  insinuation  of 
one  of  those  statutes,  that  the  interference  of  parliament  was  neces- 
sary to  provide  for  "  defraying  the  charges  of  the  administration  of 
justice,  the  support  of  civil  government,  and  defending  the  king's 
dominions  in  America." 

As  to  the  first  two  articles  of  expense,  every  colony  had  made 
such  provision  as  by  their  respective  assemblies,  the  best  judges  on 
such  occasions,  was  thought  expedient  and  suitable  to  their  several 
circumstances  ;  respecting  the  last,  it  is  well  known  to  all  men,  the 
least  acquainted  with  American  affairs,  that  the  colonies  were 
established  and  generally  defended  themselves  without  the  least 
assistance  from  Great  Britain  ;  and  that  at  the  time  of  her  taxing 
them  by  the  statutes  before  mentioned,  most  of  them  were  laboring 
under  very  heavy  debts  contracted  in  the  last  war.  So  far  were  they 
from  sparing  their  money  when  their  sovereign  constitutionally  asked 
their  aids,  that  during  the  course  of  that  war  parliament  repeatedly 
made  them  compensations  for  the  expenses  of  those  strenuous  efforts 
which,  consulting  their  zeal  rather  than  their  strength,  they  had 
cheerfully  incurred. 

Severe  as  the  acts  of  parliament  before  mentioned  are,  yet  the 
conduct  of  administration  hath  been  equally  injurious  and  irritating 
to  this  devoted  country. 

Under  pretence  of  governing  them,  so  many  new  institutions  uni- 
formly rigid  and  dangerous  have  been  introduced,  as  could  only  be 
expected  from  incensed  masters  for  collecting  the  tribute  or  rather 
the  plunder  of  conquered  provinces. 

By  an  order  of  the  king,  the  authority  of  the  commander-in-chief, 
and  under  him  of  the  brigadier-generals,  in  time  of  peace,  is  rendered 
supreme  in  all  civil  governments  in  America,  and  thus  an  uncon- 
trollable military  power  is  vested  in  officers  not  known  to  the  consti- 
tutions of  these  colonies. 

A  large  body  of  troops,  and  a  considerable  armament  of  ships 
of  war,  have  been  sent  to  assist  in  taking  their  money  without  their 
consent. 

Expensive  and  oppressive  offices  have  been  multiplied,  and  the 
acts  of  corruption  industriously  practised  to  divide  and  destroy. 

■  The  judges  of  the  admiralty  and  vice-admiralty  courts  are  em- 
powered to  receive  their  salaries  and  fees  from  the  effects  to  be  con- 
demned by  themselves. 


398  APPENDIX. 

•  The  commissioners  of  the  customs  are  empowered  to  break  open 
and  enter  houses  without  the  authority  of  any  civil  magistrate,  found- 
ed on  legal  information. 

Judges  of  courts  of  common  law  have  been  made  entirely  depen- 
dent on  the  crown  for  their  commissions  and  salaries.  A  court  has 
been  established  at  Rhode  Island  for  the  purpose  of  taking  colonists 
to  England  to  be  tried.  Humble  and  reasonable  petitions  from  the 
representatives  of  the  people  have  been  frequently  treated  with 
contempt,  and  assemblies  have  been  repeatedly  and  arbitrarily 
dissolved. 

From  some  few  instances  it  will  sufficiently  appear  on  what  pre- 
tences of  justice  those  dissolutions  have  been  founded. 

The  tranquillity  of  the  colonies  having  been  again  disturbed,  as 
has  been  mentioned  by  the  statutes  of  the  year  1767,  the  Earl  of 
Hillsborough,  secretary  of  state,  in  a  letter  to  governor  Bernard, 
dated  April  22,  1768,  censures  the  "presumption"  of  the  house  of 
representatives  for  "  resolving  upon  a  measure  of  so  inflammatory  a 
nature,  as  that  of  writing  to  the  other  colonies  on  the  subject  of  their 
intended  representations  against  some  late  acts  of  parliament,"  then 
declares  that  "  his  majesty  considers  this  step  as  evidently  tending  to 
create  unwarrantable  combinations,  to  excite  an  unjustifiable  opposi- 
tion to  the  constitutional  authority  of  parliament,"  and  afterwards  adds, 
"  It  is  the  king's  pleasure,  that  as  soon  as  the  general  court  is  again 
assembled  at  the  time  prescribed  by  the  charter,  you  should  require 
of  the  house  of  representatives,  in  his  majesty's  name,  to  rescind 
the  resolutions  which  gave  birth  to  the  circular  letter  from  the 
speaker,  and  to  declare  their  disapprobation  of  and  dissent  to  that 
rash  and  hasty  proceeding." 

"  If  the  new  assembly  should  refuse  to  comply  with  his  majesty's 
reasonable  expectation,  it  is  the  king's  pleasure  that  you  should 
immediately  dissolve  them." 

This  letter  being  laid  before  the  house,  and  the  resolution  not 
being  rescinded,  according  to  order  the  assembly  was  dissolved.  A 
letter  of  a  similar  nature  was  sent  to  other  governors  to  procure 
resolutions  approving  the  conduct  of  the  representatives  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  to  be  rescinded  also  ;  and  the  houses  of  representatives 
in  other  colonies  refusing  to  comply,  assemblies  were  dissolved. 

These  mandates  spoke  a  language  to  which  the  ears  of  English 
subjects  had  for  several  generations  been  strangers.  The  nature  of 
assemblies  implies  a  power  and  right  of  deliberation  ;  but  these 
commands  proscribing  the  exercise  of  judgment  on  the  propriety  of 
the  requisitions  made,  left  to  the  assemblies  only  the  election  between 
dictated  submission  and  threatened  punishment  :  a  punishment,  too, 
founded  on  no  other  act  than  such  as  is  deemed  innocent  even  in 
slaves,  of  agreeing  in  petitions  for  redress  of  grievances  that  equally 
affect  all. 

The  hostile  and  unjustifiable  invasion  of  the  town  of  Boston  soon 
followed  these  events  in  the  same  year ;  though  that  town,  the  pro 
vince  in  which  it  is  situated  and  all  the  colonies,  from  abhorrence  of 
a  contest  with  their  parent  state,  permitted  the  execution  even  of 


■ 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS— 1774.       399 

those  statutes  against  which  they  were  so  unanimously  complaining, 
remonstrating,  and  supplicating. 

Administration,  determined  to  subdue  a  spirit  of  freedom  which 
English  ministers  should  have  rejoiced  to  cherish,  entered  into  a 
monopolizing  combination  with  the  East  India  company  to  send  to 
this  continent  vast  quantities  of  tea,  an  article  on  which  a  duty  was 
laid  by  a  statute  that  in  a  particular  manner  attacked  the  liberties  of 
America,  and  which,  therefore,  the  inhabitants  of  these  colonies  had 
resolved  not  to  import.  The  cargo  sent  to  South  Carolina  was 
stored  and  not  allowed  to  be  sold.  Those  sent  to  Philadelphia  and 
New  York  were  not  permitted  to  be  landed.  That  sent  to  Boston 
was  destroyed,  because  Governor  Hutchinson  would  not  suffer  it  to 
be  returned. 

On  the  intelligence  of  these  transactions  arriving  in  Great  Britain, 
the  public-spirited  town  last  mentioned  was  singled  out  for  destruc- 
tion, and  it  was  determined  the  province  it  belongs  to  should  partake 
of  its  fate.  In  the  last  session  of  parliament,  therefore,  were  passed 
the  acts  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  indemnifying  the  mur- 
derers of  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  changing  their 
chartered  constitution  of  government.  To  enforce  these  acts,  that 
province  is  again  invaded  by  a  fleet  and  army. 

To  mention  these  outrageous  proceedings,  is  sufficient  to  explain 
them.  For  though  it  is  pretended  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay  has  been  particularly  disrespectful  to  Great  Britain,  yet,  in  truth, 
the  behavior  of  the  people  in  other  colonies  has  been  an  equal 
"  opposition  to  the  power  assumed  by  parliament."  No  step,  how- 
ever, has  been  taken  against  any  of  the  rest.  This  artful  conduct 
conceals  several  designs.  It  is  expected  that  the  province  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  will  be  irritated  into  some  violent  action  that  may  dis- 
please the  rest  of  the  continent,  or  that  may  induce  the  people  of 
Great  Britain  to  approve  the  meditated  vengeance  of  an  imprudent 
and  exasperated  ministry.  If  the  unexampled  pacific  temper  of  that 
province  shall  disappoint  this  part  of  the  plan,  it  is  hoped  the  other 
colonies  will  be  so  far  intimidated  as  to  desert  their  brethren  suffering 
in  a  common  cause,  and  that  thus  disunited  all  may  be  subdued. 

To  promote  these  designs  another  measure  has  been  pursued.  In 
the  session  of  parliament  last  mentioned,  an  act  was  passed  for 
changing  the  government  of  Quebec,  by  which  act  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion,  instead  of  being  tolerated  as  stipulated  by  the  treaty  of 
peace,  is  established,  and  the  people  there  are  deprived  of  a  right  to 
an  assembly,  trials  by  jury,  and  the  English  laws  in  civil  cases  are 
abolished,  and  instead  thereof,  the  French  laws  are  established,  in 
direct  violation  of  his  majesty's  promise  by  his  royal  proclamation, 
under  the  faith  of  which  many  English  subjects  settled  in  that  pro- 
vince ;  and  the  limits  of  that  province  are  extended  so  as  to  compre- 
hend those  vast  regions  that  lie  adjoining  to  the  northerly  and  westerly 
boundaries  of  these  colonies. 

The  authors  of  this  arbitrary  arrangement  flatter  themselves  that 
the  inhabitants,  deprived  of  liberty  and  artfully  provoked  against 
those  of  another  religion,  will  be  proper  instruments  for  assisting  in 


400  APPENDIX. 

the  oppression  of  such  as  differ  from  them  in  modes  of  government 
and  faith. 

From  the  detail  of  facts  herein  before  recited,  as  well  as  from 
authentic  intelligence  received,  it  is  clear,  beyond  a  doubt,  that  a 
resolution  is  formed  and  now  carrying  into  execution  to  extinguish 
the  freedom  of  these  colonies,  by  subjecting  them  to  a  despotic 
government. 

At  this  unhappy  period  we  have  been  authorized  and  directed  to 
meet  and  consult  together,  for  the  welfare  of  our  common  country. 
We  accepted  the  important  trust  with  diffidence,  but  have  endeavored 
to  discharge  it  with  integrity.  Though  the  state  of  these  colonies 
would  certainly  justify  other  measures  than  we  have  advised,  yet 
weighty  reasons  determined  us  to  prefer  those  which  we  have  adopted. 
In  the  first  place,  it  appeared  to  us  a  conduct  becoming  the  character 
these  colonies  have  ever  sustained,  to  perform,  even  in  the  midst  of 
the  unnatural  distresses  and  immediate  dangers  which  surround 
them,  every  act  of  loyalty,  and,  therefore,  we  were  induced  once 
more  to  offer  to  his  majesty  the  petitions  of  his  faithful  and  oppressed 
subjects  in  America.  Secondly,  regarding,  with  the  tender  affection 
which  we  knew  to  be  so  universal  among  our  countrymen,  the  people 
of  the  kingdom  from  which  we  derive  our  origin,  we  could  not  for- 
bear to  regulate  our  steps  by  an  expectation  of  receiving  full  convic- 
tion that  the  colonists  are  equally  dear  to  them.  Between  these 
provinces  and  that  body  subsists  the  social  band,  which  we  ardently 
wish  may  never  be  dissolved,  and  which  cannot  be  dissolved,  until 
their  minds  shall  become  indisputably  hostile,  or  their  inattention  shall 
permit  those  who  are  thus  hostile  to  persist  in  prosecuting,  with  the 
powers  of  the  realm,  the  destructive  measures  already  operating 
against  the  colonists,  and  in  either  case  shall  reduce  the  latter  to  such 
a  situation  that  they  shall  be  compelled  to  renounce  every  regard  but 
that  of  self-preservation.  Notwithstanding  the  violence  with  which 
affairs  have  been  impelled,  they  have  not  yet  reached  that  fatal  point. 
We  do  not  incline  to  accelerate  their  motion,  already  alarmingly  rapid  ; 
we  have  chosen  a  method  of  opposition  that  does  not  preclude  a  hearty 
reconciliation  with  our  fellow  citizens  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic. 
We  deeply  deplore  the  urgent  necessity  that  presses  us  to  an  imme- 
diate interruption  of  commerce  that  may  prove  injurious  to  them.  We 
trust  they  will  acquit  us  of  any  unkind  intentions  towards  them,  by 
reflecting  that  we  are  driven  by  the  hands  of  violence  into  unex- 
perienced and  unexpected  public  convulsions,  and  that  we  are  con- 
tending for  freedom,  so  often  contended  for  by  our  ancestors. 

The  people  of  England  will  soon  have  an  opportunity  of  declaring 
their  sentiments  concerning  our  cause.  In  their  piety,  generosity, 
and  good  sense,  we  repose  high  confidence  ;  and  cannot,  upon  a 
review  of  past  events,  be  persuaded  that  they,  the  defenders  of  true 
religion,  and  the  asserters  of  the  rights  of  mankind,  will  take  part 
against  their  affectionate  Protestant  brethren  in  the  Colonies,  in  favor 
of  our  open  and  their  own  secret  enemies,  whose  intrigues,  for 
several  years  past,  have  been  wholly  exercised  in  sapping  the  foun 
dations  of  civil  and  religious  liberty. 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS— 1774.         401 

Another  reason  that  engaged  us  to  prefer  the  commercial  mode  of 
opposition,  arose  from  an  assurance  that  the  mode  will  prove  effica- 
cious, if  it  be  persisted  in  with  fidelity  and  virtue  ;  and  that  your 
conduct  will  be  influenced  by  these  laudable  principles,  cannot 
be  questioned.  Your  own  salvation,  and  that  of  your  posterity,  now 
depends  upon  yourselves.  You  have  already  shown  that  you  enter- 
tain a  proper  sense  of  the  blessings  you  are  striving  to  retain. 
Against  the  temporary  inconveniencies  you  may  suffer  from  a  stop- 
page of  trade,  you  will  weigh  in  the  opposite  balance,  the  endless 
miseries  you  and  your  descendants  must  endure,  from  an  established 
arbitrary  power.  You  will  not  forget  the  honor  of  your  country, 
that  must,  from  your  behavior,  take  its  title  in  the  estimation  of 
the  world,  to  glory,  or  to  shame  ;  and  you  will,  with  the  deepest 
attention,  reflect,  that  if  the  peaceable  mode  of  opposition  recom- 
mended by  us,  be  broken  and  rendered  ineffectual,  as  your  cruel 
and  haughty  ministerial  enemies,  from  a  contemptuous  opinion  of 
your  firmness,  insolently  predict  will  be  the  case,  you  must  inevitably 
be  reduced  to  choose  either  a  more  dangerous  contest  or  a  final, 
ruinous,  and  infamous  submission. 

Motives  thus  cogent,  arising  from  the  emergency  of  your  unhappy 
condition,  must  excite  your  utmost  diligence  and  zeal  to  give  all 
possible  strength  and  energy  to  the  pacific  measures  calculated  for 
your  relief :  but  we  think  ourselves  bound,  in  duty,  to  observe  to 
you,  that  the  schemes  agitated  against  these  Colonies,  have  been  so 
conducted  as  to  render  it  prudent  that  you  should  extend  your  views 
to  mournful  events,  and  be,  in  all  respects,  prepared  for  every  con- 
tingency. Above  all  things,  we  earnestly  entreat  you,  with  devotion 
of  spirit,  penitence  of  heart,  and  amendment  of  life,  to  humble  your- 
selves and  implore  the  favor  of  Almighty  God  :  and  wre  fervently 
beseech  his  divine  goodness  to  take  you  into  his  gracious  protection. 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  QUEBEC* 

Friends  and  Fellow-Subjects  : — 

We,  the  delegates  of  the  Colonies  of  New  Hampshire,  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  Connecti- 
cut, New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  the  counties  of  New- 
castle, Kent,  and  Sussex  on  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  deputed  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  Colonies,  to  represent 
them  in  a  general  Congress,  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  province  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  consult  together  concerning  the  best  methods  to 
obtain  redress  of  our  afflicting  grievances  ;  having  accordingly 
assembled,  and  taken  into  our  most  serious  consideration  the  state 
of  public  affairs  on  this  continent,  have  thought  proper  to  address 
your  province,  as  a  member  therein  deeply  interested. 

When  the  fortune  of  war,  after  a  gallant  and  glorious  resistance, 
had  incorporated  you  with  the  body  of  English  subjects,  we  rejoiced 

*  Adooted  Oct.  26,  1774. — Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  i.,  p.  35. 


402  APPENDIX. 

•in  the  truly  valuable  addition,  both  on  our  own  and  your  account ; 
expecting,  as  courage  and  generosity  are  naturally  united,  our  brave 
enemies  would  become  our  hearty  friends,  and  that  the  divine  Being 
would  bless  to  you  the  dispensations  of  his  overruling  providence, 
by  securing  to  you  and  your  latest  posterity,  the  inestimable  advan- 
tages of  a  free  English  constitution  of  government,  which  it  is  the 
privilege  of  all  English  subjects  to  enjoy. 

These  hopes  were  confirmed  by  the  King's  proclamation,  issued 
in  the  year  1763,  plighting  the  public  faith  for  your  full  enjoyment 
of  those  advantages. 

Little  did  we  imagine  that  any  succeeding  ministers  would  so 
audaciously  and  cruelly  arbuse  the  royal  authority,  as  to  withhold 
from  you  the  fruition  of  the  irrevocable  rights  to  which  you  were 
thus  justly  entitled. 

But  since  we  have  lived  to  see  the  unexpected  time  when  minis- 
ters of  this  flagitious  temper,  have  dared  to  violate  the  most  sacred 
compacts  and  obligations,  and  as  you,  educated  under  another  form 
of  government,  have  artfully  been  kept  from  discovering  the  un- 
speakable worth  of  that  form  you  are  now  undoubtedly  entitled  to, 
we  esteem  it  our  duty,  for  the  weighty  reasons  hereinafter  mention- 
ed, to  explain  to  you  some  of  its  most  important  branches. 

"  In  every  human  society,"  says  the  celebrated  Marquis  Beccaria, 
"  there  is  an  effort  continually  tending  to  confer  on  one  part  the 
height  of  power  and  happiness,  and  to  reduce  the  other  to  the  ex- 
treme of  weakness  and  misery.  The  intent  of  good  laws  is  to 
oppose  this  effort,  and  to  diffuse  their  influence  universally  and- 
equally." 

Rulers  stimulated  by  this  pernicious  "  effort,"  and  subjects  ani- 
mated by  the  just  "intent  of  opposing  good  laws  against  it,"  have 
occasioned  that  vast  variety  of  events  that  fill  the  histories  of  so 
many  nations.  All  these  histories  demonstrate  the  truth  of  this 
simple  position,  that  to  live  by  the  will  of  one  man,  or  set  of  men, 
is  the  production  of  misery  to  al]  men. 

On  the  solid  foundation  of  this  principle,  Englishmen  reared  up 
the  fabric  of  their  constitution  with  such  a  strength,  as  for  ages  to 
defy  time,  tyranny,  treachery,  internal  and  foreign  wars  :  and,  as  an 
illustrious  author*  of  your  nation,  hereafter  mentioned,  observes  : — 
"  They  gave  the  people  of  their  Colonies,  the  form  of  their  own 
government,  and  this  government  carrying  prosperity  along  with  it, 
they  have  grown  great  nations  in  the  forests  thev  were  sent  to  in- 
habit." 

In  this  form,  the  first  grand  right,  is  that  of  the  people  having  a 
share  in  their  own  government  by  their  representatives  chosen  by 
themselves,  and,  in  consequence,  of  being  ruled  by  lawrs  which  they 
themselves  approve,  not  by  the  edicts  of  men  over  whom  they  have 
no  control.  This  is  a  bulwark  surrounding  and  defending  their 
property,  so  that  no  portions  of  it  can  legally  be  taken  from  them  but 
with  their  own  full  and  free  consent,  when  they  in  their  judgment 

*  Montesquieu. 


ADDRESSES,"  &c,  OF  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS— 1774.        403 

deem  it  just  and  necessary  to  give  them  for  public  services,  and  pre- 
cisely direct  the  easiest,  cheapest,  and  most  equal  methods  in  which 
they  shall  be  collected. 

The  influence  of  this  right  extends  still  further.  If  money  is 
wanted  by  rulers  who  have  in  any  manner  oppressed  the  people,  they 
may  retain  it  until  their  grievances  are  redressed,  and  thus  peaceably 
procure  relief  without  trusting  to  despised  petitions  or  disturbing  the 
public  tranquillity. 

The  next  great,  right  is  that  of  trial  by  jury.  This  provides,  that 
neither  life,  liberty,  nor  property,  can  be  taken  from  the  possessor 
until  twelve  of  his  unexceptionable  countrymen  and  peers  of  his 
vicinage  who,  from  that  neighborhood  may  reasonably  be  supposed 
to  be  acquainted  with  his  character  and  the  characters  of  the  wit- 
nesses, upon  a  fair  trial  and  full  inquiry,  face  to  face,  in  open  court, 
before  as  many  of  the  people  as  choose  to  attend,  shall  pass  their 
sentence  upon  oath  against  him  ;  a  sentence  that  cannot  injure  him 
without  injuring  their  own  reputation,  and  probably  their  interest 
also  ;  as  the  question  may  turn  on  points  that  in  some  degree  concern 
the  general  welfare,  and  if  it  does  not,  their  verdict  may  form  a  pre- 
cedent that  on  a  similar  trial  of  their  own  may  militate  against 
themselves. 

Another  right  relates  merely  to  the  liberty  of  the  person.  If  a  sub- 
ject is  seized  and  imprisoned,  though  by  order  of  government,  he  may 
by  virtue  of  this  right  immediately  obtain  a  writ  termed  a  habeas 
corpus  from  a  judge,  whose  sworn  duty  it  is  to  grant  it,  and 
thereupon  procure  any  illegal  restraint  to  be  quickly  inquired  into 
and  redressed. 

A  fourth  right,  is  that  of  holding  lands  by  the  tenure  of  easy  rents, 
and  not  by  rigorous  and  oppressive  services,  frequently  forcing  the 
possessors  from  their  families  and  their  business,  to  perform  what 
ought  to  be  done  in  all  well  regulated  states  by  men  hired  for  the 
purpose. 

The  last  right  we  shall  mention,  regards  the  freedom  of  the  press. 
The  importance  of  this  consists,  besides  the  advancement  of  truth, 
science,  morality,  and  arts  in  general,  in  its  diffusion  of  liberal  senti- 
ments on  the  administration  of  government,  its  ready  communication 
of  thoughts  between  subjects,  and  its  consequential  promotion  of 
union  among  them,  whereby  oppressive  officers  are  shamed  or  inti- 
midated into  more  honorable  and  just  modes  of  conducting  affairs. 

These  are  the  invaluable  rights  that  form  a  considerable  part  of 
our  mild  system  of  government  ;  that,  sending  its  equitable  energy 
through  all  ranks  and  classes  of  men,  defends  the  poor  from  the 
rich,  the  weak  from  the  powerful,  the  industrious  from  the  rapacious, 
the  peaceable  from  the  violent,  the  tenants  from  the  lords,  and  all 
from  their  superiors. 

These  are  the  rights  without  which  a  people  cannot  be  free  and 
happy,  and  under  the  protecting  and  encouraging  influence  of  which 
these  colonies  have  hitherto  so  amazingly  flourished  and  increased. 
These  are  the  rights  a  profligate  ministry  are  now  striving  by  force 


404  APPENDIX. 

of  arms  to  ravish  from  us,  and  which  we  are  with  one  mind  resolved 
never  to  resign  but  with  our  lives. 

These  are  the  rights  you  are  entitled  to,  and  ought  at  this  moment 
in  perfection  to  exercise.  And  what  is  offered  to  you  by  the  late  act 
of  parliament  in  their  place  ?  Liberty  of  conscience  in  your  reli- 
gion ?  No.  God  gave  it  to  you ;  and  the  temporal  powers  with 
which  you  have  been  and  are  connected  firmly  stipulated  for  your 
enjoyment  of  it.  If  laws  divine  and  human  could  secure  it  against 
the  despotic  caprices  of  wicked  men,  it  was  secured  before.  Are 
the  French  laws  in  civil  cases  restored  ?  It  seems  so.  But  observe 
the  cautious  kindness  of  the  ministers  who  pretend  to  be  your  bene- 
factors. The  words  of  the  statute  are,  "  that  those  laws  shall  be 
the  rule,  until  they  shall  be  varied  or  altered  by  any  ordinances  of 
the  governor  and  council."  Is  the  "  certainty  and  lenity  of  the 
criminal  law  of  England  and  its  benefits  and  advantages,"  com- 
mended in  the  said  statute,  and  said  to- have  been  "  sensibly  felt  by 
you,"  secured  to  you  and  your  descendants  ?  No.  They  too  are 
subjected  to  arbitrary  "  alterations"  by  the  governor  and  council  ; 
and  a  power  is  expressly  reserved  of  appointing  "  such  courts  of 
criminal,  civil,  and  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  as  shall  be  thought 
proper."  Such  is  the  precarious  tenure  of  mere  will  by  which  you 
hold  your  lives  and  religion.  The  crown  and  its  ministers  are  em- 
powered as  far  as  they  could  be  by  parliament  to  establish  even  the 
inquisition  itself  among  you.  Have  you  an  assembly  composed  of 
worthy  men,  elected  by  yourselves,  and  in  whom  you  can  confide, 
to  make  laws  for  you,  to  watch  over  your  welfare,  and  to  direct 
in  what  quantity  and  in  what  manner  your  money  shall  be 
taken  from  you  ?  No.  The  power  of  making  laws  for  you  is 
lodged  in  the  governor  and  council,  all  of  them  dependent  upon 
and  removable  at  the  pleasure  of  a  minister.  Besides,  another 
late  statute,  made  without  your  consent,  has  subjected  you  to  the 
impositions  of  excise,  the  horror  of  all  free  states,  thus  wresting 
your  property  from  you  by  the- most  odious  of  taxes,  and  laying 
open  to  insolent  tax-gatherers,  houses,  the  scenes  of  domestic 
peace  and  comfort,  and  called  the  castles  of  English  subjects  in 
the  books  of  their  law.  And  in  the  very  act  for  altering  your  govern- 
ment, and  intended  to  flatter  you,  you  are  not  authorized  to 
"  assess,  levy,  or  apply  any  rates  and  taxes,  but  for  the  inferior  pur- 
poses of  making  roads,  and  erecting  and  repairing  public  buildings,  or 
for  other  local  conveniences  within  your  respective  towns  and  dis- 
tricts." Why  this  degrading  distinction  ?  Ought  not  the  property 
honestly  acquired  by  Canadians  to  be  held  as  sacred  as  that  of 
Englishmen  ?  Have  not  Canadians  sense  enough  to  attend  to  any 
other  public  affairs  than  gathering  stones  from  one  place  and  piling 
them  up  in  another  1  Unhappy  people  !  who  are  not  only  injured, 
but  insulted.  Nay,  more  !  With  such  a  superlative  contempt  of 
your  understanding  and  spirit  has  an  insolent  ministry  presumed  to 
think  of  you,  our  respectable  fellow  subjects,  according  to  the  infor- 
mation we  have  received,  as  firmly  to  persuade  themselves  that  your 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS— 1774.        405 

gratitude  for  the  injuries  and  insults  they  have  recently  offered  to 
you,  will  engage  you  to  take  up  arms  and  render  yourselves  the 
ridicule  and  detestation  of  the  world,  by  becoming  tools  in  their 
hands  in  taking  that  freedom  from  us  which  they  have  treacherously 
denied  to  you  ;  the  unavoidable  consequences  of  which  attempt,  if 
successful,  would  be  the  extinction  of  all  hopes  of  you  or  your  pos- 
terity being  ever  restored  to  freedom  :  for  idiotcy  itself  cannot  believe, 
that  when  their  drudgery  is  performed  they  will  treat  you  with  less 
cruelty  than  they  have  us,  who  are  of  the  same  blood  with  them- 
selves. 

What  would  your  countryman,  the  immortal  Montesquieu,  have 
said  to  such  a  plan  of  domination  as  has  been  framed  for  you  ? 
Hear  his  words,  with  an  intenseness  of  thought  suited  to  the  im- 
portance of  the  subject — "  In  a  free  state,  every  man  who  is  sup- 
posed a  free  agent  ought  to  be  concerned  in  his  own  government  : 
therefore,  the  legislative  should  reside  in  the  whole  body  of  the 
people  or  their  representatives."  "  The  political  liberty  of  the  sub- 
ject is  a  tranquillity  of  mind,  arising  from  the  opinion  each  person 
has  of  his  safety.  In  order  to  have  this  liberty,  it  is  requisite  the 
government  be  so  constituted  as  that  one  man  need  not  be  afraid  of 
another.  When  the  power  of  making  laws  and  the  power  of  exe- 
cuting them  are  united  in  the  same  person,  or  in  the  same  body  of 
magistrates,  there  can  be  no  liberty  ;  because  apprehensions  may 
arise  lest  the  same  monarch  or  senate  should  enact  tyrannical  laws  to 
execute  them  in  a  tyrannical  manner." 

"  The  power  of  judging  should  be  exercised  by  persons  taken  from 
the  body  of  the  people,  at  certain  times  of  the  year,  and  pursuant  to 
a  form  and  manner  prescribed  by  law.  There  is  no  liberty,  if  the 
power  of  judging  be  not  separated  from  the  legislative  and  executive 
powers." 

"  Military  men  belong  to  a  profession  which  may  be  useful,  but  is 
often  dangerous."  "  The  enjoyment  of  liberty,  and  even  its  support 
and  preservation,  consists  in  every  man's  being  allowed  to  speak  his 
thoughts,  and  lay  open  his  sentiments." 

Apply  these  decisive  maxims,  sanctified  by  the  authority  of  a  name 
which  all  Europe  reveres,  to  your  own  state.  You  have  a  Governor, 
it  may  be  urged,  vested  with  the  executive  powers,  or  the  powers 
of  administration  :  In  him  and  in  your  Council  is  lodged  the  power 
of  making  laws.  You  have  judges,  who  are  to  decide  every  cause 
afTecling  your  lives,  liberty,  or  property.  Here  is,  indeed,  an  appear- 
ance of  the  several  powers  being  separated  and  distributed  into 
different  hands,  for  checks  upon  one  another  ;  the  only  effectual 
mode  ever  invented  by  the  wit  of  men,  to  promote  their  freedom  and 
prosperity.  But  scorning  to  be  illuded  by  a  tinselled  outside,  and 
exerting  the  natural  sagacity  of  Frenchmen,  examine  the  specious 
device,  and  you  will  find  it,  to  use  an  expression  of  holy  writ,  "  a 
whited  sepulchre,"  for  burying  your  lives,  liberty,  and  property. 

Your  judges  and  your  Legislative  Council,  as  it  is  called,  are 
dependent  on  your  Governor,  and  he  is  dependent  on  the  servant  of 
the  crown  in  Great  Britain.     The  legislative,  executive,  and  judging 


406  APPENDIX. 

powers,  are  all  moved  by  the  nods  of  a  minister.  Privileges  and 
immunities  last  no-  longer  than  his  smiles.  When  he  frowns  their 
feeble  forms  dissolve.  Such  a  treacherous  ingenuity  has  been  ex- 
erted in  drawing  up  the  code  lately  offered  you,  that  every  sentence 
beginning  with  a  benevolent  pretension  concludes  with  a  destructive 
power  ;  and  the  substance  of  the  whole,  divested  of  its  smooth  words, 
is — that  the  crown  and  its  ministers  shall  be  as  absolute  throughout 
your  extended  province  as  the  despots  of  Asia  or  Africa.  What  can 
protect  your  property  from  taxing  edicts,  and  the  rapacity  of  necessi- 
tous and  cruel  masters  ?  your  persons  from  lettres-de-cachet,  jails, 
dungeons,  and  oppressive  services  ?  your  lives  and  general  liberty 
from  arbitrary  and  unfeeling  rulers  ?  We  defy  you,  casting  your 
view  upon  every  side,  to  discover  a  single  circumstance,  promising 
from  any  quarter  the  faintest  hope  of  liberty  to  you,  or  your  pos- 
terity, but  from  an  entire  adoption  into  the  union  of  these  Colonies. 

What  advice  would  the  truly  great  man  before-mentioned,  that 
advocate  of  freedom  and  humanity,  give  you,  were  he  now  living, 
and  knew  that  we,  your  numerous  and  powerful  neighbors,  animated 
by  a  just  love  of  our  invaded  rights,  and  united  by  the  indissoluble 
bands  of  affection  and  interest,  called  upon  you,  by  every  obligation 
of  regard  for  yourselves  and  your  children,  as  we  now  do,  to  join  us 
in  our  righteous  contest,  to  make  common  cause  with  us  therein, 
and  take  a  noble  chance  for  emerging  from  a  humiliating  subjection 
jnder  governors,  intendants,  and  military  tyrants,  into  the  firm  rank 
and  condition  of  English  freemen,  whose  custom  it  is,  derived  from 
their  ancestors,  to  make  those  tremble,  who  dare  to  think  of  making 
them  miserable  ? 

Would  not  this  be  the  purport  of  his  address  ?  "  Seize  the  oppor- 
tunity presented  to  you  by  Providence  itself.  You  have  been  con- 
quered into  liberty,  if  you  act  as  you  ought.  This  work  is  not  of 
man.  You  are  a  small  people  compared  to  those  who,  with  open 
arms,  invite  you  into  a  fellowship.  A  moment's  reflection  should 
convince  you  which  will  be  most  for  your  interest  and  happiness,  to 
have  all  the  rest  of  North  America  your  unalterable  friends,  or  your 
inveterate  enemies.  The  injuries  of  Boston  have  roused  and  asso- 
ciated every  Colony  from  Nova  Scotia  to  Georgia.  Your  province 
is  the  only  link  wanting,  to  complete  the  bright  and  strong  chain  of 
union.  Nature  has  joined  your  country  to  theirs.  Do  you  join 
your  political  interests.  For  their  own  sakes  they  never  will  desert 
or  betray  you.  Be  assured,  that  the  happiness  of  a  people  inevita- 
bly depends  on  their  liberty,  and  their  spirit  to  assert  it.  The  value 
and  extent  of  the  advantages  tendered  to  you  are  immense.  Heaven 
grant  you  may  not  discover  them  to  be  blessings  after  they  have  bid 
you  an  eternal  adieu. 

We  are  too  well  acquainted  with  the  liberality  of  sentiment  dis- 
tinguishing your  nation,  to  imagine  that  difference  of  religion  will 
prejudice  you  against  a  hearty  amity  with  us.  You  know  that  the 
transcendant  nature  of  freedom  elevates  those  who  unite  in  her  cause, 
above  all  such  low-minded  infirmities.  The  Swiss  cantons  furnish 
a  memorable  proof  of  this  truth.     Their  union  is  composed  of  Ro- 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  TIIE  FIRST  CONGRESS  -1774.         407 

man  Catholic  and  Protestant  States,  living  in  the  utmost  concord 
and  peace  with  one  another,  and  thereby  enabled,  ever  since  they 
bravely  vindicated  their  freedom,  to  defy  and  defeat  every  tyrant  that 
has  invaded  them. 

Should  there  be  any  among  you,  as  there  generally  are  in  all  so 
cieties,  who  prefer  the  favors  of  ministers  and  their  own  private 
interests,  to  the  welfare  of  their  country,  the  temper  of  such  selfish 
persons  will  render  them  incredibly  active  in  opposing  all  public- 
spirited  measures  from  an  expectation  of  being  well  rewarded  for 
their  sordid  industry  by  their  superiors  ;  but  we  doubt  not  you  will 
be  upon  your  guard  against  such  men,  and  not  sacrifice  the  liberty 
and  happiness  of  the  whole  Canadian  people  and  their  posterity,  to 
gratify  the  avarice  and  ambition  of  individuals. 

We  do  not  ask  you,  by  this  address,  to  commence  acts  of  hostility 
against  our  common  sovereign.  We  only  invite  you  to  consult  your 
own  glory  and  welfare,  and  not  to  suffer  yourselves  to  be  inveigled 
or  intimidated  by  infamous  ministers,  so  far  as  to  become  the  instru- 
ments of  their  cruelty  and  despotism,  but  to  unite  with  us  in  one 
social  compact,  formed  on  the  generous  principles  of  equal  liberty, 
and  cemented  by  such  an  exchange  of  beneficial  and  endearing 
offices  as  to  render  it  perpetual.  In  order  to  complete  this  highly- 
desirable  union  we  submit  it  to  your  consideration,  whether  it  may 
not  be  expedient  for  you  to  meet  together  in  your  several  towns  and 
districts  and  elect  deputies,  who,  afterwards  meeting  in  a  provincial 
Congress,  may  choose  delegates  to  represent  your  province  in  the 
Continental  Congress,  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia  on  the  tenth  day  of 
May,  1775. 

In  this  present  Congress,  beginning  on  the  fifth  of  the  last  month, 
and  continued  to  this  day,  it  has  been  with  universal  pleasure,  and 
an  unanimous  vote,  resolved,  that  we  should  consider  the  violation 
of  your  rights,  by  the  act  for  altering  the  government  of  your  pro- 
vince, as  a  violation  of  our  own,  and  that  you  should  be  invited  to 
accede  to  our  confederation,  which  has  no  other  objects  than  the  per- 
fect security  of  the  natural  and  civil  rights  of  all  the  constituent 
members,  according  to  their  respective  circumstances,  and  the  pre 
servation  of  a  lasting  and  happy  connexion  with  Great  Britain  on  the 
salutary  and  constitutional  principles  hereinbefore  mentioned.  For 
effecting  these  purposes,  we  have  addressed  an  humble  and  loyal 
petition  to  his  Majesty,  praying  relief  of  our  and  your  grievances  ; 
and  have  associated  to  stop  all  importations  from  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland,  after  the  first  day  of  December,  and  all  exportations  to  those 
kingdoms  and  the  West  Indies,  after  the  tenth  day  of  next  Septem- 
ber, unless  the  said  grievances  are  redressed. 

That  Almighty  God  may  incline  your  minds  to  approve  our  equi- 
table and  necessary  measures,  to  add  yourselves  to  us,  to  put  your 
fate,  whenever  you  suffer  injuries  which  you  are  determined  to 
oppose,  not  on  the  small  influence  of  your  single  province,  but  on 
the  consolidated  powers  of  North  America  ;  and  may  grant  to  our 
joint  exertions,  an  event  as  happy  as  our  cause  is  just,  is  the  fervent 


408  APPENDIX. 

prayer  of  us,  your  sincere  and  affectionate  friends  and  fellow-sub- 
jects. By  order  of  the  Congress, 

Henry  Middleton,  President. 


PETITION  OF  CONGRESS  TO  THE  KING.* 
To  the  King's  most  excellent  Majesty. 

Most  Gracious  Sovereign  : 

We,  your  majesty's  faithful  subjects,  of  the  colonies  of  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence 
Plantations,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
the  counties  of  New  Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  on  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina,  in  behalf 
of  ourselves  and  the  inhabitants  of  these  colonies  who  have  deputed 
us  to  represent  them  in  general  congress,  by  this  our  humble  petition, 
beg  leave  to  lay  our  grievances  before  the  throne. 

A  standing  army  has  been  kept  in  these  colonies  ever  since  the 
conclusion  of  the  late  war,  without  the  consent  of  our  assemblies  ; 
and  this  army,  with  a  considerable  naval  armament,  has  been  em- 
ployed to  enforce  the  collection  of  taxes. 

The  authority  of  the  commander-in-chief,  and  under  him  the 
brigadier-general,  has  in  time  of  peace  been  rendered  supreme  in  all 
the  civil  governments  in  America. 

The  commander-in-chief  of  all  your  majesty's  forces  in  North 
America  has  in  time  of  peace  been  appointed  governor  of  a  colony. 

The  charges  of  usual  officers  have  been  greatly  increased,  and 
new,  expensive,  and  oppressive  offices  have  been  multiplied. 

The  judges  of  admiralty  and  vice-admiralty  courts  are  empowered 
to  receive  their  salaries  and  fees  from  the  effects  condemned  by 
themselves. 

The  officers  of  the  customs 'are  empowered  to  break  open  and 
enter  houses  without  the  authority  of  any  civil  magistrate,  founded 
on  legal  information. 

The  judges  of  courts  of  common  law  have  been  made  entirely  de- 
pendent on  one  part  of  the  legislature  for  their  salaries,  as  well  as  for 
the  duration  of  their  commissions. 

Counsellors,  holding  their  commissions  during  pleasure,  exercise 
legislative  authority. 

Humble  and  reasonable  petitions,  from  the  representatives  of  the 
people,  have  been  fruitless. 

The  agents  of  the  people  have  been  discountenanced,  and  govern 
ors  have  been  instructed  to  prevent  the  payment  of  the  salaries. 

Assemblies  have  been  repeatedly  and  injuriously  dissolved. 

Commerce  has  been  burdened  with  many  useless  and  oppressive 
restrictions. 

*  Adopted  October  26,  1774. — Journal  of  Congress,  Vol.  i ,  p.  63. 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS— 1774.       409 

By  several  acts  of  parliament  made  in  the  fourth,  fifth,  sixth, 
seventh,  and  eighth  years  of  your  majesty's  reign,  duties  are  imposed 
on  us  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  ;  and  the  powers  of  ad- 
miralty and  vice-admiralty  courts  are  extended  beyond  their  ancient 
limits,  whereby  our  property  is  taken  from  us  without  our  consent, 
the  trial  by  jury  in  many  civil  cases  is  abolished,  enormous  for- 
feitures are  incurred  for  slight  offences,  vexatious  informers  are 
exempted  from  paying  damages  to  which  they  are  justly  liable,  and 
oppressive  security  is  required  from  owners  before  they  are  allowed 
to  defend  their  right. 

Both  houses  of  parliament  have  resolved  that  colonists  may  be 
tried  in  England  for  offences  alleged  to  have  been  committed  in 
America,  by  virtue  of  a  statute  passed  in  the  thirty-fifth  year  of 
Henry  the  Eighth,  and  in  consequence  thereof  attempts  have  been 
made  to  enforce  that  statute. 

A  statute  was  passed  in  the  twelfth  year  of  your  majesty's  reign, 
directing  that  persons  charged  with  committing  any  offence  therein 
described  in  any  place  out  of  the  realm,  may  be  indicted  and  tried 
for  the  same  in  any  shire  or  county  within  the  realm,  whereby  inha- 
bitants of  these  colonies  may,  in  sundry  cases  by  that  statute  made 
capital,  be  deprived  of  a  trial  by  their  peers  of  the  vicinage. 

In  the  last  session  of  parliament  an  act  was  passed  for  blocking  up 
the  harbor  of  Boston  ;  another,  empowering  the  governor  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay  to  send  persons  indicted  for  murder  in  that  province  to 
another  colony,  or  even  to  Great  Britain,  for  trial,  whereby  such 
offenders  may  escape  legal  punishment  ;  a  third  for  altering  the 
chartered  constitution  of  government  in  that  province  ;  and  a  fourth 
for  altering  the  limits  of  Quebec,  abolishing  the  English  and  restoring 
the  French  laws,  whereby  great  numbers  of  British  Frenchmen  are 
subjected  to  the  latter,  and  establishing  an  absolute  government  and 
the  Roman  Catholic  religion  throughout  those  vast  regions  that 
border  on  the  westerly  and  northerly  boundaries  of  the  free,  Pro- 
testant, English  settlements  ;  and  a  fifth,  for  the  better  providing 
suitable  quarters  for  officers  and  soldiers,  in  his  majesty's  service,  in 
North  America. 

To  a  sovereign,  who  glories  in  the  name  of  Britain,  the  bare  recital 
of  these  acts  must,  we  presume,  justify  the  loyal  subjects  who  fly  to 
the  foot  of  his  throne  and  implore  his  clemency  for  protection  against 
them. 

From  this  destructive  system  of  colony  administration,  adopted 
since  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war,  have  flowed  those  distresses, 
dangers,  fears,  and  jealousies,  that  overwhelm  your  majesty's  dutiful 
colonists  with  affliction  ;  and  we  defy  our  most  subtile  and  inveterate 
enemies  to  trace  the  unhappy  differences  between  Great  Britain  and 
these  colonics  from  an  earlier  period,  or  from  other  causes,  than  we 
have  assigned. 

Had  they  proceeded  on  our  part  from  a  restless  levity  of  temper, 
unjust  impulses  of  ambition,  or  artful  suggestions  of  seditious  per- 
sons, we  should  merit  the  opprobrious  terms  frequently  bestowed 
"upon  us  by  those  we  revere.     But  so  far  from  promoting  innovations, 

27 


410  APPENDIX. 

we  have  only  opposed  them,   and  can  be  charged  with  no  offence 
unless  it  be  one  to  receive  injuries,  and  be  sensible  of  them. 

Had  our  Creator  been  pleased  to  give  us  existence  in  a  land  of 
slavery,  the  sense  of  our  condition  might  have  been  mitigated  by 
ignorance  and  habit.  But,  thanks  be  to  his  adorable  goodness,  we 
were  born  the  heirs  of  freedom,  and  ever  enjoyed  our  right  under  the 
auspices  of  your  royal  ancestors,  whose  family  was  seated  on  the 
throne  to  rescue  and  secure  a  pious  and  gallant  nation  from  the 
popery  and  despotism  of  a  superstitious  and  inexorable  tyrant.  Your 
majesty,  we  are  confident,  justly  rejoices  that  your  title  to  the  crown 
is  thus  founded  on  the  title  of  your  people  to  liberty ;  and,  therefore, 
we  doubt  not  but  your  royal  wisdom  must  approve  the  sensibility 
that  teaches  your  subjects  anxiously  to  guard  the  blessing  they 
received  from  divine  Providence,  and  thereby  to  prove  the  per- 
formance of  that  compact  which  elevated  the  illustrious  house  of 
Brunswick  to  the  imperial  dignity  it  now  possesses. 

The  apprehension  of  being  degraded  into  a  state  of  servitude* 
from  the  pre-eminent  rank  of  English  freemen,  while  our  minds  retain 
the  strongest  love  of  liberty,  and  clearly  foresee  the  miseries  pre- 
paring for  us  and  our  posterity,  excites  emotions  in  our  breasts  which 
though  we  cannot  describe,  we  should  not  wish  to  conceal.  Feeling 
as  men,  and  thinking  as  subjects  in  the  manner  we  do,  silence  would 
be  disloyalty.  By  giving  this  faithful  information,  we  do  all  in  our 
power  to  promote  the  great  objects  of  your  royal  cares,  the  tranquil- 
lity of  your  government  and  the  welfare  of  your  people. 

Duty  to  your  Majesty,  and  regard  for  the  preservation  of  ourselves 
and  our  posterity,  the  primary  obligations  of  nature  and  society, 
command  us  to  entreat  your  royal  attention;  and  as  your  Majesty 
enjoys  the  signal  distinction  of  reigning  over  freemen,  we  apprehend 
the  language  of  freemen  cannot  be  displeasing.  Your  royal  indigna- 
tion, we  hope,  will  rather  fall  on  those  designing  and  dangerous  men, 
Who,  daringly  interposing  themselves  between  your  royal  person  and 
your  faithful  subjects,  and  for  several  years  past  incessantly  employed 
to  dissolve  the  bonds  of  society,  by  abusing  your  majesty's  authority, 
misrepresenting  your  American  subjects,  and  prosecuting  the  most 
desperate  and  irritating  projects  of  oppression,  have  at  length  com- 
pelled us,  by  the  force  of  accumulated  injuries,  too  severe  to  be  any 
longer  tolerable,  to  disturb  your  Majesty's  repose  by  our  complaints. 

These  sentiments  are  extorted  from  hearts  that  much  more  wil- 
lingly would  bleed  in  your  Majesty's  service.  Yet  so  greatly  have 
we  been  misrepresented,  that  a  necessity  has  been  alleged  of  taking 
away  our  property  from  us  without  our  consent,  "  to  defray  the 
charge  of  the  administration  of  justice,  the  support  of  civil  govern- 
ment, and  the  defence,  protection,  and  security  of  the  Colonies.'' 
But  we  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Majesty  that  such  provision  has 
been,  and  will  be  made  for  defraying  the  two  first  articles,  as  has 
been,  and  shall  be  judged,  by  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  Colo- 
nies, just  and  suitable  to  their  respective  circumstances :  and,  for 
the  defence,  protection,  and  security  of  the  Colonies,  their  militia, 
if  properly  regulated,  as  they  earnestly  desire  may  immediately  be 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS— 1774.        411 

done,  would  be  fully  sufficient,  at  least  in  times  of  peace ;  and,  in 
case  of  war,  your  faithful  Colonists  will  be  ready  and  willing,  as 
they  ever  have  been,  when  constitutionally  required,  to  demonstrate 
their  loyalty  to  your  Majesty,  by  exerting  their  most  strenuous  efforts 
in  granting  supplies  and  raising  forces.  Yielding  to  no  British  sub- 
jects in  affectionate  attachment  to  your  Majesty's  person,  family, 
and  government,  we  too  dearly  prize  the  privilege  of  expressing  that 
attachment  by  those  proofs,  that  are  honorable  to  the  prince  who 
receives  them,  and  to  the  people  who  give  them,  ever  to  resign  it  to 
any  body  of  men  upon  earth. 

Had  we  been  permitted  to  enjoy,  in  quiet,  the  inheritance  left  us 
by  our  forefathers,  we  should,  at  this  time,  have  been  peaceably, 
cheerfully,  and  usefully  employed  in  recommending  ourselves,  by 
every  testimony  of  devotion,  to  your  Majesty,  and  of  veneration  to 
the  state  from  which  we  derive  our  origin.  But  though  now  exposed 
to  unexpected  and  unnatural  scenes  of  distress  by  a  contention  with 
that  nation,  in  whose  parental  guidance  on  all  important  affairs,  we 
have  hitherto,  with  filial  reverence,  constantly  trusted,  and  therefore 
can  derive  no  instruction  in  our  present  unhappy  and  perplexing  cir- 
cumstances from  any  former  experience  ;  yet  we  doubt  not,  the 
purity  of  our  intention,  and  the  integrity  of  our  conduct,  will  justify 
us  at  that  grand  tribunal,  before  which  all  mankind  must  submit  to 
judgment. 

We  ask  but  for  peace,  liberty,  and  safety.  We  wish  not  a  dimi- 
nution of  the  prerogative,  nor  do  we  solicit  the  grant  of  any  new 
right  in  our  favor.  Your  royal  authority  over  us,  and  our  connexion 
with  Great  Britain,  we  shall  always  carefully  and  zealously  endea- 
vor to  support  and  maintain. 

Filled  with  sentiments  of  duty  to  your  Majesty,  and  n'  affection  to 
our  parent  state,  deeply  impressed  by  our  education,  and  strongly 
confirmed  by  our  reason,  and  anxious  to  evince  the  sincerity  of  these 
dispositions,  we  present  this  petition  only  to  obta;n  redress  of  griev- 
ances, and  relief  from  fears  and  jealousies  occasioned  °y  tne  system 
of  statutes  and  regulations  adopted  since  the  close  of  the  late  war, 
for  raising  a  revenue  in  America  ;  exten^ng  the  powers  of  courts 
of  admiralty  and  vice-admiralty  ;  trying  persons  in  Great  Britain  for 
offences  alleged  to  be  committed  in  A-nerica,  affecting  the  province 
of  Massachusetts  Bay  ;  and  altering  the  government  and  extending 
the  limits  of  Quebec,  by  the  abo^ion  of  which  system,  the  harmony 
between  Great  Britain  and  the^e  Colonies,  so  necessary  to  the  hap- 
piness of  both,  and  so  ardently  desired  by  the  latter,  and  the  usual 
intercourses  will  be  immediately  restored.  In  the  magnanimity  and 
justice  of  your  Majesty  *n&  Parliament,  we  confide  for  a  redress  of  our 
other  grievances,  truing  that  when  the  causes  of  our  apprehensions 
are  removed,  our  future  conduct  will  prove  us  not  unworthy  of  the 
regard  we  have  been  accustomed,  in  our  happier  days,  to  enjoy. 
For,  appealing  to  that  being  who  searches,  thoroughly,  the  hearts  of 
his  creatures,  we  solemnly  profess  that  our  councils  have  been  influ- 
enced by  no  other  motives  than  a  dread  of  impending  destruction. 

Permit  us,  then,  most  gracious  Sovereign,  in  the  name  of  all  your 


413  APPENDIX. 

faithful  people  in  America,  with  the  utmost  humility,  to  implore  you, 
for  the  honor  of  Almighty  God,  whose  pure  religion  our  enemies  are 
undermining ;  for  your  glory,  which  can  be  advanced  only  by  ren- 
dering your  subjects  happy,  and  keeping  them  united  ;  for  the  inte- 
rests of  your  family,  depending  on  an  adherence  to  the  principles 
that  enthroned  it ;  for  the  safety  and  welfare  of  your  kingdoms 
and  dominions,  threatened  with  almost  unavoidable  dangers  and 
distresses,  that  your  Majesty,  as  the  loving  father  of  your  whole 
people,  connected  by  the  same  bonds  of  law,  loyalty,  faith,  and 
blood,  though  dwelling  in  various  countries,  will  not  suffer  the  tran- 
scendant  relation  formed  by  these  ties  to  be  further  violated,  in 
uncertain  expectation  of  effects,  that,  if  attained,  never  can  compen- 
sate for  the  calamities  through  which  they  must  be  gained. 

We,  therefore,  most  earnestly  beseech  your  Majesty,  that  your 
royal  authority  and  interposition  may  be  used  for  our  relief,  and  that 
a  gracious  answer  may  be  given  to  this  petition. 

That  your  Majesty  may  enjoy  every  felicity  through  a  long  and 
glorious  reign,  over  loyal  and  happy  subjects,  and  that  your  descend- 
ants may  inherit  your  prosperity  and  dominions  till  time  shall  be  no 
more,  is,  and  always  will  be,  our  sincere  and  fervent  prayer. 


NOTE    VI. PAGE    163. 

ADDRESSES,  &c, 

OF    THE    SECOND   CONTINENTAL   CONGRESS,    1775, 
TO  THE  INHABITANTS  OF  CANADA.* 

To  the  oppressed  Inhabitants  of  Canada  :— 

Friends  and  Countrymen, — 

Alarmed  by  the  designs  of  an  arbitrary  ministry,  to  extirpate  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  all  America,  a  sense  of  common  danger  con- 
spired with  the  dictates  of  humanity,  in  urging  us  to  call  your  atten- 
tion, by  our  late  address,  to  this  very  important  object. 

Since  the  conclusion  of  the  lite  war,  we  have  been  happy  in 
considering  you  as  fellow-subjects,  ^d  from  the  commencement  of 
the  present  plan  for  subjugating  the  eminent,  we  have  viewed  you 
as  fellow-sufferers  with  us.  As  we  were^0th  entitled  by  the  bounty 
of  an  indulgent  Creator  to  freedom,  and  bb.ng  both  devoted  by  the 
cruel  edicts  of  a  despotic  administration  to  common  ruin,  we  per- 
ceived the  fate  of  the  Protestant  and  Catholic  Connies  to  be  strongly 
linked  together,  and  therefore  invited  you  to  join  w:.th  us  in  resolving 
to  be  free,  and  in  rejecting,  with  disdain,  the  fetters  of  slavery,  how- 
ever artfully  polished. 

We  most  sincerely  condole  with  you  on  the  arrival  of  that  day,  in 

*  Adopted  May  29,  m 5. —Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  i.,  p.  100 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  SECOND  CONGRESS— 1775.   41 

the  course  of  which,  the  sun  could  not  shine  on  a  single  freeman  in 
all  your  extensive  dominions.  Be  assured,  that  your  unmerited 
degradation  has  engaged  the  most  unfeigned  pity  of  your  sister 
Colonies  ;  and  we  flatter  ourselves  you  will  not,  by  tamely,  bearing 
the  yoke,  suffer  that  pity  to  be  supplanted  by  contempt. 

When  hardy  attempts  are  made  to  deprive  men  of  rights  bestowed 
by  the  Almighty,  when  avenues  are  cut  through  the  most  solemn 
compacts  for  the  admission  of  despotism,  when  the  plighted  faith  of 
government  ceases  to  give  security  to  dutiful  subjects,  and  when  the 
insidious  stratagems  and  manoeuvres  of  peace  become  more  terrible 
than  the  sanguinary  operations  of  war,  it  is  high  time  for  them  to 
assert  those  rights,  and,  with  honest  indignation,  oppose  the  torrent 
of  oppression  rushing  in  upon  them. 

By  the  introduction  of  your  present  form  of  government,  or  rather 
present  form  of  tyranny,  you,  and  your  wives,  and  your  children,  are 
made  slaves.  You  have  nothing  that  you  can  call  your  own,  and  all 
the  fruits  of  your  labor  and  industry  may  be  taken  from  you,  whenever 
an  avaricious  Governor  and  a  rapacious  Council  may  incline  to 
demand  them.  You  are  liable  by  their  edicts  to  be  transported  into 
foreign  countries  to  fight  battles  in  which  you  have  no  interest,  and 
to  spill  your  blood  in  conflicts  from  which  neither  honor  nor  emolu 
ment  can  be  derived  :  Nay,  the  enjoyment  of  your  very  religion,  on 
the  present  system,  depends  on  a  Legislature  in  which  you  have  no 
share,  and  over  which  you  have  no  control,  and  your  priests  are 
exposed  to  expulsion,  banishment,  and  ruin,  whenever  their  wealth 
and  possessions  furnish  sufficient  temptation.  They  cannot  be  sure 
that  a  virtuous  prince  will  always  fill  the  throne,  and  should  a  wicked 
or  careless  king  concur  with  a  wicked  ministry  in  extracting  the 
treasure  and  strength  of  your  country,  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  to 
what  variety  and  to  what  extremes  of  wretchedness  you  may,  under 
the  present  establishment,  be  reduced. 

We  are  informed  that  you  have  already  been  called  upon  to  waste 
your  lives  in  a  contest  with  us.  Should  you,  by  complying  in  this 
instance,  assent  to  your  new  establishment,  and  a  war  break  out  with 
France,  your  wealth  and  your  sons  may  be  sent  to  perish  in  expedi- 
tions against  their  islands  in  the  West  Indies. 

It  cannot  be  presumed  that  these  considerations  will  have  no  weight 
with  you,  or  that  you  are  so  lost  to  all  sense  of  honor.  We  can 
never  believe  that  the  present  race  of  Canadians  are  so  degenerated 
as  to  possess  neither  the  spirit,  the  gallantry,  nor  the  courage  of  their 
ancestors.  You  certainly  will  not  permit  the  infamy  and  disgrace 
of  such  pusillanimity  to  rest  on  your  own  heads,  and  the  conse- 
quences of  it  on  your  children  for  ever. 

We,  for  our  parts,  are  determined  to  live  free  or  not  at  all ;  and  are 
resolved  that  posterity  shall  never  reproach  us  for  having  brought 
slaves  into  the  world. 

Permit  us  again  to  repeat  that  we  are  your  friends,  not  your  ene- 
mies, and  be  not  imposed  upon  by  those  who  may  endeavor  to 
create  animosities.  The  taking  of  the  fort  and  military  stores  at 
Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  and  the  armed  vessels  on  the  lake, 


414  APPENDIX. 

was  dictated  by  the  great  law  of  self-preservation.  They  were 
intended  to  annoy  us,  and  to  cut  off  that  friendly  intercourse  and 
communication  which  has  hitherto  subsisted  between  you  and  us.. 
We  hope  it  has  given  you  no  uneasiness,  and  you  may  rely  on  our 
assurances,  that  these  Colonies  will  pursue  no  measures  whatever 
but  such  as  a  friendship  and  a  regard  for  our  mutual  safety  and 
interest  may  suggest. 

As  our  concern  for  your  welfare  entitles  us  to  your  friendship,  we 
presume  you  will  not,  by  doing  us  injury,  reduce  us  to  the  dis- 
agreeable necessity  of  treating  you  as  enemies. 

We  yet  entertain  hopes  of  your  uniting  with  us  in  the  defence  of 
our  common  liberty,  and  there  is  yet  reason  to  believe,  that  should 
we  join  in  imploring  the  attention  of  our  sovereign  to  the  unmerited 
and  unparalleled  oppressions  of  his  American  subjects,  he  will  at 
length  be  undeceived,  and  forbid  a  licentious  ministry  any  longer  to 
riot  in  the  ruins  of  the  rights  of  mankind. 

Ordered,  That  "the  above  letter  be  signed  by  the  President. 


A  DECLARATION,  SETTING  FORTH  THE  CAUSES  AND  NECESSITY  OF 
THE  COLONIES    TAKING  UP  ARMS.* 

If  it  was  possible  for  men,  who  exercise  their  reason,  to  believe 
that  the  divine  Author  of  our  existence  intended  a  part  of  the  human 
race  to  hold  an  absolute  property  in,  and  an  unbounded  power  over, 
others,  marked  out  by  his  infinite  goodness  and  wisdom,  as  the  ob- 
jects of  a  legal  domination  never  rightfully  resistible,  however  severe 
and  oppressive,  the  inhabitants  of  these  colonies  might  at  least  require 
from  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  some  evidence  that  this  dreadful 
authority  over  them  has  been  granted  to  that  body.  But  a  reverence 
for  our  great  Creator,  principles  of  humanity,  and  the  dictates  of 
common  sense,  must  convince  all  those  who  reflect  upon  the  subject 
that  government  was  instituted  to  promote  the  welfare  of  mankind, 
and  ought  to  be  administered  for  the  attainment  of  that  end.  The 
legislature  of  Great  Britain,  however,  stimulated  by  an  inordinate 
passion  for  a  power  not  only  unjustifiable,  but  which  they  know  to 
be  peculiarly  reprobated  by  the  very  constitution  of  that  kingdom, 
and  desperate  of  success  in  any  mode  of  contest  where  regard  should 
be  had  to  truth,  law,  or  right,  have  at  length,  deserting  those,  at- 
tempted to  affect  their  cruel  and  impolitic  purpose  of  enslaving  these 
colonies  by  violence,  and  have  thereby  rendered  it  necessary  for  us 
to  close  with  their  last  appeal  from  reason  to  arms.  Yet,  however 
blinded  that  assembly  may  be  by  their  intemperate  rage  for  unlimited 
domination,  so  to  slight  justice  and  the  opinion  of  mankind,  we 
esteem  ourselves  bound  by  obligations  of  respect  to  the  rest  of  the 
world  to  make  known  the  justice  of  our  cause. 

Our  forefathers,  inhabitants  of  the  island  of  Great  Britain,  left 
their  native  land  to  seek  on  these  shores  a  residence  for  civil  and 
religious  freedom.     At  the  expense  of  their  blood,  at  the  hazard  of 

*  Adopted  July  6,  1775. — Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  i.,  p,  134. 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  SECOND  CONGRESS— 1775   415 

I 
their  fortunes,  without  the  least  charge  to  their  country  from  which 
they  removed,  by  unceasing  labor  and  an  unconquerable  spirit,  they 
effected  settlements  in  the  distant  and  inhospitable  wilds  of  America, 
then  filled  with  numerous  and  warlike  nations  of  barbarians.  Socie- 
ties or  governments  vested  with  perfect  legislatures  were  formed 
under  charters  from  the  crown,  and  an  harmonious  intercourse  was 
established  between  the  colonics  and  the  kingdom  from  which  they 
derived  their  origin.  The  mutual  benefits  of  this  union  became  in 
a  short  time  so  extraordinary  as  to  excite  astonishment.  It  is  uni- 
versally confessed  that  the  amazing  increase  of  the  wealth,  strength, 
and  navigation  of  the  realm  arose  from  this  source,  and  the  minister 
who  so  wisely  and  successfully  directed  the  measures  of  Great 
Britain  in  the  late  war  publicly  declared,  that  these  colonies  enabled 
her  to  triumph  over  her  enemies.  Towards  the  conclusion  of  that 
war  it  pleased  our  sovereign  to  make  a  change  in  his  counsels. 
From  that  fatal  moment  the  affairs  of  the  British  empire  began  to 
fall  into  confusion,  and  gradually  sliding  from  the  summit  of  glorious 
prosperity,  to  which  they  had  been  advanced  by  the  virtues  and 
abilities  of  one  man,  are  at  length  distracted  by  the  convulsions  that 
now  shake  it  to  its  deepest  foundations.  The  new  ministry,  finding 
the  brave  foes  of  Britain,  though  frequently  defeated,  yet  still  con- 
tending, took  up  the  unfortunate  idea  of  granting  them  a  hasty  peace, 
and  of  then  subduing  her  faithful  friends. 

These  devoted  colonies  were  judged  to  be  in  such  a  state,  as  to 
present  victories  without  bloodshed,  and  all  the  easy  emoluments  of 
statuteable  plunder.  The  uninterrupted  tenor  of  their  peaceable  and 
respectful  behavior  from  the  beginning  of  colonization,  their  dutiful, 
zealous,  and  useful  services  during  the  war,  though  so  recently  and  am- 
ply acknowledged  in  the  most  honorable  manner  by  his  majesty,  by  the 
late  king,  and  by  parliament,  could  not  save  them  from  the  meditated 
innovations.  Parliament  was  influenced  to  adopt  the  pernicious  pro- 
ject, and  assuming  a  new  power  over  them  have,  in  the  course  of 
eleven  years,  given  such  decisive  specimens  of  the  spirit  and  conse- 
quences attending  this  power,  as  to  leave  no  doubt  concerning  the 
effects  of  acquiescence  under  it.  They  have  undertaken  to  give  and 
grant  our  money  without  our  consent,  though  we  have  ever  exercised 
an  exclusive  right  to  dispose  of  our  own  property  ;  statutes  have  been 
passed  for  extending  the  jurisdiction  of  admiralty  and  vice-admiralty 
courts  beyond  their  ancient  limits  ;  for  depriving  us  of  the  accustomed 
and  inestimable  privilege  of  trial  by  jury,  in  cases  affecting  both  life  and 
property  ;  for  suspending  the  legislature  of  one  of  the  colonies  ;  for 
interdicting  all  commerce  with  the  capital  of  another  ;  and  for  alter- 
ing fundamentally  the  form  of  government  established  by  charter, 
and  secured  by  acts  of  its  own  legislature  solemnly  confirmed  by  the 
crown  ;  for  exempting  the  "  murderers"  of  colonists  from  legal  trial, 
and  in  effect  from  punishment  ;  for  erecting  in  a  neighboring  pro- 
vince, acquired  by  the  joint  arms  of  Great  Britain  and  America,  a 
despotism  dangerous  to  our  very  existence  ;  and  for  quartering 
soldiers  upon  the  colonists  in  time  of  profound  peace.     It  has  also 


416  APPENDIX. 

been  resolved  in  parliament,  that  colonists  charged  with  committing 
certain  offences  shall  be  transported  to  England  to  be  tried. 

But  why  should  we  enumerate  our  injuries  in  detail  ?  By  one 
statute  it  is  declared,  that  parliament  can  "  of  right  make  laws  to  bind 
us  in  all  cases  whatsoever."  What  is  to  defend  us  against  so  enor- 
mous, so  unlimited  a  power  ?  Not  a  single  man  of  those  who 
assume  it  is  chosen  by  us,  or  is  subject  to  our  control  or  influence  ; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  they  are  all  of  them  exempt  from  the  operation 
of  such  laws,  and  an  American  revenue,  if  not  diverted  from  the 
ostensible  purposes  for  which  it  is  raised,  would  actually  lighten 
their  own  burdens  in  proportion  as  they  increase  ours.  We  saw  the 
misery  to  which  such  despotism  would  reduce  us.  We  for  ten 
years  incessantly  and  ineffectually  besieged  the  throne  as  suppli- 
cants :  we  reasoned,  we  remonstrated  with  parliament  in  the  most 
mild  and  decent  language. 

Administration,  sensible  that  we  should  regard  these  oppressive 
measures  as  freemen  ought  to  do,  sent  over  fleets  and  armies  to 
enforce  them.  The  indignation  of  the  Americans  was  roused,  it  is 
true,  but  it  was  the  indignation  of  a  virtuous,  loyal,  and  affectionate 
people.  A  congress  of  delegates  from  the  united  colonies  was  as- 
sembled at  Philadelphia  on  the  fifth  day  of  last  September.  We 
resolved  again  to  offer  an  humble  and  dutiful  petition  to  the  king,  and 
also  addressed  our  fellow  subjects  of  Great  Britain.  We  have  pursued 
every  temperate,  every  respectful  measure  ;  we  have  even  proceeded 
to  break  off  our  commercial  intercourse  with  our  fellow  subjects,  as 
the  last  peaceable  admonition,  that  our  attachment  to  no  nation  on 
earth  should  supplant  our  attachment  to  liberty.  This,  we  flattered 
ourselves,  was  the  ultimate  step  of  the  controversy  ;  but  subsequent 
events  have  shown  how  vain  was  this  hope  of  finding  moderation  in 
our  enemies. 

Several  threatening  expressions  against  the  Colonies  were  inserted 
in  his  Majesty's  speech  ;  our  petition,  though  we  were  told  it  was  a 
decent  one,  and  that  his  Majestyhad  been  pleased  to  receive  it  gra- 
ciously, and  to  promise  laying  it  before  his  Parliament,  was  huddled 
into  both  Houses  among  a  bundle  of  American  papers,  and  there 
neglected.  The  Lords  and  Commons  in  their  address  in  the  month 
of  February,  said,  that  "  a  rebellion  at  that  time  actually  existed 
within  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay ;  and  that  those  concerned 
in  it  had  been  countenanced  and  encouraged  by  unlawful  combina- 
tions and  engagements,  entered  into  by  his  Majesty's  subjects  in 
several  of  the  other  Colonies ;  and  therefore  they  besought  his  Ma- 
jesty that  he  would  take  the  most  effectual  measures  to  enforce  due 
obedience  to  the  laws  and  authority  of  the  supreme  Legislature." 
Soon  after,  the  commercial  intercourse  of  whole  Colonies,  with  for- 
eign countries,  and  with  each  other,  was  cut  off  by  an  act  of  Parlia- 
ment ;  by  another,  several  of  them  were  entirely  prohibited  from  the 
fisheries  in  the  seas  near  their  coasts,  on  which  they  always  depended 
for  their  sustenance ;  and  large  reinforcements  of  ships  and  troops 
were  immediately  sent  over  to  General  Gage. 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  SECOND  CONGRESS— 1775.      417 

Fruitless  were  all  the  entreaties,  arguments,  and  eloquence  of  an 
illustrious  band  of  the  most  distinguished  peers  and  commoners,  who 
nobly  and  strenuously  asserted  the  justice  of  our  cause,  to  stay,  or 
even  to  mitigate  the  heedless  fury  with  which  these  accumulated 
and  unexampled  outrages  were  hurried  on.  Equally  fruitless  was 
the  interference  of  the  city  of  London,  of  Bristol,  and  many  other 
respectable  towns  in  our  favor.  Parliament  adopted  an  insidious 
manoeuvre  calculated  to  divide  us,  to  establish  a  perpetual  auction  of 
taxations  where  Colony  should  bid  against  Colony,  all  of  them  unin- 
formed what  ransom  would  redeem  their  lives,  and  thus  to  extort 
from  us,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  the  unknown  sums  that  should 
be  sufficient  to  gratify,  if  possible  to  gratify,  ministerial  rapacity, 
wTith  the  miserable  indulgence  left  to  us  of  raising,  in  our  own  mode, 
the  prescribed  tribute.  What  terms  more  rigid  and  humiliating 
could  have  been  dictated  by  remorseless  victors  to  conquered  ene- 
mies ?  In  our  circumstances  to  accept  them,  would  be  to  deserve  them. 

Soon  after  the  intelligence  of  these  proceedings  arrived  on  this 
continent,  General  Gage,  who  in  the  course  of  the  last  year  had 
taken  possession  of  the  town  of  Boston,  in  the  province  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  and  still  occupied  it  as  a  garrison,  on  the  nineteenth 
day  of  April,  sent  out  from  that  place  a  large  detachment  of  his 
army,  wrho  made  an  unprovoked  assault  on  the  inhabitants  of  the 
said  province,  at  the  town  of  Lexington,  as  appears  by  the  affidavits 
of  a  great  number  of  persons,  some  of  whom  were  officers  and  sol- 
diers of  that  detachment,  murdered  eight  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
wrounded  many  others.  From  thence  the  troops  proceeded  in  war- 
like array  to  the  town  of  Concord,  where  they  set  upon  another 
party  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  same  province,  killing  several  and 
wounding  more,  until  compelled  to  retreat  by  the  country  people 
suddenly  assembled  to  repel  this  cruel  aggression.  Hostilities,  thus 
commenced  by  the  British  troops,  have  been  since  prosecuted  by 
them  without  regard  to  faith  or  reputation.  The  inhabitants  of  Bos- 
ton being  confined  within  that  town  by  the  General,  their  Governor, 
and  having,  in  order  to  procure  their  dismission,  entered  into  a  treaty 
with  him,  it  was  stipulated  that  the  said  inhabitants,  having  deposited 
their  arms  with  their  own  magistrates,  should  have  liberty  to  depart, 
taking  with  them  their  other  elfects.  They  accordingly  delivered  up 
their  arms,  but  in  open  violation  of  honor,  in  defiance  of  the  obliga- 
tion of  treaties,  which  even  savage  nations  esteem  sacred,  the 
Governor  ordered  the  arms  deposited  as  aforesaid,  that  they  might 
be  preserved  for  their  owners,  to  be  seized  by  a  body  of  soldiers  ; 
detained  the  greatest  part  of  the  inhabitants  in  the  town,  and  com- 
pelled the  few  who  were  permitted  to  ictire,  to  leave  their  most 
valuable  effects  behind. 

By  this  perfidy  wives  are  separated  from  their  husbands,  children 
from  their  parents,  the  aged  and  the  sick  from  their  relations  and 
friends,  who  wish  to  attend  and  comfort  them ;  and  those  who  have 
been  used  to  live  in  plenty  and  even  elegance,  are  reduced  to  deplo- 
rable distress. 
b    The  General,  further  emulating  his  ministerial  masters,  by  a  pro 


418  APPENDIX. 

clamation  bearing  date  on  the  twelfth  day  of  June,  after  venting  the 
grossest  falsehoods  and  calumnies  against  the  good  people  of  these 
Colonies,  proceeds  to  "  declare  them  all,  either  by  name  or  descrip- 
tion, to  be  rebels  and  traitors,  to  supersede  the  course  of  the  common 
law,  and  instead  thereof  to  publish  and  order  the  use  and  exercise 
of  the  law  martial."  His  troops  have  butchered  our  countrymen, 
have  wantonly  burnt  Charlestown,  besides  a  considerable  number  of 
houses  in  other  places  ;  our  ships  and  vessels  are  seized  ;  the  neces- 
sary supplies  of  provisions  are  intercepted,  and  he  is  exerting  his 
utmost  power  to  spread  destruction  and  devastation  around  him. 

We  have  received  certain  intelligence  that  General  Carleton,  the 
Governor  of  Canada,  is  instigating  the  people  of  that  province  and 
the  Indians  to  fall  upon  us  ;  and  we  have  but  too  much  reason  to 
apprehend  that  schemes  have  been  formed  to  excite  domestic  ene 
mies  against  us.  In  brief,  a  part  of  these  Colonies  now  feel,  and 
all  of  them  are  sure  of  feeling,  as  far  as  the  vengeance  of  adminis- 
tration can  inflict  them,  the  complicated  calamities  of  fire,  sword, 
and  famine.  We  are  reduced  to  the  alternative  of  choosing  an 
unconditional  submission  to  the  tyranny  of  irritated  ministers,  or 
resistance  by  force.  The  latter  is  our  choice.  We  have  counted 
the  cost  of  this  contest,  and  find  nothing  so  dreadful  as  voluntary 
slavery.  Honor,  justice,  and  humanity,  forbid  us  tamely  to  surren- 
der that  freedom  which  we  received  from  our  gallant  ancestors,  and 
which  our  innocent  posterity  have  a  right  to  receive  from  us.  We 
cannot  endure  the  infamy  and  guilt  of  resigning  succeeding  genera- 
tions to  that  wretchedness  which  inevitably  awaits  them,  if  we 
basely  entail  hereditary  bondage  upon  them. 

Our  cause  is  just :  our  union  is  perfect  :  our  internal  resources 
are  great,  and,  if  necessary,  foreign  assistance  is  undoubtedly  attain- 
able. We  gratefully  acknowledge,  as  signal  instances  of  the  Divine 
favor  towards  us,  that  his  Providence  would  not  permit  us  to  be 
called  into  this  severe  controversy,  until  we  were  grown  up  to  our 
present  strength,  had  been  previously  exercised  in  warlike  opera- 
tion, and  possessed  of  the  means  of  defending  ourselves.  With 
hearts  fortified  with  these  animating  reflections,  we  most  solemnly, 
before  God  and  the  world,  declare,  that,  exerting  the  utmost  energy 
of  those  powers  which  our  beneficent  Creator  hath  graciously 
bestowed  upon  us,  the  arms  we  have  been  compelled  by  our  enemies 
to  assume,  we  will*  in  defiance  of  every  hazard,  with  unabating  firm- 
ness and  perseverance,  employ  for  the  preservation  of  our  liberties ; 
being  with  one  mind  resolved  to  die  freemen  rather  than  to  live 
slaves. 

Lest  this  declaration  should  disquiet  the  minds  of  our  friends  and 
fellow-subjects  in  any  part  of  the  empire,  we  assure  them  that  we 
mean  not  to  dissolve  that  union  which  has  so  long  and  so  happily 
subsisted  between  us,  and  which  we  sincerely  wish  to  see  restored. 
Necessity  has  not  yet  driven  us  into  that  desperate  measure,  or  in- 
duced us  to  excite  any  other  nation  to  war  against  them.  We  have 
not  raised  armies  with  ambitious  designs  of  separating  from  Great 
Britain,  and  establishing  independent  States.    We  fight  not  for  glory 


, 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  SECOND  CONGRESS— 1775.       419 

nor  for  conquest.  We  exhibit  to  mankind  the  remarkable  spectacle 
of  a  people  attacked  by  unprovoked  enemies,  without  any  imputation 
or  even  suspicion  of  offence.  They  boast  of  their  privileges  and 
civilization,  and  yet  proffer  no  milder  conditions  than  servitude  or  death. 

In  our  native  land,  in  defence  of  the  freedom  that  is  our  birth- 
right, and  which  we  ever  enjoyed  till  the  late  violation  of  it — for  the 
protection  of  our  property,  acquired  solely  by  the  honest  industry  of 
our  forefathers  and  ourselves,  against  violence  actually  offered,  we 
have  taken  up  arms.  We  shall  lay  them  down  when  hostilities  shall 
cease  on  the  part  of  the  aggressors,  and  all  danger  of  their  being 
renewed  shall  be  removed,  and  not  before. 

With  an  humble  confidence  in  the  mercies  of  the  supreme  and 
impartial  Judge  and  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  we  most  devoutly  implore 
his  divine  goodness  to  protect  us  happily  through  this  great  conflict, 
to  dispose  our  adversaries  to  reconciliation  on  reasonable  terms,  and 
thereby  to  relieve  the  empire  from  the  calamities  of  civil  war. 


SECOND  PETITION  TO  THE  KING.* 
To  the  King's  most  Excellent  Majesty. 
Most  Gracious  Sovereign  : — 

We,  your  majesty's  most  faithful  subjects,  of  the  colonies  of  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence 
Plantations,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
the  counties  of  New  Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  on  Delaware,  Mary- 
land, Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina,  in  behalf  of  our- 
selves and  the  inhabitants  of  these  colonies,  who  have  deputed  us  to 
represent  them  in  general  Congress,  entreat  your  majesty's  gracious 
attention  to  this  our  humble  petition. 

The  union  between  our  mother  country  and  these  colonies,  and  the 
energy  of  mild  and  just  government,  produced  benefits  so  remark- 
ably important,  and  afforded  such  an  assurance  of  their  permanency 
and  increase,  that  the  wonder  and  envy  of  other  nations  were  excited, 
while  they  beheld  Great  Britain  rising  to  a  power  the  most  extraor- 
dinary the  world  had  ever  known. 

Her  rivals,  observing  there  was  no  probability  of  this  happy  con- 
nexion being  broken  by  civil  dissensions,  and  apprehending  its  future 
effects,  if  left  any  longer  undisturbed,  resolved  to  prevent  her  receiv- 
ing such  continual  and  formidable  accessions  of  wealth  and  strength, 
by  checking  the  growth  of  those  settlements  from  which  they  were 
to  be  derived. 

In  the  prosecution  of  this  attempt,  events  so  unfavorable  to  the 
design  took  place,  that  every  friend  to  the  interest  of  Great  Britain 
and  these  colonies,  entertained  pleasing  and  reasonable  expectations 
of  seeing  an  additional  force  and  exertion  immediately  given  to  the 
operations  of  the  union  hitherto  experienced,  by  art  enlargement  of 

*  Adopted  July  S,  1775 — Journals  of  Congress,  Vol.  i.,  p.  139. 


420  APPENDIX. 

the  dominions  of  the  crown,  and  the  removal  of  ancient  and  warlike 
enemies  to  a  greater  distance.  At  the  conclusion,  therefore,  of  the 
late  war,  the  most  glorious  and  advantageous  that  ever  had  been  car 
ried  on  by  British  arms,  your  loyal  colonists  having  contributed  to  its 
success,  by  such  repeated  and  strenuous  exertions,  as  frequently 
procured  them  the  distinguished  approbation  of  your  majesty,  of  the 
late  king,  and  of  parliament,  doubted  not  but  that  they  should  be  per- 
mitted, with  the  rest  of  the  empire,  to  share  in  the  blessings  of  peace, 
and  the  emoluments  of  victory  and  conquest. 

While  these  recent  and  honorable  acknowledgments  of  their  merits 
remained  on  record  in  the  journals  and  acts  of  that  august  legislature, 
the  parliament,  undefaced  by  the  imputation  or  even  the  suspicion 
of  any  offence,  they  were  alarmed  by  a  new  system  of  statutes  and 
regulations  adopted  for  the  administration  of  the  colonies,  that  filled 
their  minds  with  the  most  painful  fears  and  jealousies  ;  and,  to  their 
inexpressible  astonishment,  perceived  the  danger  of  a  foreign  quarrel, 
quickly  succeeded  by  domestic  danger,  in  their  judgment,  of  a  more 
dreadful  kind. 

Nor  were  these  anxieties  alleviated  by  any  tendency  in  this  system 
to  promote  the  welfare  of  their  mother  country.  For  though  its 
effects  were  more  immediately  felt  by  them,  yet  its  influence  appear- 
ed to  be  injurious  to  the  commerce  and  prosperity  of  Great  Britain. 

We  shall  decline  the  ungrateful  task  of  describing  the  irksome 
variety  of  artifices,  practised  by  many  of  your  majesty's  ministers, 
the  delusive  pretences,  fruitless  terrors,  and  unavailing  severities, 
that  have,  from  time  to  time,  been  dealt  out  by  them,  in  their 
attempts  to  execute  this  impolitic  plan,  or  of  tracing,  through  a  series 
of  years  past,  the  progress  of  the  unhappy  differences  between  Great 
Britain  and  these  colonies,  that  have  flowed  from  this  fatal  source. 

Your  majesty's  ministers,  persevering  in  their  measures,  and  pro- 
ceeding to  open  hostilities  for  enforcing  them,  have  compelled  us  to 
arm  in  our  own  defence,  and  have  engaged  us  in  a  controversy  so 
peculiarly  abhorrent  to  the  affections  of  your  still  faithful  colonists, 
that  when  we  consider  whom  we  must  oppose  in  this  contest,  and  if 
it  continues,  what  may  be  the  consequences,  our  own  particular  mis- 
fortunes are  accounted  by  us  only  as  parts  of  our  distress. 

Knowing  to  what  violent  resentments,  and  incurable  animosities, 
civil  discords  are  apt  to  exasperate  and  inflame  the  contending  par- 
ties, we  think  ourselves  required  by  indispensable  obligation  to 
Almighty  God,  to  your  majesty,  to  our  fellow  subjects,  and  to  our- 
selves, immediately  to  use  all  the  means  in  our  power,  not  incompa- 
tible with  our  safety,  for  stopping  the  further  effusion  of  blood,  and 
for  averting  the  impending  calamities  that  threaten  the  British 
empire. 

Thus  called  upon  to  address  your  majesty  on  affairs  of  such 
moment  to  America,  and  probably  to  all  your  dominions,  we  are  ear- 
nestly desirous  of  performing  this  office,  with  the  utmost  deference 
for  your  majesty :  and  we  therefore  pray  that  your  majesty's  royal 
magnanimity  and  benevolence  may  make  the  most  favorable  construc- 
tion of  our  expressions  on  so  uncommon  an  occasion.     Could  we 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  SECOND  CONGRESS— 1775.      421 

icpresent  in  their  full  force,  the  sentiments  that  agitate  the  minds  of 
us  your  dutiful  subjects,  we  are  persuaded  your  majesty  would 
ascribe  any  seeming  deviation  from  reverence  in  our  language,  and 
even  in  our  conduct,  not  to  any  reprehensible  intention,  but  to  the 
impossibility  of  reconciling  the  usual  appearances  of  respect,  with  a 
just  attention  to  our  own  preservation  against  those  artful  and  cruel 
enemies,  who  abuse  your  royal  confidence  and  authority,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  effecting  our  destruction. 

Attached  to  your  majesty's  person,  family,  and  government,  with 
all  the  devotion  that  principle  and  affection  can  inspire,  connected  with 
Great  Britain  by  the  strongest  ties  that  can  unite  societies,  and  de- 
ploring every  event  that  tends  in  any  degree  to  weaken  them,  we 
solemnly  assure  your  majesty,  that  we  not  only  desire  the  former 
harmony  between  her  and  these  colonies  may  be  restored,  but  that  a 
concord  may  be  established  between  them  upon  so  firm  a  basis  as  to 
perpetuate  its  blessings,  uninterrupted  by  any  future  dissensions,  to 
succeeding  generations  in  both  countries,  and  to  transmit  your 
majesty's  name  to  posterity,  adorned  with  that  signal  and  lasting 
glory  that  has  attended  the  memory  of  those  illustrious  personages, 
whose  virtues  and  abilities  have  extricated  states  from  dangerous 
convulsions,  and,  by  securing  happiness  to  others,  have  erected  the 
most  noble  and  durable  monuments  to  their  own  fame. 

We  beg  leave  further  to  assure  your  majesty,  that  notwithstanding 
the  sufferings  of  your  loyal  colonists,  during  the  course  of  this  pre- 
sent controversy,  our  breasts  retain  too  tender  a  regard  for  the  kingdom 
from  which  we  derive  our  origin,  to  request  such  a  reconciliation  as 
might  in  any  manner  be  inconsistent  with  her  dignity  or  her  welfare. 
These,  related  as  we  are  to  her,  honor  and  duty,  as  well  as  inclina- 
tion, induce  us  to  support  and  advance  ;  and  the  apprehensions  that 
now  oppress  our  hearts  with  unspeakable  grief,  being  once  removed, 
your  majesty  will  find  your  faithful  subjects  on  this  continent  ready  and 
willing  at  all  times,  as  they  have  ever  been,  with  their  lives  and  for- 
tunes, to  assert  and  maintain  the  rights  and  interests  of  your  majesty, 
and  of  our  mother  country. 

We,  therefore,  beseech  your  majesty,  that  your  royal  authority  and 
influence  may  be  graciously  interposed  to  procure  us  relief  from  our 
afflicting  fears  and  jealousies,  occasioned  by  the  system  before  mention- 
ed, and  to  settle  peace  through  every  part  of  your  dominions,  with  all 
humility  submitting  to  your  majesty's  wise  consideration  whether  it 
may  not  be  expedient  for  facilitating  those  important  purposes,  that 
your  majesty  be  pleased  to  direct  some  mode*,  by  which  the  united 
applications  of  your  faithful  colonists  to  the  throne,  in  pursuance  of 
their  common  councils,  may  be  improved  into  a  happy  and  perma- 
nent reconciliation  :  and  that,  in  the  meantime,  measures  may  be 
taken  for  preventing  the  further  destruction  of  the  lives  of  your 
majesty'  s  subjects,  and  that  such  statutes  as  more  immediately  dis- 
tress any  of  your  majesty's  colonies  may  be  repealed. 

For  by  such  arrangements  as  your  majesty's  wisdom  can  form,  for 
collecting  the  united  sense  of  your  American  people,  we  are  convinced 
your  majesty  would  receive  such  satisfactory  proofs  of  the  disposition 


422  APPENDIX. 

of  the  colonists  towards  their  sovereign  and  parent  state,  that  the 
wished-for  opportunity  would  soon  be  restored  to  them,  of  evincing 
the  sincerity  of  their  profession,  by  every  testimony  of  devotion 
becoming  the  most  dutiful  subjects  and  the  most  affectionate 
colonists. 

That  your  majesty  may  enjoy  a  long  and  prosperous  reign,  and 
that  your  descendants  may  govern  your  dominions  with  honor  to 
themselves,  and  happiness  to  their  subjects,  is  our  sincere  prayer. 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  ASSEMBLY  OF  JAMAICA.* 
Mr.  Speaker,  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Assembly  of  Jamaica  : 

We  would  think  ourselves  deficient  in  our  duty,  if  we  suffered 
this  Congress  to  pass  over,  without  expressing  our  esteem  for  the 
assembly  of  Jamaica. 

"Whoever  attends  to  the  conduct  of  those  who  have  been  intrusted 
with  the  administration  of  British  affairs,  during  these  last  twelve 
years,  will  discover  in  it  a  deliberate  plan  to  destroy,  in  every  part 
of  the  empire,  the  free  constitution  for  which  Britain  has  been  so 
long  and  so  justly  famed.  With  a  dexterity,  artful  and  wicked,  they 
have  varied  the  modes  of  attack,  according  to  the  different  characters 
and  circumstances  of  those  whom  they  meant  to  reduce.  In  the 
East  Indies  where  the  effeminacy  of  the  inhabitants  promised  an 
easy  conquest,  they  thought  it  unnecessary  to  veil  their  tyrannic 
principle  under  the  thinnest  disguise.  Without  deigning  even  to  pre- 
tend a  justification  of  their  conduct,  they  sacrificed  the  lives  of 
millions  to  the  gratification  of  their  insatiable  avarice  and  lust  of 
power.  In  Britain,  where  the  maxims  of  freedom  were  still  known, 
but  where  luxury  and  dissipation  had  diminished  the  wonted  reve- 
rence for  them,  the  attack  has  been  carried  on  in  a  more  secret  and 
indirect  manner.  Corruption  has  been  employed  to  undermine 
them.  The  Americans  are  not  enervated  by  effeminacy,  like  the  in- 
habitants of  India ;  nor  debauched  by  luxury,  like  those  of  Great 
Britain.  It  was,  therefore,  judged  improper  to  assail  them  by 
bribery,  or  by  undisguised  force.  Plausible  systems  were  formed ; 
specious  pretences  were  made.  All  the  arts  of  sophistry  were  tried 
to  show  that  the  British  ministry  had  by  law  a  right  to  enslave  us. 
The  first  and  best  maxims  of  the  constitution,  venerable  to  Britons 
and  to  Americans,  werfc  perverted  and  profaned.  The  power  of  par- 
liament, derived  from  the  people,  to  bind  the  people,  was  extended 
over  those  from  whom  it  was  never  derived.  It  is  asserted,  that,  a 
standing  army  may  be  constitutionally  kept  among  us,  without  our 
consent.  Those  principles,  dishonorable  to  those  who  adopted 
them,  and  destructive  to  those  to  whom  they  were  applied,  were 
nevertheless  carried  into  execution  by  the  foes  of  liberty  and  of  man- 
kind. Acts  of  parliament,  ruinous  to  America,  and  unserviceable  to 
Britain,  were  made  to  bind  us  ;  armies  maintained  by  the  parliament 

*  Adopted  July  25,  1775— Journals  of  Congress,  Vol.  i.,  p.  162, 


ADDRESSES,  &c.,  OF  THE  SECOND  CONGRESS— 1775.      423 

were  sent  over  to  secure  their  operation.  The  power,  however,  and 
the  cunning  of  our  adversaries,  were  alike  unsuccessful.  We  refused 
to  their  parliaments  an  obedience,  which  our  judgments  disapproved 
of :  we  refused  to  their  armies  a  submission,  which  spirits,  unaccus- 
tomed to  slavery,  could  not  brook. 

But  while  we  spurned  a  disgraceful  subjection,  we  were  far  from 
running  into  rash  or  seditious  measures  of  opposition.  Filled  with 
sentiments  of  loyalty  to  our  Sovereign,  and  of  affection  and  respect 
for  our  fellow-subjects  in  Britain,  we  petitioned,  we  supplicated, 
we  expostulated ;  our  prayers  were  rejected  ;  our  remonstrances 
were  disregarded  ;  our  grievances  were  accumulated.  All  this  did 
not  provoke  us  to  violence. 

An  appeal  to  the  justice  and  humanity  of  those  who  had  injured 
us,  and  were  bound  to  redress  our  injuries,  was  ineffectual ;  we  next 
resolved  to  make  an  appeal  to  their  interest,  though  by  doing  so,  we 
knew  we  must  sacrifice  our  own  and  (which  gave  us  equal  uneasi- 
ness) that  of  our  friends,  who  had  never  offended  us,  and  who  were 
connected  with  us  by  a  sympathy  of  feelings,  under  oppressions 
similar  to  our  own.  We  resolved  to  give  up  our  commerce  that  we 
might  preserve  our  liberty.  We  flattered  ourselves  that,  when  by 
withdrawing  our  commercial  intercourse  with  Britain,  which  we 
had  an  undoubted  right  either  to  withdraw  or  continue,  her  trade 
should  be  diminished,  her  revenues  impaired,  and  her  manufacturers 
unemployed,  our  ministerial  foes  would  be  induced  by  interest,  or 
compelled  by  necessity,  to  depart  from  the  plan  of  tyranny  which 
they  had  so  long  pursued,  and  to  substitute  in  its  place  a  system 
more  compatible  with  the  freedom  of  America  and  justice  of  Bri- 
tain. That  this  scheme  of  non-importation  and  non-exportation 
might  be  productive  of  the  desired  effects,  we  were  obliged  to  in- 
clude the  islands  in  it.  From  this  necessity,  and  from  this  necessity 
alone,  has  our  conduct  towards  them  proceeded.  By  converting 
your  sugar-plantations  into  fields  of  grain,  you  can  supply  yourselves 
with  the  necessaries  of  life  :  While  the  present  unhappy  struggle 
shall  continue  we  cannot  do  more. 

But  why  should  we  make  any  apology  to  the  patriotic  assembly 
of  Jamaica,  who  know  so  well  the  value  of  liberty  ;  who  are  so 
sensible  of  the  extreme  danger  to  which  ours  is  exposed  ;  and  who 
foresee  how  certainly  the  destruction  of  ours  must  be  followed  by 
the  destruction  of  their  own  ? 

WTe  receive  uncommon  pleasure  from  observing  the  principles  of 
our  righteous  opposition  distinguished  by  your  approbation  :  we 
feel  the  warmest  gratitude  for  your  pathetic  mediation  in  our  behalf 
with  the  crown.  It  was  indeed  unavailing — but  are  you  to  blame  ? 
Mournful  experience  tells  us  that  petitions  are  often  rejected,  while 
the  sentiments  and  conduct  of  the  petitioners  entitle  what  they  offer 
to  a  happier  fate. 

That  our  petitions  have  been  treated  with  disdain,  is  now  become  the 
smallest  part  of  our  complaint :  Ministerial  insolence  is  lost  in  minis- 
terial barbarity.  It  has,  by  an  exertion  peculiarly  ingenious,  pro- 
cured those  very  measures  which  it  laid  us  under  the  hard  necessity 


424  APPENDIX. 

of  pursuing,  to  be  stigmatized  in  Parliament  as  rebellious  :  It  has 
employed  additional  fleets  and  armies  for  the  infamous  purpose  of 
compelling  us  to  abandon  them  :  It  has  plunged  us  in  all  the  horrors 
and  calamities  of  civil  war  :  It  has  caused  the  treasure  and  blood 
of  Britons  (formerly  shed  and  expended  for  far  other  ends)  to  be  spilt 
and  wasted  in  the  execrable  design  of  spreading  slavery  over  British 
America :  It  will  not,  however,  accomplish  its  aim  :  In  the  worst 
of  contingencies,  a  choice  will  still  be  left,  which  it  never  can  pre- 
vent us  from  making. 

The  peculiar  situation  of  your  island  forbids  your  assistance.  But 
we  have  your  good  wishes.  From  the  good  wishes  of  the  friends 
of  liberty  and  mankind,  we  shall  always  derive  consolation. 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  IRELAND.* 
Friends  and  Fellow  Subjects  : 

As  the  important  contest  into  which  we  have  been  driven  is  now 
become  interesting  to  every  European  state,  and  particularly  affects 
the  members  of  the  British  empire,  we  think  it  our  duty  to  address 
you  on  the  subject.  We  are  desirous,  as  is  natural  to  injured  inno- 
cence, of  possessing  the  good  opinion  of  the  virtuous  and  humane. 
We  are  peculiarly  desirous  of  furnishing  you  with  the  true  state  of 
our  motives  and  objects ;  the  better  to  enable  you  to  judge  of  our 
conduct  with  accuracy,  and  determine  the  merits  of  the  controversy 
with  impartiality  and  precision. 

However  incredible  it  may  appear  that,  at  this  enlightened  period, 
the  leaders  of  a  nation  which  in  every  age  has  sacrificed  hecatombs 
of  her  bravest  patriots  on  the  altar  of  liberty,  should  presume  gravely 
to  assert,  and  by  force  of  arms  attempt  to  establish  an  arbitrary  sway 
over  the  lives,  liberties,  and  property  of  their  fellow  subjects  in 
America,  it  is,  nevertheless,  a  most  deplorable  and  indisputable 
truth. 

These  colonies  have,  from  the  time  of  their  first  settlement  for 
near  two  centuries,  peaceably  enjoyed  those  very  rights  of  which  the 
ministry  have  for  ten  years  past  endeavored  by  fraud  and  by  violence 
to  deprive  them.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war  the  genius  of 
England  and  the  spirit  of  wisdom,  as  if  offended  at  the  ungrateful 
treatment  of  their  sons,  withdrew  from  the  British  counsels,  and  left 
that  nation  a  prey  to  a  race  of  ministers  with  whom  ancient  English 
honesty  and  benevolence  disdained  to  dwell.  From  that  period 
jealousy,  discontent,  oppression,  and  discord,  have  raged  among  all 
his  majesty's  subjects,  and  filled  every  part  of  his  dominions  with 
distress  and  complaint. 

Not  content  with  our  purchasing  of  Britain,  at  her  own  price, 
clothing  and  a  thousand  other  articles  used  by  near  three  millions  of 
people  on  this  vast  continent — not  satisfied  with  the  amazing  profits 
arising  from  the  monopoly  of  our  trade,  without  giving  us  either  time 

*  Adopted  July  28, 1775.— Journals  of  Congress,  vol  i.,  p.  16S. 


ADDRESSES,  &c,  OF  THE  SECOND  CONGRESS— 1775.   425 

to  breathe  after  a  long,  though  glorious  war,  or  the  least  credit  for  the 
blood  and  treasure  we  have  expended  in  it ;  notwithstanding  the  zeal 
we  had  manifested  for  the  service  of  our  sovereign,  and  the  warmest 
attachment  to  the  constitution  of  Britain  and  the  people  of  England,  a 
black  and  horrid  design  was  formed  to  convert  us  from  freemen  into 
slaves,  from  subjects  into  vassals,  and  from  friends  into  enemies. 

Taxes,  for  the  first  time  since  we  landed  on  the  American  shores, 
were  without  our  consent  imposed  upon  us  ;  an  unconstitutional 
edict  to  compel  us  to  furnish  necessaries  for  a  standing  army  that  we 
wished  to  see  disbanded,  was  issued  ;  and  the  legislature  of  New 
York  suspended  for  refusing  to  comply  with  it.  Our  ancient  and 
inestimable  right  of  trial  by  jury  was  in  many  instances  abolished, 
and  the  common  law  of  the  land  made  to  give  place  to  admiralty 
jurisdiction.  Judges  were  rendered,  by  the  tenure  of  their  commis- 
sions, entirely  dependent  on  the  will  of  a  minister.  New  crimes 
were  arbitrarily  created,  and  new  courts,  unknown  to  the  constitu- 
tion, instituted.  Wicked  and  insidious  governors  have  been  set 
over  us  ;  and  dutiful  petitions  for  the  removal  even  of  the  notoriously 
infamous  Governor  Hutchinson  were  branded  with  the  opprobrious 
appellations  of  scandalous  and  defamatory.  Hardy  attempts  have 
been  made,  under  color  of  parliamentary  authority,  to  seize  Ameri- 
cans and  carry  them  to  Great  Britain  to  be  tried  for  offences  com- 
mitted in  the  colonies.  Ancient  charters  have  no  longer  remained 
sacred  ;  that  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  was  violated,  and  their  form 
of  government  essentially  mutilated  and  transformed.  On  pretence 
of  punishing  a  violation  of  some  private  property,  committed  by  a 
few  disguised  individuals,  the  populous  and  flourishing  town  of 
Boston  was  surrounded  by  fleets  and  armies,  its  trade  destroyed,  its 
port  blocked  up,  and  thirty  thousand  citizens  subjected  to  all  the 
miseries  attending  so  sudden  a  convulsion  in  their  commercial  metro- 
polis ;  and  to  remove  every  obstacle  to  the  vigorous  execution  of  this 
system  of  oppression,  an  act  of  parliament  was  passed  evidently  cal- 
culated to  indemnify  those  who  might  in  the  prosecution  of  it  even 
embrue  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  the  inhabitants. 

Though  pressed  by  such  an  accumulation  of  undeserved  injuries, 
America  still  remembered  her  duty  to  her  sovereign.  A  congress, 
consisting  of  deputies  from  twelve  united  colonies,  assembled  ;  they, 
in  the  most  respectful  terms,  laid  their  grievances  at  the  foot  of  the 
throne,  and  implored  his  majesty's  interposition  in  their  behalf. 
They  also  agreed  to  suspend  all  trade  with  Great  Britain,  Ireland, 
and  the  West  Indies,  hoping,  by  this  peaceable  mode  of  opposition, 
to  obtain  that  justice  from  the  British  ministry  which  had  been  so 
long  solicited  in  vain.  And  here  permit  us  to  assure  you,  that  it  was 
with  the  utmost  reluctance  we  could  prevail  upon  ourselves  to  cease 
our  commercial  connexion  with  your  island.  Your  parliament  had 
done  us  no  wrong.  You  had  ever  been  friendly  to  the  rights  of  man- 
kind :  and  we  acknowledge  with  pleasure  and  gratitude  that  your 
nation  has  produced  patriots  who  have  nobly  distinguished  themselves 
in  the  cause  of  humanity  and  America.     On  the  other  hand,  we 

28 


426  APPENDIX. 

were  not  ignorant  that  the  labor  and  manufactures  of  Ireland,  like 
those  of  the  silk-worm,  were  of  little  moment  to  herself ;  but  served 
only  to  give  luxury  to  those  who  neither  toil  nor  spin.  We  per- 
ceived that  if  we  continued  our  commerce  with  you,  our  agreement 
not  to  import  from  Great  Britain  would  be  fruitless,  and  were  there- 
fore compelled  to  adopt  a  measure  to  which  nothing  but  absolute 
necessity  would  have  reconciled  us.  It  gave  us,  however,  some  con- 
solation to  reflect  that  should  it  occasion  much  distress  the  fertile 
regions  of  America  would  afford  you  a  safe  asylum  from  poverty, 
and  in  time  from  oppression  also  ;  an  asylum  in  which  many  thou- 
sands of  your  countrymen  have  found  hospitality,  peace,  and 
affluence,  and  become  united  to  us  by  all  the  ties  of  consanguinity, 
mutual  interest,  and  affection.  Nor  did  congress  stop  here  :  flattered 
by  a  pleasing  expectation  that  the  justice  and  humanity  which  had 
so  long  characterized  the  English  nation  would,  on  proper  applica- 
tion, afford  us  relief,  they  represented  their  grievances  in  an  affec- 
tionate address  to  their  brethren  in  Britain,  and  entreated  their  aid 
and  interposition  in  behalf  of  these  colonies. 

The  more  fully  to  evince  their  respect  for  their  sovereign,  the  un- 
happy people  of  Boston  were  requested  by  the  congress  to  submit  with 
patience  to  their  fate  ;  and  all  America  united  in  a  resolution  to  ab- 
stain from  every  species  of  violence.  During  this  period  that  devoted 
town  suffered  unspeakably.  Its  inhabitants  were  insulted  and  their 
property  violated.  Still  relying  on  the  clemency  and  justice  of  his 
majesty  and  the  nation,  they  permitted  a  few  regiments  to  take  posses- 
sion of  their  town,  to  surround  it  with  fortifications,  and  to  cut  off  all 
intercourse  between  them  and  their  friends  in  the  country. 

With  anxious  expectation  did  all  America  wait  the  event  of  their 
petition.  All  America  laments  its  fate.  Their  prince  was  deaf  to 
their  complaints  ;  and  vain  were  all  attempts  to  impress  him  with  a 
sense  of  the  sufferings  of  his  American  subjects,  of  the  cruelty  of 
their  task-masters,  and  of  the  many  plagues  which  impended  over 
his  dominions.  Instead  of  directions  for  a  candid  inquiry  into  our 
grievances,  insult  was  added  to  oppression,  and  our  long  forbearance 
rewarded  by  the  imputation  of  cowardice.  Our  trade  with  foreign 
states  was  prohibited ;  and  an  act  of  parliament  passed  to  prevent 
our  even  fishing  on  our  own  coasts.  Our  peaceable  assemblies,  for 
the  purpose  of  consulting  the  common  safety,  were  declared  sedi- 
tious ;  and  our  asserting  the  very  rights  which  placed  the  crown  of 
Great  Britain  on  the  heads  of  the  three  successive  princes  of  the  house 
of  Hanover,  styled  rebellion.  Orders  were  given  to  reinforce  the 
troops  in  America.  The  wild  and  barbarous  savages  of  the  wilder- 
ness have  been  solicited  by  gifts  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  us, 
and  instigated  to  deluge  our  settlements  with  the  blood  of  innocent 
and  defenceless  women  and  children.  The  whole  country  was 
moreover  alarmed  with  the  horrors  of  domestic  insurrections.  Re- 
finements in  parental  cruelty,  at  which  the  genius  of  Britain  must 
blush  !  Refinements  which  admit  not  of  being  even  recited  without 
horror,  or  practised  without  infamy  !    We  should  be  happy  were  these 


ADDRESSES,  &c.,  OF  THE  SECOND  CONGRESS— 1775.   427 

dark  machinations  the  mere  suggestions  of  suspicion.  We  are  sorry 
to  declare  that  we  are  possessed  of  the  most  authentic  and  indubitable 
evidence  of  their  reality. 

The  ministry,  bent  on  pulling  down  the  pillars  of  the  constitution, 
endeavored  to  erect  the  standard  of  despotism  in  America  ;  and  if , 
successful,  Britain  and  Ireland  may  shudder  at  the  consequences.     I 

Three  of  their  most  experienced  generals  are  sent  to  wage  war 
with  their  fellow  subjects  ;  and  America  is  amazed  to  find  the  name 
of  Howe  in  the  catalogue  of  her  enemies  :  she  loved  his  brother. 

Despairing  of  driving  the  colonists  to  resistance  by  any  other 
means  than  actual  hostility,  a  detachment  of  the  army  at  Boston 
marched  into  the  country  in  all  the  array  of  war,  and,  unprovoked, 
fired  upon  and  killed  several  of  the  inhabitants.  The  neighboring 
farmers  suddenly  assembled  and  repelled  the  attack.  From  this,  all 
communication  between  the  town  and  country  was  intercepted.  The 
citizens  petitioned  the  general  for  permission  to  leave  the  town,  and 
he  promised,  on  surrendering  their  arms,  to  permit  them  to  depart 
with  their  other  effects.  They  accordingly  surrendered  their  arms, 
and  the  general  violated  his  faith.  Under  various  pretences  passports 
were  delayed  and  denied ;  and  many  thousands  of  the  inhabitants 
are  at  this  day  confined  in  the  town  in  the  utmost  wretchedness  and 
want.  The  lame,  the  blind,  and  the  sick,  have  indeed  been  turned 
out  into  the  neighboring  fields  ;  and  some,  eluding  the  vigilance  of 
the  sentries,  have  escaped  from  the  town  by  swimming  to  the  adja- 
cent shores.  I 

The  war  having  thus  begun  on  the  part  of  General  Gage's  troops, 
the  country  armed  and  embodied.  The  reinforcements  from  Ireland 
soon  after  arrived  ;  a  vigorous  attack  was  then  made  upon  the  pro- 
vincials. In  their  march  the  troops  surrounded  the  town  of  Charles- 
town,  consisting  of  about  four  hundred  houses,  then  recently 
abandoned  to  escape  the  fury  of  a  relentless  soldiery.  Having 
plundered  the  houses,  they  set  fire  to  the  town  and  reduced  it  to 
ashes.  To  this  wanton  waste  of  property,  unknown  to  civilized 
nations,  they  were  prompted  the  better  to  conceal  their  approach 
under  cover  of  the  smoke.  A  shocking  mixture  of  cowardice  and 
cruelty,  which  then  first  tarnished  the  lustre  of  British  arms  when 
aimed  at  a  brother's  breast  !  But,  blessed  be  God,  they  were 
restrained  from  committing  further  ravages,  by  the  loss  of  a  very 
considerable  part  of  their  army,  including  many  of  their  most 
experienced  officers.     The  loss  of  the  inhabitants  was  inconsiderable. 

Compelled,  therefore,  to  behold  thousands  of  our  countrymen 
imprisoned,  and  men,  women,  and  children  involved  in  promiscuous 
and  unmerited  misery  !  When  we  find  all  faith  at  an  end,  and 
sacred  treaties  turned  into  tricks  of  state ;  when  we  perceive  our 
friends  and  kinsmen  massacred,  our  habitations  plundered,  our 
houses  in  flames,  and  their  once-happy  inhabitants  fed  only  by  the 
hand  of  charity  ;  who  can  blame  us  for  endeavoring  to  restrain  the 
progress  of  desolation  ?  who  can  censure  our  repelling  the  attacks 
of  such  a  barbarous  band  ?  who,  in  such  circumstances,  would  not 
obey  the  great,  the  universal,  the  divine  law  of  self-preservation  ? 


428  APPENDIX. 

Though  vilified  as  wanting  spirit,  we  are  determined  to  behave 
like  men — though  insulted  and  abused,  we  wish  for  reconciliation — 
though  defamed  as  seditious,  we  are  ready  to  obey  the  laws — and 
though  charged  with  rebellion,  will  cheerfully  bleed  in  defence  cr 
our  sovereign  in  a  righteous  cause.  What  more  can  we  say  ?  W> 
more  can  we  offer  ? 

But  we  forbear  to  trouble  you  with  a  tedious  detail  of  the  various 
and  fruitless  offers  and  applications  we  have  repeatedly  made,  not 
for  pensions,  for  wealth,  or  for  honors,  but  for  the  humble  boon  of 
being  permitted  to  possess  the  fruits  of  honest  industry,  and  to 
enjoy  the  degree  of  liberty  to  which  God  and  the  constitution  have 
given  us  an  undoubted  right. 

Blessed  with  an  indissoluble  union,  with  a  variety  of  internal  re- 
sources, and  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  justice  of  the  supreme  Dis- 
poser of  all  human  events,  we  have  no  doubt  of  rising  superior  to  all 
the  machinations  of  evil  and  abandoned  ministers.    We  already  antici- 
pate the  golden  period  when  liberty,  with  all  the  gentle  arts  of  peace 
and  humanity,  shall  establish  her  mild  dominion  in  this  western  world, 
and  erect  eternal  monuments  to  the  memory  of  those  virtuous  patriots 
and  martyrs  who  shall  have  fought  and  bled  and  suffered  in  her  cause. 
Accept  our  most  grateful  acknowledgments  for  the  friendly  dis- 
position you  have  always  shown  towards  us.     We  know  that  you 
are  not  without  your  grievances.     We  sympathize  with  you  in  your 
distress,  and  are  pleased  to  find  that  the  design  of  subjugating  us 
has  persuaded  administration  to  dispense  to  Ireland  some  vagrant 
rays  of  ministerial  sunshine.     Even  the  tender  mercies  of  govern- 
ment have  long  been  cruel  to  you.     In  the  rich  pastures  of  Ireland 
many  hungry  parricides  have  fed,  and  grown  strong  to  labor  in  its 
destruction.     We  hope  the   patient  abiding  of  the  meek  may  not 
always  be  forgotten  ;  and  God  grant  that  the  iniquitous  schemes  of 
extirpating  liberty  from  the  British  empire  may  be  soon  defeated. 
But  we  should  be  wanting  to  ourselves — we  should  be  perfidious  to 
posterity — we  should  be  unworthy   that   ancestry   from  which  we 
derive  our  descent,  should  we  submit  with  folded  arms  to  military 
butchery  and  depredation,  to  gratify  the  lordly  ambition,  or  sate  the 
avarice  of  a  British  ministry.     In  defence  of  our  persons  and  proper- 
ties, under  actual  violation,  we  have  taken  up  arms  ;    when   that 
violence  shall  be  removed,  and  hostilities  cease  on  the  part  of  the 
aggressors,  they  shall  cease  on  our  part  also.     For  the  achievement 
of  this  happy  event,  we  confide  in  the  good  offices  of  our  fellow 
subjects  beyond  the  Atlantic.     Of  their  friendly  dispositions  we  do 
not  yet  despond  ;  aware,  as  they  must  be,  that  they  have  nothing 
more  to  expect  from  the  same  common  enemy  than  the  humble  favor 
of  being  last  devoured. 


DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

JULY    4th,    1776. 


THE    UNANIMOUS    DECLARATION    OF    THE    THIRTEEN   UNITED    STATES    OF 
AMERICA    IN    CONGRESS    ASSEMBLED. 

When,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary  for  one 
people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  connected  them 
with  another,  and  to  assume  among  the  powers  of  the  earth  the  sepa 
rate  and  equal  station  to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's 
God  entitle  them,  a  decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind 
requires  that  they  should  declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the 
separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident ;  that  all  men  are  created 
equal  ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalien- 
able rights  ;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness  ;  that,  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted 
among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  go- 
verned ;  that,  whenever  any  form  of  government  becomes  destruc- 
tive of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish 
it,  and  to  institute  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such 
principles,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall 
seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness.  Prudence, 
mdeed,  will  dictate  that  governments  long  established  should  not  be 
changed  for  light  and  transient  causes  ;  and,  accordingly,  all  expe- 
rience hath  shown  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer,  while 
evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms 
to  which  they  are  accustomed.  But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and 
usurpations,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to 
reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their 
duty,  to  throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide  new  guards  for 
their  future  security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these 
colonies,  and  such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains  them  to 
alter  their  former  systems  of  government.  The  history  of  the  pre- 
sent king  of  Great  Britain  is  a  history  of  repeated  injuries  and 
usurpations,  all  having  in  direct  object  the  establishment  of  an  abso- 
lute tyranny  over  these  states.  To  prove  this,  let  facts  be  submitted 
to  a  candid  world  : — 

He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome  and  neces- 
sary for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  immediate  and 
pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their  operation  till  his 
assent  should  be  obtained  ;  and,  when  so  suspended,  he  has  utterly 
neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for  the  accommodation  of  large 
districts  of  people,  unless  those  people  would  relinquish  the  right  of 
representation  in  the  legislature — a  right  inestimable  to  them,  and 
formidable  to  tyrants  only. 


430  APPENDIX. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual,  un- 
comfortable, and  distant  from  the  repository  of  their  public  records, 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into  compliance  with  his 
measures. 

He  has  dissolved  representative  houses  repeatedly  for  opposing 
with  manly  firmness  his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the  people. 

He  has  refused,  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions,  to  cause 
others  to  be  elected ;  whereby  the  legislative  powers,  incapable  of 
annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  people  at  large  for  their  exercise — 
the  state  remaining,  in  the  meantime,  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  of 
invasion  from  without  and  convulsions  within. 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these  states — for 
that  purpose  obstructing  the  laws  of  naturalization  of  foreigners,  re- 
fusing to  pass  others  to  encourage  their  migration  hither,  and  raising 
the  conditions  of  new  appropriations  of  lands. 

He  has  obstructed  the  administration  of  justice,  by  refusing  his 
assent  to  laws  for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone  for  the  tenure  of 
their  offices  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their  salaries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  sent  hither  swarms 
of  officers  to  harass  our  people  and  eat  out  their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  standing  armies,  with- 
out the  consent  of  our  legislatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of,  and  superior 
to,  the  civil  power. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign 
to  our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws — giving  his 
assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended  legislation. 

For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us  ; 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punishment  for  any 
murders  which  they  should  commit  on  the  inhabitants  of  these 
states ; 

For  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  ; 

For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent ; 

For  depriving  us,  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  trial  by  jury  ; 

For  transporting  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended 
offences ; 

For  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English  laws  in  a  neighboring 
province,  establishing  therein  an  arbitrary  government,  and  enlarging 
its  boundaries,  so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an  example  and  fit  instru- 
ment for  introducing  the  same  absolute  rule  into  these  colonies  ; 

For  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most  valuable  laws, 
and  altering,  fundamentally,  the  forms  of  our  governments  ; 

For  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  declaring  themselves  in- 
vested with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

He  has  abdicated  government  here  by  declaring  us  out  of  his  pro- 
tection and  waging  war  against  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burni  our  towns, 
and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people, 
i     He  is  at  this  time  transoorting  large  armies  of  foreign  mercenaries 


DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE— 1TO.  431 

to  complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation,  and  tyranny,  already 
begun,  with  circumstances  of  cruelty  and  perfidy  scarcely  paralleled 
in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and  totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a 
civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive  on  the  high 
seas,  to  bear  arms  against  their  country,  to  become  the  executioners 
of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to  fall  themselves  by  their  hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  among  us,  and  has  endea- 
vored to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers  the  merciless  Indian 
savages,  whose  known  rule  of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished  destruc- 
tion of  all  ages,  sexes,  and  conditions. 

In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions,  we  have  petitioned  for  redress 
in  the  most  humble  terms.  Our  repeated  petitions  have  been 
answered  only  by  repeated  injury.  A  prince,  whose  character  is 
thus  marked  by  every  act  which  may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be 
the  ruler  of  a  free  people. 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attentions  to  our  British  brethren. 
We  have  warned  them,  from  time  to  time,  of  attempts,  by  their  legis- 
lature, to  extend  an  unwarrantable  jurisdiction  over  us.  We  have 
reminded  them  of  the  circumstances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement 
here.  We  have  appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  magnanimity, 
and  we  have  conjured  them,  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred,  to 
disavow  these  usurpations,  which  would  inevitably  interrupt  our 
connexions  and  correspondence.  They,  too,  have  been  deaf  to  the 
voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity.  We  must,  therefore,  acqui- 
esce in  the  necessity  which  denounces  our  separation,  and  hold 
them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies  in  war,  in  peace, 
friends. 

We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
in  general  Congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of 
the  World  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions,  do,  in  the  name,  and  by 
the  authority  of  the  good  people  of  these  colonies,  solemnly  publish 
and  declare"  that  these  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be, 
free  and  independent  states  ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  alle- 
giance to  the  British  crown,  and  that  all  political  connexion  between 
them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dis- 
solved ;  and  that,  as  free  and  independent  states,  they  have  full 
power  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances,  establish  com- 
merce, and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things  which  independent  states 
may  of  right  do.  And  for  the  support  of  this  declaration,  with  a  firm 
reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we  mutually  pledge 
to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor. 

The  foregoing  declaration  was,  by  order  of  Congress,  engrossed 
•  and  signed  by  the  following  members  : — 


SIGNERS  OF  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


'U3? 


SIGNERS  OF  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.    435 


IN   CONGRESS   ASSEMBLED,   JULY   4,    1776. 

The  following:  list  of  members  of  the  continental  Congress,  who  signed  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  (although  the  names  are  included  in  the  general  list  of  that 
Congress,  from  1774  to  1788),  is  given  separately,  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the 
places  and  dates  of  their  birth,  and  the  time  of  their  respective  deaths,  for  con- 
'      venient  reference. 


NAMES    OF   THE   SIGNERS. 

BORN    AT 

DELEGATED 
FROM 

DIED 

Adams,  John 

Braintree,  Mass.,    ]9  Oct.  1735 

Massachusetts, 

4  July,   1826 

Adams,  Samuel    . 

Boston,          "          27  Sep.  1722 

Massachusetts, 

2  Oct.,    1803 

Bartlett,  Josiah     . 

Amesbury,    "         in  Nov.  1729 

New  Hampshire, 

19  May,    1795 

Braxton,  Carter    . 

Newington,  Va.,    10  Sep.  1736 

Virginia, 

10  Oct.,    1797 

Carroll,  Cha's,  of  Car'lton 

Annapolis,  Md.,       20  Sep.  1737 

Maryland, 

14  Nov.,  1832 

Chase,  Samuel 

Somerset  co.,  Md.,  17  Apr.  1741 

Maryland, 

19  June,  1811 

Clark,  Abraham  . 

Ehzabetht'n,  N.  J.  15  Feb.  172G 

New  Jersey, 

—  Sept.,  1794 

Clymer,  George  . 

Philadelphia,  Penn.,     in     1739 

Pennsylvania, 

23  Jan.,    1813 

E fiery,  William  . 

Newport,  R.  I.,      22  Dec.  1727 

R.  I.  <5c  Prov.  PI., 

15  Feb.,  1820 

Floyd,  William    . 

Suffolk  co.,  N.  Y.,  17  Dec.  1734 

New  York, 

4  Aug.,   1821 

Franklin,  Benjamin     . 

Boston,  Mass..         17  Jan.  1706 

Pennsylvania, 

17  April,  1790 

Gerry,  Elbridge   . 

Marblehead,  Mass.,  17  Jul.  1744 

Massachusetts, 

23  Nov.,   1814 

Gwinnet,  Button  . 

England,                        in     1732 

Georgia, 

27  May,    1777 

Hall,  Lyman 
Hancock,  John 

r'rt-r.v*                 ■;«      i  -><n 

Georgia, 
Massachusetts, 

—  Feb.,  1790 
8  Oct.,    1793 

Braintree,  Mass.,          in     1737 

Harrison,  Benjamin 

Berkely,  Virginia,                

Virginia, 

—  April,  1791 

Hart  John    . 

Hopewell,  N.  J.,      about   1715 

New  Jersey, 

1 ,    1780 

Heyward,  Thomas,  jr. 

St.  Luke's,  S.  C.,          in     1746 

South  Carolina, 

—  Mar.,    1809 

Hewes,  Joseph     . 

Kingston,  N.  J.,             in     1730 

North  Carolina, 

10  Nov.,  1779 

Hooper,  William 

Boston,  Mass.,       17  June,  1742 

North  Carolina, 

—  Oct.,    1790 

Hopkins,  Stephen 

Scituate,     "               7  Mar.  1707 

R.  I.  &  Prov.  PI. 

13  July,    1785 

Hopkinson,  Francis      . 

Philadelphia,  Penn.,      in     1737 

New  Jersey, 

9  May,    1790 

Huntington,  Samuel     . 

Windham,  Conn.,  3  July,  1732 

Connecticut, 

5  Jan.,    1796 

Jefferson,  Thomas 

Shadwell,  Va.,       13  Apr.  1743 

Virginia, 

4  July,    1826 

Lee,  Francis  Lightfoot 

Stratford,       "           14  Oct.  1734 

Virginia, 

—  April,  1797 

Lee,  Richard  Henry    . 

Stratford,       "           20  Jan.  1732 

Virginia, 

19  June,   1791 

Lewis,  Francis    . 

Landaff,  Wales,     in  Mar.  1713 

New  York, 

30  Dec,    1803 

Livingston,  Philip 

Albany,  N.  Y.,         15  Jan.  1716 

New  York, 

12  June,  1718 

Lynch,  Thomas,  jr. 

St.  George's,  S.  C,  5  Aug.  1749 

South  Carolina, 

lostatsea  1779 

M  Kean,  Thomas 

Chester  co..  Pa.,    19  Mar,  1731 

Delaware, 

24  June,  1817 

Middleton,  Arthur 

Middleton  Place,  S.  C ,  in  1743 

South  Carolina, 

1  Jan.,    1787 

Morris,  Lewis 

Morrisania,  N.  Y.,            in  1726 

New  York, 

22  Jan.,     1798 

Morris,  Robert     . 

Lancashire,  Eug.,  Jan.  1733-'4 

Pennsylvania, 

8  May,    1806 

Morton,  John 

Ridley,  Penn.,               in     1724 

Pennsylvania, 

—  April,  1777 

Nelson,  Thomas,  jr. 

York,  Virginia,      26  Dec.  1738 

Virginia, 

4  Jan.,    1789 

Paca,  William 

Wye-Hill,  Md.,       31  OcL  1740 

Maryland, 

,    1799 

Paine,  Robert  Treat    . 

Boston,  M  L8SL,                in     1731 

Massachusetts, 

11  May,    1804 

Penn,  John 

Caroline  co.,  Va.,  17  May,  1741 

North  Carolina, 

26  Oct.,    1809 

Read,  George 

Cecil  co.,  Md..               in     1734 

Delaware, 

,    1798 

Rodney,  Cssar    . 

Dover,  Delaware,         in     1730 

Delaware, 

,    1783 

Ross,  George 

New  Castle,  Del.,         in     1730 

Pennsylvania, 

—  July,    1779 

Rush,  Benjamin,  M.  D. 

Byberry,  Penn.,     24  Dec.  1745 
Charleston,  S.  C,  in  Nov.  1749 

Pennsylvania, 

19  April,  1813 

Rutledge,  Edward 

South  Carolina, 

23  Jan.,    1800 

Sherman,  Roger  . 

Newton,  Mass.,      19  Apr.  1721 

Connecticut, 

23  July,    1793 

Smith,  James 

,  Ireland,                | 

Pennsylvania, 

11  July,    1806 

Stockton,  Richard 

Princeton,  N.  J.,       1  Oct.  1730 

New  Jersey, 

28  Feb.,   1781 

Stone,  Thomas 

Charles  co.,  Md.,           in     1742 

Maryland, 

5  Oct.,    1787 

Taylor,  George     . 

Pennsylvania, 
New  Hampshire, 
Georgia, 

23  Feb.,    1781 

Thornton,  Matthew     . 
Walton,  George  . 

"               in     171 1 

24  June,   1803 
2  Feb.,  1804 

Frederick  co.,  Va.,       in     174' 

Whipple,  William 

Kittery,  Maine,              in     1730 

.\Y\v  Hampshire, 

28  Nov.,  1785 

Williams,  William 

Lebanon,  Conn.,      8  Apr.  1731 

Connecticut, 

2  Aug.    1811 

W  ilson,  James     . 

Scotland,                     about  1742 

Pennsylvania, 

28  Aug.,  1798 

Witberspoou,  John 

Yester,  Scotland,      5  Feb.  1722 

New  Jersey, 

15  Nov.,  1794 

Wolcott,  Oliver    . 

Windsor,  Conn..    26  Nov.  1726  j 

Connecticut, 

1  Dec,  1797 

Wythe,  George   . 

Elizabeth  city  co.,  Va.,       1726  J 

Virginia, 

8  June,  1806 
J 

436  APPENDIX. 


ARTICLES  OF   CONFEDERATION. 


TO  ALL  TO  WHOM  THESE  PRESENTS  SHALL  COME,  WE,  THE  UNDERSIGNED, 
DELEGATES   OF  THE   STATES  AFFIXED   TO   OUR   NAMES,  SEND  GREETING. 

Whereas,  the  delegates  of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress 
assembled  did,  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  November,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-seven,  and  in  the  second  year 
of  the  independence  of  America,  agree  to  certain  articles  of  confederation 
and  perpetual  Union  between  the  states  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts 
Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  Connecticut,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  in  the  words  following,  viz.  : — 

Articles  of  Confederation  and  perpetual  Union  between  the  States  of  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Planta- 
tions, Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia. 

Article  1.  The  style  of  this  confederacy  shall  be, "  The  United  States 
of  America." 

Article  2.  Each  state  retains  its  sovereignty,  freedom,  and  independ- 
ence, and  every  power,  jurisdiction,  and  right,  which  is  not  by  this  con- 
federation expressly  delegated  to  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled. 

Article  3.  The  said  states  hereby  severally  enter  into  a  firm  league 
of  friendship  with  each  other  for  their  common  defence,  the  security  of 
their  liberties,  and  their  mutual  and  general  welfare  ;  binding  themselves 
to  assist  each  other  against  all  force  offered  to,  or  attacks  made  upon 
them,  or  any  of  them,  on  account  of  religion,  sovereignty,  trade,  or  any 
other  pretence  whatever. 

Article  4.  The  better  to  secure  and  perpetuate  mutual  friendship,  and 
intercourse  among  the  people  of  the  different  states  in  this  Union,  the  free 
inhabitants  of  each  of  these  states,  paupers,  vagabonds,  and  fugitives  from 
justice,  excepted,  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  free 
citizens  in  the  several  states  ;  and  the  people  of  each  state  shall  have  free 
ingress  and  regress  to  and  from  any  other  state,  and  shall  enjoy  therein 
all  the  privileges  of  trade  and  commerce  subject  to  the  same  duties,  im- 
positions, and  restrictions,  as  the  inhabitants  thereof  respectively,  provided 
that  such  restrictions  shall  not  extend  so  far  as  to  prevent  the  removal  of 
property  imported  into  any  state  to  any  other  state,  of  which  the  owner  is 
an  inhabitant ;  provided  also,  that  no  imposition,   duties,  or  restriction, 


ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION.  437 

shall  be  laid  by  any  state  on  the  property  of  the  United  States  or  either 
of  them. 

If  any  person  guilty  of  or  charged  with  treason,  felony,  or  other  high 
misdemeanor,  in  any  state,  shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  any  of 
the  United  States,  he  shall,  upon  demand  of  the  governor  or  executive 
power  of  the  state  from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up  and  removed  to  the 
state  having  jurisdiction  of  his  offence. 

Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  of  these  states  to  the  records, 
acts,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  the  courts  and  magistrates  of  every  other 
state. 

Article  5.  For  the  more  convenient  management  of  the  general  interests 
of  the  United  States,  delegates  ahall  be  annually  appointed  in  such  manner 
as  the  legislature  of  each  state  shall  direct  to  meet  in  Congress  on  the 
first  Monday  in  November,  in  every  year,  with  a  power  reserved  to  each 
state  to  recall  its  delegates  or  any  of  them,  at  any  time  within  the  year, 
and  to  send  others  in  their  stead  for  the  remainder  of  the  year. 

No  state  shall  be  represented  in  Congress  by  less  than  two,  nor  by 
more  than  seven  members  ;  and  no  person  shall  be  capable  of  being  a 
delegate  for  more  than  three  years  in  any  term  of  six  years  ;  nor  shall  any 
person,  being  a  delegate,  be  capable  of  holding  any  office  under  the  United 
States,  for  which  he,  or  another  for  his  benefit,  receives  any  salary,  fees, 
or  emoluments  of  any  kind. 

Each  state  shall  maintain  its  own  delegates  in  a  meeting  of  the  states, 
and  while  they  act  as  members  of  the  commitee  of  the  states. 

In  determining  questions  in  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled, 
each  state  shall  have  one  vote. 

Freedom  of  speech  and  debate  in  Congress  shall  not  be  impeached  or 
questioned  in  any  court  or  place  out  of  Congress  ;  and  the  members  of 
Congress  shall  be  protected  in  their  persons  from  arrests  and  imprison- 
ments, during  the  time  of  their  going  to  and  from  and  attendance  on  Con- 
gress, except  for  treason,  felony,  or  breach  of  the  peace. 

Article  6.  No  state,  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States  in  Con- 
gress assembled,  shall  send  any  embassy  to,  or  receive  any  embassy  from, 
or  enter  into  any  conference,  agreement,  alliance,  or  treaty,  with  any  king, 
prince,  or  state  ;  nor  shall  any  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust 
under  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them,  accept  of  any  present,  emolument, 
office  or  title  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  king,  prince,  or  foreign  state  ; 
nor  shall  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  or  any  of  them,  grant 
any  title  of  nobility. 

No  two  or  more  states  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  confederation,  or 
alliance  whatever,  between  them,  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States 
in  Congress  assembled,  specifying  accurately  the  purposes  for  which  the 
same  is  to  be  entered  into  and  how  long  it  shall  continue. 

No  state  shall  Lay  any  imports  or  duties,  which  may  interfere  with  any 
stipulations  in  treaties  entered  into  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  as- 
sembled, with  any  king,  prince,  or  state,  in  pursuance  of  any  treaties  al- 
ready proposed  by  Congress  to  the  courts  of  France  and  Spain. 

No  vessel-of-war  shall  be  kept  up  in  time  of  peace  by  any  state,  except 
such  number  only  as  shall  be  deemed  necessary  by  the  United  States  in 
Congress  assembled  for  the  defence  of  such  state  or  its  trade  ;  nor  shall 
any  body  of  forces  be  kept  up  by  any  state  in  time  of  peace,  except  such 
number  only  as    in  the   judgment   of  the    United  States  in  Congress  as- 


433  APPENDIX. 

sembled,  shall  be  deemed  requisite  to  garrison  the  forts  necessary  for 
the  defence  of  such  state  ;  but  every  state  shall  always  keep  up  a  well- 
regulated  and  disciplined  militia,  sufficiently  armed  and  accoutred,  and 
shall  provide  and  have  constantly  ready  for  use,  in  public  stores,  a  due 
number  of  field-pieces  and  tents,  and  a  proper  quantity  of  arms,  ammu- 
nition, and  camp  equipage. 

No  state  shall  engage  in  any  war  without  the  consent  of  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  unless  such  state  be  actually  invaded  by 
enemies  or  shall  have  received  certain  advice  of  a  resolution  being  formed 
by  some  nation  of  Indians  to  invade  such  state,  and  the  danger  is  so  im- 
minent as  not  to  admit  of  a  delay  till  the  United  States  in  Congress  as- 
sembled can  be  consulted ;  nor  shall  any  state  grant  commissions  to  any 
ships  or  vessels-of-war,  nor  letters  of  marque  or  reprisal,  except  it  be  after 
a  declaration  of  war  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  and  then 
only  against  the  kingdom  or  state,  and  the  subjects  thereof,  against  which 
war  has  been  so  declared,  and  under  such  regulations  as  shall  be  estab- 
lished by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  unless  such  state  be 
infested  by  pirates,  in  which  case  vessels-of-war  may  be  fitted  out  for  that 
occasion,  and  kept  so  long  as  the  danger  shall  continue,  or  until  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  determine  otherwise. 

Article  7.  When  land  forces  are  raised  by  any  state  for  the  common 
defence,  all  officers  of  or  under  the  rank  of  colonel,  shall  be  appointed  by 
the  legislature  of  each  state  respectively,  by  whom  such  forces  shall  be 
raised,  or  in  such  manner  as  such  state  shall  direct,  and  all  vacancies 
shall  be  filled  up  by  the  state  which  first  made  the  appointment. 

Article  8.  All  charges  of  war,  and  all  other  expenses  that  shall  be 
incurred  for  the  common  defence  or  general  welfare,  and  allowed  by  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  be  defrayed  out  of  a  common 
treasury,  which  shall  be  supplied  by  the  several  states  in  proportion  to  the 
value  of  all  land  within  each  state  granted  to  or  surveyed  for  any  person, 
as  such  land  and  the  buildings  and  improvements  thereon  shall  be  estima- 
ted according  to  such  mode  as  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled 
shall  from  time  to  time  direct  and  appoint. 

The  taxes  for  paying  that  proportion  shall  be  laid  and  levied  by  the 
authority  and  direction  of  the  legislatures  of  the  several  states,  within  the 
time  agreed  upon  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled. 

Article  9.  The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  have  the 
sole  and  exclusive  right  and  power  of  determining  on  peace  and  war,  ex- 
cept in  the  cases  mentioned  in  the  sixth  article — of  sending  and  receiving 
ambassadors — entering  into  treaties  and  alliances  ;  provided,  that  no  treaty 
of  commerce  shall  be  made  whereby  the  legislative  power  of  the  respective 
states  shall  be  restrained  from  imposing  such  imposts  and  duties  on 
foreigners  as  their  own  people  are  subjected  to,  or  from  prohibiting  the 
exportation  or  importation  of  any  species  of  goods  or  commodities  what- 
soever— of  establishing  rules  for  deciding  in  all  cases,  what  captures  on 
land  or  water  shall  be  legal,  and  in  what  manner  prizes  taken  by  land  or 
naval  forces  in  the  service  of  the  United  States  shall  be  divided  or  appro- 
priated— of  granting  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  in  times  of  peace — ap- 
pointing courts  for  the  trial  of  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the  high 
seas,  and  establishing  courts  for  receiving  and  determining  finally  appeals 
in  all  cases  of  captures  :  provided,  that  no  member  of  Congress  shall  be 
appointed  a  judge  of  any  of  the  said  courts. 


ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION.  439 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  also  be  the  last  resort 
on  appeal  in  all  disputes  and  differences  now  subsisting  or  that  hereafter 
may  arise  between  two  or  more  states  concerning  boundary,  jurisdiction, 
or  any  other  cause  whatever  ;  which  authority  shall  always  be  exercised 
in  the  manner  following  :  whenever  the  legislative  or  executive  authority 
or  lawful  agent  of  any  state  in  controversy  with  another  shall  present  a 
petition  to  Congress,  stating  the  matter  in  question,  and  praying  for  a 
hearing,  notice  thereof  shall  be  given  by  order  of  Congress  to  the  legis- 
lative or  executive  authority  of  the  other  state  in  controversy,  and  a  day 
assigned  for  the  appearance  of  the  parties,  by  their  lawful  agents,  who 
shall  then  be  directed  to  appoint  by  joint  consent  commissioners  or  judges 
to  constitute  a  court  for  hearing  and  determining  the  matter  in  question ; 
but  if  they  can  not  agree,  Congress  shall  name  three  persons  out  of  each 
of  the  United  States,  and  from  the  list  of  such  persons  each  party  shall 
alternately  strike  out  one,  the  petitioners  beginning  until  the  number  shall 
be  reduced  to  thirteen ;  and  from  that  number  not  less  than  seven  nor 
more  than  nine  names,  as  Congress  shall  direct  shall,  in  the  presence  of 
Congress,  be  drawn  out  by  lot ;  and  the  persons  whose  names  shall  be  so 
drawn,  or  any  five  of  them,  shall  be  commissioners  or  judges,  to  hear  and 
finally  determine  the  controversy,  so  always  as  a  major  part  of  the  judges, 
who  shall  hear  the  cause,  shall  agree  in  the  determination  :  and  if  either 
party  shall  neglect  to  attend  at  the  day  appointed,  without  showing  reasons 
wrhich  Congress  shall  judge  sufficient,  or  being  present  shall  refuse  to 
strike,  the  Congress  shall  proceed  to  nominate  three  persons  out  of  each 
state,  and  the  secretary  of  Congress  shall  strike  in  behalf  of  such  party 
absent  or  refusing  ;  and  the  judgment  and  sentence  of  the  court  to  be  ap- 
pointed in  the  manner  before  prescribed,  shall  be  final  and  conclusive  , 
and  if  any  of  the  parties  shall  refuse  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  such 
court,  or  to  appear,  or  defend  their  claim  or  cause,  the  court  shall  never- 
theless proceed  to  pronounce  sentence  or  judgment,  which  shall  in  like 
manner  be  final  and  decisive,  the  judgment  or  sentence  and  other  proceed- 
ings, being  in  either  case  transmitted  to  Congress,  and  lodged  among  the 
acts  of  Congress  for  the  security  of  the  parties  concerned  :  provided,  that 
every  commissioner,  before  he  sits  in  judgment,  shall  take  an  oath,  to  be 
administered  by  one  of  the  judges  of  the  supreme  or  superior  court  of  the 
state,  where  the  cause  shall  be  tried,  "  well  and  truly  to  hear  and  deter- 
mine the  matter  in  question,  according  to  the  best  of  his  judgment,  without 
favor,  affection,  or  hope  of  reward  :"  provided  also,  that  no  state  shall  be 
deprived  of  territory  for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States. 

All  controversies  concerning  the  private  right  of  soil,  claimed  under 
different  grants  of  two  or  more  states,  whose  jurisdiction  as  they  may 
respect  such  lands  and  the  states  which  passed  such  grants  are  adjusted, 
the  said  grants  or  either  of  them  being  at  the  same  time  claimed  to  have 
originated  antecedent  to  such  settlement  of  jurisdiction,  shall,  on  the  peti- 
tion of  either  party  to  the  Congress  of  tho  United  States,  be  finally  deter- 
mined, as  near  as  may  be,  in  the  same  manner  as  is  before  prescribed  for 
deciding  disputes  respecting  territorial  jurisdiction  between  different 
states. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  also  have  the  sole  and 
exclusive  right  and  power  of  regulating  the  alloy  and  value  of  coin  struck 
by  their  own  authority,  or  by  that  of  the  respective  states — fixing  tho 
standard  of  weights  and  measures  throughout  the  United  States — regulating 


440  APPENDIX. 

the  trade  and  managing  all  affairs  with  the  Indians  not  members  of  any  of  the 
states  ;  provided  that  the  legislative  right  of  any  state  within  its  own  limits 
Le  not  infringed  or  violated — establishing  and  regulating  postoffices  from 
one  state  to  another  throughout  all  the  United  States,  and  exacting  such 
postage  on  the  papers  passing  through  the  same,  as  may  be  requisite  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  said  office — appointing  all  officers  of  the  land 
forces  in  the  service  of  the  United  States  excepting  regimental  officers — ■ 
appointing  all  the  officers  of  the  naval  forces,  and  commissioning  all 
officers  whatever  in  the  service  of  the  United  States — making  rules  for  the 
government  and  regulation  of  the  said  land  and  naval  forces,  and  directing 
their  operations. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  have  authority  to  ap- 
point a  committee  to  sit  in  the  recess  of  Congress,  to  be  denominated  "  a 
committee  of  the  states,"  and  to  consist  of  one  delegate  from  each  state  ; 
and  to  appoint  such  other  committees  and  civil  officers  as  may  be  necessary 
for  managing  the  general  affairs  of  the  United  States,  under  their  direc- 
tion— to  appoint  one  of  their  number  to  preside,  provided  that  no  person 
be  allowed  to  serve  in  the  office  of  president  more  than  one  year  in  any 
term  of  three  years — to  ascertain  the  necessary  sums  of  money  to  be 
raised  for  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  to  appropriate  and  apply 
the  same  for  defraying  the  public  expenses — to  borrow  money  or  emit 
bills  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  transmitting  every  half  year  to  the 
respective  states  an  account  of  the  sums  of  money  so  borrowed  or  emitted 
— to  build  and  equip  a  navy — to  agree  upon  the  number  of  land  forces,  and 
to  make  requisitions  from  each  state  for  its  quota,  in  proportion  to  the 
number  of  white  inhabitants  in  such  state  ;  which  requisition  shall  be 
binding,  and  thereupon  the  legislature  of  each  state  shall  appoint  the  regi- 
mental officers,  raise  the  men,  and  clothe,  arm,  and  equip  them,  in  a  soldier- 
like manner,  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States  ;  and  the  officers  and 
men  so  clothed,  armed,  and  equipped,  shall  march  to  the  place  appointed, 
and  within  the  time  agreed  on  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  : 
but  if  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  shall,  on  consideration  of 
circumstances,  judge  proper  that  any  state  should  not  raise  men  or  should 
raise  a  smaller  number  than  its  quota,  and  that  any  other  state  should  raise 
a  greater  number  of  men  than  the  quota  thereof,  such  extra  number  shall 
be  raised,  officered,  clothed,  armed,  and  equipped,  in  the  same  manner  as 
the  quota  of  such  state,  unless  the  legislature  of  such  state  shall  judge 
that  such  extra  number  can  not  safely  be  spared  out  of  the  same  ;  in  which 
case  they  shall  raise,  officer,  clothe,  arm,  and  equip,  as  many  of  such 
extra  number  as  they  judge  can  be  safely  spared.  And  the  officers 
and  men  so  clothed,  armed,  and  equipped,  shall  march  to  the  place  ap- 
pointed, and  within  the  time  agreed  on  by  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  never  engage  in  a  war, 
nor  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  in  time  of  peace,  nor  enter  into 
any  treaties  or  alliances,  nor  coin  money,  nor  regulate  the  value  thereof, 
nor  ascertain  the  sums  and  expenses  necessary  for  the  defence  and  wel- 
fare of  the  United  States  or  any  of  them,  nor  emit  bills,  nor  borrow  money 
on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  nor  appropriate  money,  nor  agree  upon 
the  number  of  vessels-of-war  to  be  built  or  purchased,  or  the  number  of 
land  or  sea  forces  to  be  raised,  nor  appoint  a  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  or  navy,  unless  nine  states  assent  to  the  same  ;  nor  shall  a  question 


ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION.  44 1 

on  any  other  point,  except  for  adjourning  from  day  to  day,  be  determined, 
unless  by  the  votes  of  a  majority  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  as- 
sembled. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  shall  have  power  to  adjourn  to  any 
time  within  the  year,  and  to  any  place  within  the  United  States,  so  that 
no  period  of  adjournment  be  for  a  longer  duration  than  the  space  of  six 
months  ;  and  shall  publish  the  journal  of  their  proceedings  monthly,  ex- 
cept such  parts  thereof  relating  to  treaties,  alliances,  or  military  operations, 
as  in  their  judgment  require  secresy ;  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  dele- 
gates of  each  state  on  any  question  shall  be  entered  on  the  journal,  when 
it  is  desired  by  any  delegate  ;  and  the  delegates  of  a  state,  or  any  of  them, 
at  his  or  their  request,  shall  be  furnished  with  a  transcript  of  the  said 
journal,  except  such  parts  as  are  above  excepted,  to  lay  before  the  legis- 
latures of  the  several  stales. 

Article  10.  The  committee  of  the  states,  or  any  nine  of  them,  shall  be 
authorized  to  execute,  in  the  recess  of  Congress,  such  of  the  powers  of 
Congress  as  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  by  the  consent  of 
nine  states,  shall  from  time  to  time,  think  expedient  to  vest  them  with  ; 
provided  that  no  power  be  delegated  to  the  said  committee,  for  the  exercise 
of  which,  by  the  articles  of  confederation,  the  voice  of  nine  states  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  assembled  is  requisite. 

Article  11.  Canada,  acceding  to  this  confederation,  and  joining  in  the 
measures  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  admitted  into,  and  entitled  to,  all 
the  advantages  of  this  Union  ;  but  no  other  colony  shall  be  admitted  into 
the  same  unless  such  admission  be  agreed  to  by  nine  states. 

Article  12.  All  bills  of  credit  emitted,  moneys  borrowed,  and  debts 
contracted,  by  or  under  the  authority  of  Congress,  before  the  assembling 
of  the  United  States,  in  pursuance  of  the  present  confederation,  shall  be 
deemed  and  considered  as  a  charge  against  the  United  States,  for  payment 
and  satisfaction  whereof  the  said  United  States  and  the  public  faith  are 
hereby  solemnly  pledged. 

Article  13.  Every  state  shall  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  on  all  questions  which,  by  this  confedera- 
tion, are  submitted  to  them.  And  the  articles  of  this  confederation  shall 
be  inviolably  observed  by  every  state,  and  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual ; 
nor  shall  any  alteration  at  any  time  hereafter  be  made  in  any  of  them,  un- 
less such  alteration  be  agreed  to  in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and 
be  afterward  confirmed  by  the  legislature  of  every  state. 

And  whereas  it  has  pleased  the  great  Governor  of  the  world  to  incline 
the  hearts  of  the  legislatures  we  respectively  represent  in  Congress,  to 
approve  of  and  to  authorize  us  to  ratify  the  said  articles  of  confederation 
and  perpetual  Union:  know  ye,  that  we,  the  undersigned  delegates,  by 
virtue  of  the  power  and  authority  to  us  given  for  that  purpose,  do,  by  these 
presents,  in  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  our  respective  constituents,  fully 
and  entirely  ratify  and  confirm  each  and  every  of  the  said  articles  of  con- 
federation and  perpetual  Union,  and  all  and  singular  the  matters  and  things 
therein  contained  ;  and  we  do  further  solemnly  plight  and  engage  the  faith 
of  our  respective  constituents,  that  they  shall  abide  by  the  determinations 
of  the  Inited  States  in  Congress  assembled,  on  all  questions  which,  by  the 
said  confederation,  are  submitted  to  them  ;  and  that  the  articles  thereof 
shall  be  inviolably  observed  by  the  states  we  respectively  represent ;  and 
that  the  Union  be  perpetual. 

29 


443 


APPENDIX. 


In  witness  whereof,  we  have  hereunto  set  our  hands,  in  Congress. 
Done  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  the  ninth  day  of  July, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-eight, 
and  in  the  third  year  of  the  independence  of  America. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  Jonathan  Bayard  Smith, 

Josiah  Bartlett,  William  Clingan, 

John  Wentworth,  jr.  Joseph  Reed. 


MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 
John  Hancock, 
Samuel  Adams, 
Elbridge  Gerry, 
Francis  Dana, 
James  Lovell, 
Samuel  Holten. 

RHODE  ISLAND. 
William  Ellert, 
Henry  Marchant, 
John  Collins. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Roger  Sherman, 
Samuel  Huntington, 
Oliver  Wolcott, 
Titus  Hosmer, 
Andrew  Adams. 

NEW  YORK. 
James  Duane, 
Francis  Lewis, 
William  Duer, 
G-ouverneur  Morris. 

NEW  JERSEY. 
John  Withersfoon, 
Nath.  Scudder. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Robert  Morris, 
Daniel  Roberdeatj, 


DELAWARE. 

Thomas  M'Kean, 
John  Dickinson, 
Nicholas  Van  Dyke. 

MARYLAND. 

John  Hanson, 
Daniel  Carroll. 

VIRGINIA. 

Richard  Henry  Lee, 
John  Banister, 
Thomas  Adams, 
John  Harvie, 
Francis  Lightfoot  Lee. 

NORTH  CAROLINA. 
John  Penn, 
Constable  Harnett, 
John  Williams. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

Henry  Laurens, 
William  Henry  Drayton, 
John  Matthews, 
Richard  Hutson, 
Thomas  Heyward,  jr. 

GEORGIA. 
John  Walton, 
Edward  Telfair, 
Edward  Langworthy. 


A  FRAGMENT  OF  POLYBIUS.  443 

NOTE    IX. — PAGE    354. 

A  FRAGMENT  OF  POITBIUS. 

[From  his  Treatise  on  the  Athenian  Government.] 

This  was  presented  by  Sir  William  Jones  to  Dr.  Franklin  at 
Paris,  about  the  last  of  June,  1782.  It  was  no  doubt  drawn  by 
him,  and  was  supposed  to  be  an  indirect  mode  of  sounding  Dr. 
Franklin,  as  to  terms  of  accommodatiom  with  Great  Britain, 
short  of  an  express  and  open  acknowledgment  of  the  independence 
of  the  United  States. 

Athens  had  long  been  an  object  of  universal  admiration,  and  conse- 
quently of  envy  ;  her  navy  was  invincible,  her  commerce  extensive  ; 
Europe  and  Asia  supplied  her  with  wealth  ;  of  her  citizens,  all  were 
intrepid,  many  virtuous  ;  but  some  too  much  infected  with  principles 
unfavorable   to   freedom.      Hence    an    oligarchy   was,    in  a   great 
measure,    established  ;    crooked   counsels   were   thought    supreme 
wisdom  ;  and  the  Athenians,  having  lost  their  true  relish  for  their 
own  freedom,  began  to  attack  that  of  their  colonies,  and  of  the  states 
which  they   had  before  protected  !     Their  arrogant  claims  of  un- 
limited dominion  had  compelled  the  Chians,  Coans,  Rhodians,  Les- 
bians, to  join  with  nine  other  small  communities  in  the  social  war, 
which   they  began  with  inconceivable   ardor,   and   continued  with 
industry  surpassing  all  example,  and  almost  surpassing  belief.  They 
were  openly  assisted  by  Mausolus,  king  of  Caria,  to  whose  metropo- 
lis the  united  islands  had  sent  a  philosopher  named  Eleatherion, 
eminent  for  the  deepest  knowledge  of  nature,  the  most  solid  judg- 
ment, most  approved  virtue,   and  most  ardent  zeal  for  the  cause  of 
general  liberty.     The  war  had  been  supported  for  three  years  with 
infinite  exertions  of  valor  on  both  sides,  with  del*Derate  firmness  on 
the  part  of  the  allies,  and  with  unabated  violence  on  the  part  of  the 
Athenians,    who    had    nevertheless    dispatched   commissioners   to 
Rhodes  with  intent  to  propose  terms  of  accommodation ;  but  the 
states  (perhaps  too  pertinaciously)   refused   to   hear  any   proposal 
whatever,  without  a  previous  recognition  of  their  total  independence 
by  the  magistrates  and  people  of  Athens.     It  was  not  long  after  this 
that  an  Athenian,  who  had  been  a  pupil  of  Isaeus  together  with 
Demosthenes,  and  began  to  be  known  in  his  country  as  a  pleader  of 
causes,  was  led  by  some  affair  of  his  clients  to  the  capital  of  Caria. 
He  was  a  man,   unauthorized,   unemployed,  unconnected,  indepen- 
dent in  his  circumstances  as  much  as  in  his  principles,  admitting  no 
governor  under  Providence  but  the  laws,   and  no  laws   but  those 
which  justice   and  virtue  had   dictated,   which   wisdom   approved, 
which  his  country  had  freely  enacted.     He  had  been   known   at 
Athens  to  the  sage  Eleutherion ;  and  their  acquaintance  being  re- 
newed, he  sometjmes  took  occasion  in  their  conversations  to  lament 
the  increasing  calamities  of  war,  and  to  express  his  eager  desire  of 
making  a  general  peace  on  such  terms  as  would  produce  the  greatest 
good  from  the  greatest  evil  ;  for  "  this,"  said  he,  "  would  be  a  work 


444  APPENDIX. 

not  unworthy  of  the  divine  attributes,  and  if  mortals  could  effect  itt 
they  would  act  like  those  beneficent  beings  whom  Socrates  believed 
to  be  the  constant  friends  and  attendants  of  our  species." 

He  added,  "  As  to  the  united  natkms,  I  applaud,  admire,  and 
almost  envy  them  ;  I  am  even  tempted  to  wish  that  I  had  been  born 
a  Chian  or  a  Rhodian  ;  but  let  them  be  satisfied  with  the  prize  of 
virtue  which  they  have  already  obtained.  I  will  yield  to  none  of 
your  countrymen,  my  friend,  in  my  love  of  liberty  ;  but  she  seems 
more  lovely  to  my  eyes,  when  she  comes  hand  in  hand  with  peace. 
From  that  union  we  can  expect  nothing  but  the  highest  happiness  of 
which  our  nature  is  capable  ;  and  it  is  an  union  which  nothing  now 
obstructs  but  a  mere  word. 

"  Let  the  confederates  be  contented  with  the  substance  of  that 
independence  which  they  have  asserted,  and  the  word  will  necessarily 
follow. 

"  Let  them  not  hurt  the  natural,  and  perhaps  not  reprehensible, 
pride  of  Athens,  nor  demand  any  concession  that  may  sink  in  the 
eyes  of  Greece,  a  nation  to  whom  they  are  and  must  be  united  in 
language,  in  blood,  in  manners,  in  interest,  in  principles.  Glory  is 
to  a  nation  what  reputation  is  to  an  individual  ;  it  is  not  an  empty 
sound,  but  important  and  essential.  It  will  be  glorious  in  Athens  to 
acknowledge  her  error  in  attempting  to  reduce  the  islands ;  but  an 
acknowledgment  of  her  inability  to  reduce  them  (if  she  be  unable) 
will  be  too  public  a  confession  of  weakness,  and  her  rank  among  the 
states  of  Greece  will  instantly  be  lowered. 

"  But  whatever  I  might  advise,  if  my  advice  had  any  chance  of 
being  taken,  this  I  know,  and  positively  pronounce,  that  while  Athens 
is  Athens,  her  proud  but  brave  citizens  will  never  expressly  recog- 
nise the  independence  of  the  islands  :  their  resources  are  no  doubt 
exhaustible,  but  will  not*  be  exhausted  in  the  lives  of  us  and  of  our 
children.  In  this  resolution  all  parties  agree  :  I,  who  am  of  no  party, 
dissent  from  them  ;  b^t  what  is  a  single  voice  in  so  vast  a  multitude  1 
Yet  the  independence  of  the  United  States  was  tacitly  acknowledged 
by  the  very  offer  of  terms,  and  it  would  result  in  silence  from  the 
natural  operation  of  the  treavy.  An  express  acknowledgment  of  it 
is  merely  formal  with  respect  to  the  allies ;  but  the  prejudices  of 
mankind  have  made  it  substantial  with  respect  to  Athens. 

"  Let  this  obstacle  be  removed  :  it  is  slight,  but  fatal  ;  and  whilst 
it  lasts,  thousands  and  ten  thousands  will  perish.  In  war  much 
will  always  depend  upon  blind  chance,  and  a  storm  or  sudden  fall 
of  snow  may  frustrate  all  your  efforts  for  liberty  ;  but  let  commis- 
sioners from  both  sides  meet,  and  the  islanders,  by  not  insisting  on  a 
preliminary  recognition  of  independence,  will  ultimately  establish  it 
for  ever.  i 

"  But  independence  is  not  disunion.  Chios,  Cos,  Lesbos,  Rhodes, 
are  united,  but  independent  on  each  other  :  they  are  connected  by  a 
common  tie,  but  have  different  forms  and  different  constitutions. 
They  are  gems  of  various  colors  and  various  properties,  strung  in 
one  bracelet.  Such  an  union  can  only  be  made  between  states, 
which,  how  widely  soever  they  differ  in  form,  agree  in  one  commoa 


A  FRAGMENT  OF  POLYBIUS.  445 

property,  freedom.  Republics  may  form  alliances,  but  not  a  federal 
union,  with  arbitrary  monarchies.  Were  Athens  governed  by  the 
will  of  a  monarch,  she  coufcd  never  be  co-ordinate  with  the  free 
islands  ;  for  such  an  union  would  not  be  dissimilarity  but  dissonance  ; 
but  she  is  and  shall  be  ruled  by  laws  alone,  that  is,  by  the  will  of 
the  people,  which  is  the  only  law.  Her  Archon,  even  when  he  was 
perpetual,  had  no  essential  properties  of  monarchy.  The  constitu- 
tion of  Athens,  if  we  must  define  it,  was  then  a  republic  with  a 
perpetual  administrator  of  its  laws.  Between  Athens,  therefore,  and 
the  freest  states  in  the  world,  a  union  may  naturally  be  formed. 

"  There  is  a  natural  union  between  her  and  the  islands  which  the 
gods  have  made,  and  which  the  powers  of  hell  cannot  dissolve. 
Men  speaking  the  same  idiom,  educated  in  the  same  manner, 
perhaps  in  the  same  place,  professing  the  same  principles,  sprung 
from  the  same  ancestors,  in  no  very  remote  degree  ;  and  related  to 
each  other  in  a  thousand  modes  of  consanguinity,  affinity,  and 
friendship,  such  men  (whatever  they  may  say  through  a  temporary 
resentment)  can  never  in  their  hearts  consider  one  another  as 
aliens. 

"  Let  them  meet  then  with  fraternal  and  pacific  dispositions,  and 
let  this  be  the  general  ground-work  and  plan  of  the  treaty. 

1.  "  The  Carians  shall  be  included  in  the  pacification,  and  have 
such  advantages  as  will  induce  them  to  consent  to  the  treaty  rather 
than  continue  a  hazardous  war.  . 

2.  "  The  archon,  senate,  and  magistrates  of  Athens  shall  make  a 
complete  recognition  of  rights  of  all  the  Athenian  citizens  of  all 
orders  whatever,  and  all  former  laws  for  that  purpose  shall  be  com- 
bined in  one.     There  shall  not  be  one  slave  in  Attica. 

Note.  "  [By  making  this  a  preliminary,  the  islanders  will  show 
their  affection  for  the  people  of  Athens  :  their  friendship  will  be 
cemented  and  fixed  on  a  solid  basis  ;  and  the  greatest  good  will  be 
extracted,  as  I  at  first  proposed,  from  the  greatest  evil.] 

3.  "  There  shall  be  a  perfect  co-ordination  between  Athens  and 
the  thirteen  united  islands,  they  considering  her  not  as  a  parent, 
whom  they  must  obey,  but  as  an  elder  sister,  whom  they  cannot  help 
loving,  and  to  whom  they  shall  give  pre-eminence  of  honor  and  co- 
equality  of  power. 

4.  "  The  new  constitutions  of  the  confederate  islands  shall 
remain. 

5.  "  On  every  occasion  requiring  acts  for  the  general  good,  there 
shall  be  an  assembly  of  deputies  from  the  senate  of  Athens  and  the 
congress  of  the  islands,  who  shall  fairly  adjust  the  whole  business, 
and  settle  the  ratio  of  the  contributions  on  both  sides.  This  com- 
mittee shall  consist  of  fifty  islanders  and  fifty  Athenians,  or  of  a 
smaller  number  chosen  by  them. 

6.  "  If  it  be  thought  necessary  and  found  convenient,  a  propor- 
tionable number  of  Athenian  citizens  shall  have  seats,  and  power  of 
debating  and  voting  on  questions  of  common  concern,  in  the  great 
assembly  of  the  islands,  and  a  proportionable  number  of  islanders 
shall  sit  with  the  like  power  in  the  assembly  at  Athens, 


446  APPENDIX. 

Note.  "  [This  reciprocal  representation  will  cement  the  union. 

7.  "  There  shall  be  no  obligation  to  make  war  but  for  the  common 
interest. 

8.  "  Commerce  shall  flow  in  a  free  course  for  the  general  advan- 
tage of  the  united  powers. 

0.  "An  universal  unlimited  amnesty  shall  be  proclaimed  in  every 
part  of  Greece  and  Asia. 

M  This,"  said  the  Athenian,  "  is  the  rough  sketch  of  a  treaty 
founded  on  virtue  and  liberty.  The  idea  of  it  still  fills  and  expands 
my  soul ;  and  if  it  cannot  be  realized,  I  shall  not  think  it  less  glorious, 
but  shall  only  grieve  more  and  more  at  the  perverseness  of  mankind. 
May  the  eternal  Being,  whom  the  wise  and  the  virtuous  adore,  and 
whose  attribute  it  is  to  convert  into  good  that  evil  which  his  un- 
searchable wisdom  permits,  inspire  all  ranks  of  men  to  promote  either 
this  or  a  similar  plan  !  If  this  be  impracticable,  O  miserable  human 
nature  !     But  I  am  fully  confident  that  if   *    *    *  more  at  large  *    * 

happiness  of  all." 

****** 

No  more  is  extant  of  this  interesting  piece,  upon  which  the  com- 
mentary of  the  sage  Polybius  would  have  been  particularly  valuable 
in  these  times. 


NOTE    IX. PAGE    355. 

DEFINITIVE  TREATY  OF  PEACE. 

The  definitive  treaty  of  peace  and  friendship  between  his  Britannic 
majesty  and  the  United  States  of  America,  signed  at  Paris,  the  3d 
day  of  September,  1783. 

In  the  name  of  the  most  holy  and  undivided  Trinity. 
It  having  pleased  the  Divine  Providence  to  dispose  the  hearts  of 
the  most  serene  and  most  potent  (prince,  George  the  Third,  by  the 
grace  of  God  King  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and. Ireland,  Defender 
of  the  Faith,  duke  of  Brunswick  and  Lunenburg,  arch-treasurer  and 
prince  elector  of  the  holy  Roman  empire,  &c.,  and  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  to  forget  all  past  misunderstandings  and  differ- 
ences that  have  unhappily  interrupted  the  good  correspondence  and 
friendship  which  they  mutually  wish  to  restore,  and  to  establish  such 
a  beneficial  and  satisfactory  intercourse  between  the  two  countries, 
upon  the  ground  of  reciprocal  advantages  and  mutual  convenience, 
as  may  promote  and  secure  to  both  perpetual  peace  and  harmony ; 
and  having  for  this  desirable  end  already  laid  the  foundation  of 
peace  and  reconciliation,  by  the  provisional  articles  signed  at  Paris, 
on  the  30th  of  November,  1782,  by  the  commissioners  empowered 
on  each  part ;  which  articles  were  agreed  to  be  inserted  in,  and  to 
constitute  the  treaty  of  peace  proposed  to  be  concluded  between  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain  and  the  said  United  States,  but  which  treaty 
was  not  to  be  concluded  until  terms  of  peace  should  be  agreed  upon 
between  Great  Britain  and  France,  and  his  Britannic  majesty  should 


DEFINITIVE  TREATY  OF  PEACE.  447 

be  ready  to  conclude  such  treaty  accordingly ;  and  the  treaty  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  France  having  since  been  concluded,  his 
Britannic  majesty  and  the  United  States  of  America,  in  order  to 
carry  into  full  effect  the  provisional  articles  above  mentioned,  accord- 
ing to  the  tenor  thereof,  have  constituted  and  appointed  ;  that  is  to 
say,  his  Britannic  majesty  on  his  part,  David  Hartley,  Esq.,  member 
of  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  the  said  United  States  on 
their  part,  John  Adams,  Esq.,  late  a  Commissioner  of  the  United 
States  of  America  at  the  court  of  Versailles,  late  delegate  in  Congress 
from  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  and  chief  justice  of  the  said  State, 
and  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  said  United  States  to  their  high 
mightinesses  the  States  General  of  the  United  Netherlands  ;  Benja- 
min Franklin,  Esq.,  late  delegate  in  Congress  from  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  president  of  the  convention  of  the  said  State,  and 
minister  plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States  of  America  at  the 
court  of  Versailles  ;  and  John  Jay,  Esq.,  late  President  of  Congress, 
and  chief  justice  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  minister  pleni 
potentiary  from  the  said  United  States  at  the  court  of  Madrid  ;  to  be 
the  plenipotentiaries  for  the  concluding  and  signing  the  present  defi- 
nitive treaty,  who,  after  having  reciprocally  communicated  their 
respective  full  powers,  have  agreed  upon  and  confirmed  the  follow- 
ing articles. 

ARTICLE    I. 

His  Britannic  majesty  acknowledges  the  said  United  States,  viz. 
New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence 
Plantations,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
and  Qeorgia,  to  be  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  States ;  that  he 
treats  with  them  as  such,  and  for  himself,  his  heirs,  and  successors, 
relinquishes  all  claim  to  the  government,  proprietary,  and  territorial 
rights  of  the  same,  and  every  part  thereof. 

• 

ARTICLE    II. 

And  that  all  disputes  which  might  arise  in  future  on  the  subject 
of  the  boundaries  of  the  said  United  States  may  be  prevented,  it  is 
hereby  agreed  and  declared,  that  the  following  are  and  shall  be  their 
boundaries,  viz.  From  the  northwest  angle  of  Nova  Scotia,  viz.  that 
angle  which  is  formed  by  a  line  drawn  due  north  from  the  source  of 
St.  Croix  river  to  the  high  lands,  along  the  said  high  lands  which 
divide  those  rivers  that  empty  themselves  into  the  river  St.  Law- 
rence, from  those  which  fall  into  the  Atlantic  ocean,  to  the  north- 
westernmost  head  of  Connecticut  river  ;  thence  drawn  along  the 
middle  of  that  river  to  the  forty-fifth  degree  of  north  latitude  ;  from 
thence  by  a  line  due  west  on  said  latitude,  until  it  strikes  the  river 
Iroquois  or  Cataraquy  ;  thence  along  the  middle  of  said  river  into 
Lake  Ontario ;  through  the  middle  of  said  lake,  until  it  strikes  the 
communication  by  water  between  that  lake  and  Lake  Erie  ;  thence 
along  the  middle  of  the  said  communication  into  Lake  Erie,  through 
the  middle  of  said  lake,  until  it  arrives  at  the  water  communication 


448  APPENDIX. 

between  that  lake  and  Lake  Huron  ;  thence  through  the  middle  of 
said  lake,  to  the  water  communication  between  that  lake  and  Lake 
Superior;  thence  through  Lake  Superior  northward  to  the  isles 
Royal  and  Philipeaux,  to  the  Long  Lake  ;  thence  through  the  middle 
of  said  Long  Lake,  and  the  water  communication  between  it  and  the 
Lake  of  the  Woods,  to  the  said  Lake  of  the  Woods  ;  thence  through 
the  said  lake  to  the  most  north-westernmost  point  thereof,  and  from 
thence  a  due  west  course  to  the  river  Mississippi ;  thence  by  a  line 
to  be  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  said  river  Mississippi,  until  it 
shall  intersect  the  northernmost  part  of  the  thirty-first  degree  of  north 
latitude  ;  south,  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  due  east  from  the  determina- 
tion of  the  line  last  mentioned,  in  the  latitude  of  thirty-one  degrees 
north  of  the  equator,  to  the  middle  of  the  river  Apalachicola  or  Cata- 
houche  ;  thence  along  the  middle  thereof,  to  its  junction  with  the 
Flint  river  ;  thence  straight  to  the  head  of  St.  Mary's  river,  to  the 
Atlantic  ocean  ;  east,  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the 
river  St.  Croix,  from  its  mouth  in  the  bay  of  Fundy  to  its  source, 
and  from  its  source  directly  north  to  the  aforesaid  high  lands,  which 
divide  the  rivers  that  fall  into  the  Atlantic  ocean  from  those  which 
fall  into  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  comprehending  all  islands  within 
twenty  leagues  of  any  part  of  the  shores  of  the  United  States,  and 
lying  between  lines  to  be  drawn  due  east  from  the  points  where  the 
aforesaid  boundaries  between  Nova  Scotia  on  the  one  part  and  East 
Florida  on  the  other,  shall  respectively  touch  the  bay  of  Fundy  and 
the  Atlantic  ocean,  excepting  such  islands  as  now  are  or  heretofore 
have  been  within  the  limits  of  the  said  province  of  Nova  Scotia. 

ARTICLE    III. 

It  is  agreed  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  shall  continue  to 
enjoy  unmolested,  the  right  to  take  fish  of  every  kind  on  the  Great 
Bank,  and  on  all  the  other  banks  of  Newfoundland  ;  also  in  the  gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence,  and  at  all  other  places  in  the  sea  where  the  inhabit- 
ants of  both  countries  used  at  any  time  heretofore  to  fish  ;  and  also 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  shall  have  liberty  to  take  fish 
of  every  kind  on  such  part  of  the  coast  of  Newfoundland  as  British 
fishermen  shall  use  (but  not  to  dry  or  cure  the  same  on  that  island), 
and  also  on  the  coasts,  bays,  and  creeks,  of  all  other  of  his  Britannic 
majesty's  dominions  in  America ;  and  that  the  American  fishermen 
shall  have  liberty  to  dry  and  cure  fish  in  any  of  the  unsettled  bays, 
harbors,  and  creeks  of  Nova  Scotia,  Magdalen  Islands,  and  Labrador, 
so  long  as  the  same  shall  remain  unsettled  ;  but  so  soon  as  the  same 
shall  be  settled,  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  the  said  fishermen  to  dry  or 
cure  fish  at  such  settlement,  without  a  previous  agreement  for  that 
purpose  with  the  inhabitants,  proprietors,  or  possessors  of  the  ground. 

ARTICLE    IV. 

It  is  agreed,  that  the  creditors  on  either  side  shall  meet  with  no 
lawful  impediment  to  the  recovery  of  the  full  value  in  sterling  money 
of  all  bona  fide  debts  herefotore  contracted. 


DEFINITIVE  TREATY  OF  PEACE.  449 


ARTICLE    V. 


It  is  agreed  that  Congress  shall  earnestly  recommend  it  to  the 
legislatures  of  the  respective  States,  to  provide  for  the  restitution  of 
all  estates,  rights,  and  properties,  which  have  been  confiscated,  be- 
longing to  real  British  subjects  ;  and  also  of  the  estates,  rights,  and 
properties,  of  persons  resident  in  districts,  in  the  possession  of  his 
majesty's  arms,  and  who  have  not  borne  arms  against  the  said 
United  States  ;  and  that  persons  of  any  other  description  shall  have 
free  liberty  to  go  to  any  part  or  parts  of  any  of  the  thirteen  United 
States,  and  therein  to  remain  twelve  months  unmolested  in  their  en- 
deavors to  obtain  the  restitution  of  such  of  their  estates,  rights,  and 
properties,  as  may  have  been  confiscated  ;  and  that  Congress  shall 
also  earnestly  recommend  to  the  several  States  a  reconsideration  and 
revision  of  all  acts  or  laws  regarding  the  premises,  so  as  to  render  the 
said  laws  or  acts  perfectly  consistent,  not  only  with  justice  and 
equity,  but  with  that  spirit  of  conciliation  which,  on  the  return  of  the 
blessings  of  peace,  should  invariably  prevail ;  and  that  Congress 
shall  also  earnestly  recommend  to  the  several  States,  that  the  estates, 
rights,  and  properties  of  such  last  mentioned  persons,  shall  be  restor- 
ed to  them,  they  refunding  to  any  persons  who  may  be  now  in  pos- 
session, the  bond  fide  price  (where  any  has  been  given),  which  such 
persons  may  have  paid  on  purchasing  any  of  the  said  lands,  rights,  or 
properties,  since  the  confiscation. 

And  it  is  agreed,  that  all  persons  who  have  any  interest  in  confis- 
cated lands,  either  by  debts,  marriage  settlements,  or  otherwise,  shall 
meet  with  no  lawful  impediment  in  the  prosecution  of  their  just 
rights. 

ARTICLE    VI. 

That  there  shall  be  no  future  confiscations  made,  nor  any  prosecu- 
tions commenced  against  any  person  or  persons,  for  or  by  reason  of 
the  part  which  he  or  they  may  have  taken  in  the  present  wrar ;  and 
that  no  person  shall  on  that  account  suffer  any  future  loss  or 
damage,  either  in  his  person,  liberty,  or  property  ;  and  that  those 
who  may  be  in  confinement  on  such  charges,  at  the  time  of  the  rati- 
fication of  the  treaty  in  America,  shall  be  immediately  set  at  liberty, 
and  the  prosecutions  so  commenced  be  discontinued. 

ARTICLE    VII. 

There  shall  be  a  firm  and  perpetual  peace  between  his  Britannic 
majesty  and  the  said  United  States,  and  between  the  subjects  of  the 
one  and  the  citizens  of  the  other  ;  wrherefore  all  hostilities,  both  by 
sea  and  land,  shall  from  henceforth  cease  ;  all  prisoners,  on  both 
sides,  shall  be  set  at  liberty  ;  and  his  Britannic  majesty  shall,  with  all 
convenient  speed,  and  without  causing  any  destruction,  or  carrying 
away  any  negroes  or  other  property  of  the  American  inhabitants, 
withdraw  all  his  armies,  garrisons,  and  fleets,  from  the  said  United 
States,  and  from  every  post,  place,  and  harbor  within  the  same, 
leaving  in  all  fortifications  the  American  artillery  that  may  be 
therein  ;  and  shall  also  order  and  cause  all  archives,  records,  deeds, 


450  APPENDIX. 

and  papers  belonging  to  any  of  the  said  States,  or  their  citizens, 
which  in  the  course  of  the  war  may  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  his 
officers,  to  be  forthwith  restored,  and  delivered  to  the  proper  States 
and  persons  to  whom  they  belong. 

ARTICLE    VIII. 

The  navigation  of  the  river  Mississippi,  from  its  source  to  the 
ocean,  shall  for  ever  remain  free  and  open  to  the  subjects  of  Great 
Britain  and  the  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE    IX. 

In  case  it  should  so  happen,  that  any  place  or  territory,  belonging 
to  Great  Britain  or  to  the  United  States,  should  have  been  conquered 
by  the  arms  of  either  from  the  other,  before  the  arrival  of  the  said 
provincial  articles  in  America,  it  is  agreed  that  the  same  shall  be  re- 
stored without  difficulty  and  without  requiring  any  compensation. 

article  x. 

The  solemn  ratifications  of  the  present  treaty,  expedited  in  good 
and  due  form,  shall  be  exchanged  between  the  contracting  parties  in 
the  space  of  six  months,  or  sooner,  if  possible,  to  be  computed  from 
•the  day  of  the  signature  of  the  present  treaty. 

In  witness  whereof,  we,'  the  undersigned,  their  ministers  plenipo- 
tentiary, have  in  their  name,  and  in  virtue  of  our  full  powers,  signed 
with  our  hands  the  present  definitive  treaty,  and  caused  the  seals  of 
our  arms  to  be  affixed  thereto. 

Done  at  Paris,  this  third  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-three. 

DAVID  HARTLEY,  (l.  s.) 
JOHN  ADAMS,  (l.  s.) 
B.  FRANKLIN,  (l.  s.) 
.  JOHN  JAY.  (l.  s.) 


NOTE    XI. PAGE    357. 

NEWBURGH  ADDRESS,  AND  WASHINGTON'S  SPEECH 

TO  THE  OFFICERS  OF  THE  ARMY. 

Gentlemen  : — A  fellow-soldier,  whose  interests  and  affections  bind 
him  strongly  to  you,  whose  past  sufferings  have  been  as  great,  arid 
whose  future  fortunes  may  be  as  desperate  as  yours,  would  beg 
leave  to  address  you.  Age  has  its  claims,  and  rank  is  not  without 
its  pretensions  to  advise ;  but,  though  unsupported  by  both,  he 
flatters  himself  that  the  plain  language  of  sincerity  and  experience 
will  neither  be  unheard  nor  unregarded. 

Like  many  of  you,  he  loved  private  life,  and  left  it  with  regret. 


WASHINGTON'S  NEVVBURGII  ADDRESS.  451 

He  left  it,  determined  to  retire  from  the  field  with  the  necessity  that 
called  him  to  it,  and  not  till  then — not  till  the  enemies  of  his  country, 
the  slaves  of  power,  and  the  hirelings  of  injustice,  were  compelled  to 
abandon  their  schemes,  and  acknowledge  America  as  terrible  in 
arms  as  she  had  been  humble  in  remonstrance.  With  this  object  in 
view,  he  has  long  shared  in  your  toils,  and  mingled  in  your  dangers. 
He  has  felt  the  cold  hand  of  poverty  without  a  murmur,  and  has 
seen  the  insolence  of  wealth  without  a  sigh.  But,  too  much  under 
the  direction  of  his  wishes,  and  sometimes  weak  enough  to  mistake 
desire  for  opinion,  he  has  till  lately,  very  lately,  believed  in  the 
justice  of  his  country.  He  hoped  that,  as  the  clouds  of  adversity 
scattered,  and  as  the  sunshine  of  peace  and  better  fortune  broke  in 
upon  us,  the  coldness  and  severity  of  government  would  relax,  and 
that  more  than  justice,  that  gratitude,  would  blaze  forth  upon  those 
hands  which  had  upheld  her,  in  the  darkest  stages  of  her  passage, 
from  impending  servitude  to  acknowledged  independence.  But 
faith  has  its  limits  as  well  as  temper,  and  there  are  points  beyond 
which  neither  can  be  stretched  without  sinking  into  cowardice  or 
plunging  into  credulity.  This,  my  friends,  I  conceive  to  be  your 
situation.  Hurried  to  the  very  verge  of  both,  another  step  would 
ruin  you  for  ever.  To  be  tame  and  unprovoked  when  injuries  press 
hard  upon  you,  is  more  than  weakness ;  but  to  look  up  for  kinder 
usage,  without  one  manly  effort  of  your  own,  would  fix  your 
character,  and  show  the  world  how  richly  you  deserve  those  chains 
you  broke.  To  guard  against  this  evil,  let  us  take  a  review  of  the 
ground  upon  which  we  now  stand,  and  thence  carry  our  thoughts 
forward  for  a  moment  into  the  unexplored  field  of  expedient.  After 
a  pursuit  of  seven  long  years,  the  object  for  which  we  set  out  is  at 
length  brought  within  our  reach.  Yes,  my  friends,  that  suffering 
courage  of  yours  was  active  once — it  has  conducted  the  United 
States  of  America  through  a  doubtful  and  a  bloody  war ;  it  has 
placed  her  in  the  chair  of  independence,  and  peace  returns  again — to 
bless  whom  ?  A  country  willing  to  redress  your  wrongs,  cherish 
your  worth,  and  reward  your  services  ?  A  country  courting  your 
return  to  private  life  with  tears  of  gratitude  and  smiles  of  admiration 
— longing  to  divide  with  you  the  independency  which  your  gallantry 
has  given,  and  those  riches  which  your  wounds  have  preserved  ?  Is 
this  the  case  ?  or  is  it  rather  a  country  that  tramples  upon  your 
rights,  disdains  your  cries,  and  insults  your  distresses  ?  Have  you 
not  more  than  once  suggested  your  wishes,  and  made  known  your 
wants,  to  Congress — wants  and  wishes  which  gratitude  and  policy 
should  have  anticipated  rather  than  evaded  ?  And  have  you  not 
lately,  in  the  meek  language  of  entreating  memorials,  begged  from 
their  justice  what  you  could  no  longer  expect  from  their  favor  ?  How 
have  you  been  answered  ?  Let  the  letter  which  you  are  called  to 
consider  to-morrow  reply. 

If  this  then  be  your  treatment  while  the  swords  you  wear  are 
necessary  for  the  defence  of  America,  what  have  you  to  expect  from 
peace,  when  your  voice  shall  sink,  and  your  strength  dissipate,  by 
division — when  those  very  swords,  the  instruments  and  companions 


452  APPENDIX. 

of  your  glory,  shall  be  taken  from  your  sides,  and  no  remaining  mark 
of  military  distinction  left  but  your  wants,  infirmities,  and  scars  ? 
Can  you  then  consent  to  be  the  only  sufferers  by  this  revolution  ;  and, 
retiring  from  the  field,  grow  old  in  poverty,  wretchedness,  and  con- 
tempt ?  Can  you  consent  to  wade  through  the  vile  mire  of  depend- 
ency, and  owe  the  miserable  remnant  of  that  life  to  charity,  which 
has  hitherto  been  spent  in  honor  ?  If  you  can,  go,  and  carry  with 
you  the  jest  of  tories  and  the  scorn  of  whigs  ;  the  ridicule,  and,  what 
is  worse,  the  pity,  of  the  world  !  Go,  starve,  and  be  forgotten  !  But, 
if  your  spirit  should  revolt  at  this — if  you  have  sense  enough  to  dis- 
cover, and  spirit  enough  to  oppose  tyranny,  under  whatever  garb  it 
may  assume,  whether  it  be  the  plain  coat  of  republicanism  or  the 
splendid  robe  of  royalty — if  you  have  yet  learned  to  discriminate  be- 
tween a  people  and  a  cause,  between  men  and  principles — awake, 
attend  to  your  situation,  and  redress  yourselves  !  If  the  present 
moment  be  lost,  every  future  effort  is  in  vain,  and  your  threats  then 
will  be  as  empty  as  your  entreaties  now. 

I  would  advise  you,  therefore,  to  come  to  some  final  opinion  upon 
what  you  can  bear,  and  what  you  will  suffer.  If  your  determination 
be  in  any  proportion  to  your  wrongs,  carry  your  appeal  from  the 
justice,  to  the  fears,  of  government.  Change  the  milk-and-water 
style  of  your  last  memorial ;  assume  a  bolder  tone,  decent,  but 
lively,  spirited,  and  determined  ;  and  suspect  the  man  who  would  advise 
to  more  moderation  and  longer  forbearance.  Let  two  or  three  men, 
who  can  feel  as  well  as  write,  be  appointed  to  draw  up  your  last  re- 
monstrance ;  for  I  would  no  longer  give  it  the  suing,  soft,  unsuccess- 
ful epithet  of  memorial.  Let  it  be  represented,  in  language  that  will 
neither  dishonor  you  by  its  rudeness  nor  betray  you  by  its  fears, 
what  has  been  promised  by  Congress,  and  what  has  been  performed  ; 
how  long  and  how  patiently  you  have  suffered  ;  how  little  you  have 
asked,  and  how  much  of  that  little  has  been  denied.  Tell  them  that 
though  you  were  the  first,  and  would  wish  to  be  the  last,  to  encoun- 
ter danger,  though  despair  itself  can  never  drive  you  into  dishonor, 
it  may  drive  you  from  the  field  ;  that  the  wound,  often  irritated, 
and  never  healed,  may  at  length  become  incurable  ;  and  that  the 
slightest  mark  of  malignity  from  Congress,  now,  must  operate  like 
the  grave,  and  part  you  for  ever.  That,  in  any  political  event,  the 
army  has  its  alternative  ;  if  peace,  that  nothing  shall  separate  you 
from  your  arms  but  death  ;  if  war,  that  courting  the  auspices  and  in- 
viting the  directions  of  your  illustrious  leader,  you  will  retire  to  some 
unsettled  country,  smile  in  your  turn,  and  "  mock  when  their  fear 
cometh  on."  But  let  it  represent  also,  that  should  they  comply  with 
the  request  of  your  late  memorial,  it  would  make  you  more  happy, 
and  them  more  respectable.  That  while  war  should  continue,  you 
would  follow  their  standard  into  the  field ;  and  when  it  came  to  an 
end,  you  would  withdraw  into  the  shade  of  private  life,  and  give  the 
world  another  subject  of  wonder  and  applause — an  army  victorious 
over  its  enemies,  victorious  over  itself. 


GENERAL   WASHINGTON'S  SPEECH  AT  THE  MEETING  OF   OFFICERS. 

Gentlemen  : — By  an  anonymous  summons  an  attempt  has  been 
made  to  convene  you  together ;  how  inconsistent  with  the  rules  of 
propriety,  how  unmilitary,  and  how  subversive  of  all  order  and  dis- 
cipline, let  the  good  sense  of  the  army  decide.  In  the  moment  of 
this  summons,  another  anonymous  production  was  sent  into  circula- 
tion, addressed  more  to  the  feelings  and  passions  than  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  army.  The  author  of  the  piece  is  entitled  to  much 
credit  for  the  goodness  of  his  pen  ;  and  I  could  wish  he  had  as  much 
credit  for  the  rectitude  of  his  heart ;  for,  as  men  see  through  differ- 
ent optics,'  and  are  induced  by  the  reflecting  faculties  of  the  mind  to 
use  different  means  to  attain  the  same  end,  the  author  of  the  address 
should  have  had  more  charity  than  to  mark  for  suspicion  the  man 
who  should  recommend  moderation  and  longer  forbearance  ;  or,  in 
other  words,  who  should  not  think  as  he  thinks,  and  act  as  he 
advises. 

But  he  had  another  plan  in  view,  in  which  candor  and  liberality 
of  sentiment,  regard  to  justice,  and  love  of  country,  have  no  part ; 
and  he  was  right  to  insinuate  the  darkest  suspicion  to  effect  the 
blackest  design.  That  the  address  was  drawn  with  great  art,  and  is 
designed  to  answer  the  most  insidious  purposes  ;  that  it  is  calculated 
to  impress  the  mind  with  an  idea  of  premeditated  injustice  in  the 
sovereign  power  of  the  United  States,  and  rouse  all  the  resentments 
which  must  unavoidably  flow  from  such  a  belief;  that  the  secret 
mover  of  this  scheme,  whoever  he  may  be,  intended  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  passions  while  they  were  warmed  by  the  recollection  of 
past  distresses,  without  giving  time  for  cool,  deliberate  thinking,  and 
that  composure  of  mind  which  is  so  necessary  to  give  dignity  and 
stability  to  measures,  is  rendered  too  obvious,  by  the  mode  of  con- 
ducting the  business,  to  need  other  proofs  than  a  reference  to  the 
proceedings. 

Thus  much,  gentlemen,  I  have  thought  it  incumbent  on  me  to 
observe  to  you,  to  show  upon  what  principles  I  opposed  the  irregular 
and  hasty  meeting  which  was  proposed  to  have  been  held  on  Tuesday 
last,  and  not  because  I  wanted  a  disposition  to  give  you  every 
opportunity,  consistent  with  your  own  honor  and  the  dignity  of  the 
army,  to  make  known  your  grievances.  If  my  conduct,  therefore, 
has  not  evinced  to  you  that  I  have  been  a  faithful  friend  to  the 
army,  my  declaration  of  it  at  this  time  would  be  equally  unavailing 
and  improper.  But,  as  I  was  among  the  first  who  embarked  in  the 
cause  of  our  common  country  ;  as  1  have  never  left  your  side  one 
moment,  but  when  called  from  you  on  public  duty  ;  as  I  have  been 
the  constant  companion  and  witness  of  your  distresses,  and  not 
among  the  last  to  feel  and  acknowledge  your  merits ;  as  I  have  ever 
considered  my  own  military  reputation  as  inseparably  connected 
with  that  of  the  army  ;  as  my  heart  has  ever  expanded  with  joy  when 
I  have  heard  its  praises,  and  my  indignation  has  arisen  when  the 


454  APPENDIX. 

mouth  of  detraction  has  been  opened  against  it ;  it  can  scarcely  be 
supposed,  at  this  stage  of  the  war,  that  I  am  indifferent  to  its  in- 
terests. But  how  are  they  to  be  promoted?  The  way  is  plain, 
says  the  anonymous  addresser.  If  war  continues,  remove  into  the 
unsettled  country  ;  there  establish  yourselves,  and  leave  an  ungrate- 
ful country  to  defend  itself.  But  who  are  they  to  defend  ?  Our 
wives,  our  children,  our  farms,  and  other  property  which  we  leave 
behind  us  ?  or,  in  this  state  of  hostile  preparation,  are  we  to  take  the 
first  two  (the  latter  cannot  be  removed),  to  perish  in  the  wilderness, 
with  hunger,  cold,  and  nakedness  ? 

If  peace  takes  place,  never  sheathe  your  sword,  says  he,  until  you 
have  obtained  full  and  ample  justice.  This  dreadful  alternative  of 
either  deserting  our  country  in  the  extremest  hour  of  her  distress,  or 
turning  our  arms  against  it,  which  is  the  apparent  object,  unless 
Congress  can  be  compelled  into  instant  compliance,  has  something 
so  shocking  in  it,  that  humanity  revolts  at  the  idea.  My  God  !  what 
can  this  writer  have  in  view  by  recommending  such  measures  ?  Can 
he  be  a  friend  to  the  army  ?  Can  he  be  a  friend  to  this  country  ? 
Rather,  is  he  not  an  insidious  foe  ;  some  emissary,  perhaps,  from 
New  York,  plotting  the  ruin  of  both,  by  sowing  the  seeds  of  discord 
and  separation  between  the  civil  and  military  powers  of  the  conti- 
nent ?  And  what  a  compliment  does  he  pay  to  our  understandings, 
when  he  recommends  measures,  in  either  alternative,  impracticable 
in  their  nature  ? 

But  here,  gentlemen,  I  will  drop  the  curtain,  because  it  would  be 
as  imprudent  in  me  to  assign  my  reasons  for  this  opinion,  as  it 
would  be  insulting  to  your  conception  to  suppose  you  stood  in  need 
of  them.  A  moment's  reflection  will  convince  every  dispassionate 
mind  of  the  physical  impossibility  of  carrying  either  proposal  into 
execution.  There  might,  gentlemen,  be  an  impropriety  in  my 
taking  notice,  in  this  address  to  you,  of  an  anonymous  production  ; 
but  the  manner  in  which  that  performance  has  been  introduced  to 
the  army,  the  effect  it  was  intended  to  have,  together  with  some 
other  circumstances,  will  amply  justify  my  observations  on  the  ten- 
dency of  that  writing. 

With  respect  to  the  advice  given  by  the  author,  to  suspect  the 
man  who  should  recommend  moderate  measures,  I  spurn  it,  as 
every  man,  who  regards  that  liberty  and  reveres  that  justice  for  which 
we  contend,  undoubtedly  must ;  for,  if  men  are  to  be  precluded 
from  offering  their  sentiments  on  a  matter  which  may  involve  the 
most  serious  and  alarming  consequences  that  can  invite  the  conside- 
ration of  mankind,  reason  is  of  no  use  to  us.  The  freedom  of 
speech  may  be  taken  away,  and  dumb  and  silent  we  may  be  led  like 
sheep  to  the  slaughter.  I  cannot  in  justice  to  my  own  belief,  and 
what  I  have  great  reason  to  conceive  is  the  intention  of  Congress, 
conclude  this  address,  without  giving  it  as  my  decided  opinion,  that 
that  honorable  body  entertains  exalted  sentiments  of  the  services  of 
the  army,  and,  from  a  full  conviction  of  its  merits  and  sufferings, 
will  do  it  complete  justice.  That  their  endeavors  to  discover  and 
establish  funds  for  this  purpose  have  been  unwearied,  and  will  not 


WASHINGTON'S  SPEECH  TO  HIS  OFFICERS.  455 

cease  till  they  have  succeeded,  I  have  not  a  doubt ;  but,  like  all 
other  large  bodies,  where  there  is  a  variety  of  different  interests  to 
reconcile,  their  determinations  are  slow.  Why,  then,  should  we  dis- 
trust them  ;  and,  in  consequence  of  that  distrust,  adopt  measures 
which  may  cast  a  shade  over  that  glory  which  has  been  so  justly  ac- 
quired, and  tarnish  the  reputation  of  an  army  which  is  celebrated 
through  all  Europe  for  its  fortitude  and  patriotism  ?  And  for  what  is 
this  done  ?  To  bring  the  object  we  seek  nearer  ?  No  ;  most  cer- 
tainly, in  my  opinion,  it  will  cast  it  at  a  greater  distance.  For  my- 
self (and  I  take  no  merit  for  giving  the  assurance,  being  induced  to  it 
from  principles  of  gratitude,  veracity,  and  justice,  and  a  grateful 
sense  of  the  confidence  you  have  ever  placed  in  me),  a  recollection 
of  the  cheerful  assistance  and  prompt  obedience  I  have  experienced 
from  you  under  every  vicissitude  of  fortune,  and  the  sincere  affection 
I  feel  for  an  army  I  have  so  long  had  the  honor  to  command,  will 
oblige  me  to  declare,  in  this  public  and  solemn  manner,  that  in  the 
attainment  of  complete  justice  for  all  your  toils  and  dangers,  and  in 
the  gratification  of  every  wish,  so  far  as  may  be  done  consistently 
with  the  great  duty  I  owe  to  my  country,  and  those  powers  we  arc 
bound  to  respect,  you  may  freely  command  my  services  to  the  utmost 
extent  of  my  abilities. 

While  I  give  you  these  assurances,  and  pledge  myself  in  the  most 
unequivocal  manner  to  exert  whatever  abilities  I  am  possessed  of  in 
your  favor,  let  me  entreat  you,  gentlemen,  on  your  part,  not  to  take 
any  measures  which,  viewed  in  the  calm  light  of  reason,  will  lessen 
the  dignity,  and  sully  the  glory,  you  have  hitherto  maintained.  Let 
me  request  you  to  rely  on  the  plighted  faith  of  your  country,  and 
place  a  full  confidence  in  the  purity  of  the  intentions  of  Congress, 
that,  previous  to  your  dissolution  as  an  army,  they  will  cause  all 
your  accounts  to  be  fairly  liquidated,  as  directed  in  the  resolutions 
which  were  published  to  you  two  days  ago  ;  and  that  they  will 
adopt  the  most  effectual  measures  in  their  power  to  render  ample 
justice  to  you  for  your  faithful  and  meritorious  services.  And  let 
me  conjure  you,  in  the  name  of  our  common  country,  as  you  value 
your  own  sacred  honor,  as  you  respect  the  rights  of  humanity,  and  as 
you  regard  the  military  and  national  character  of  America,  to  express 
your  utmost  horror  and  detestation  of  the  man  who  wishes,  under  any 
specious  pretences,  to  overturn  the  liberties  of  our  country  ;  and  who 
wickedly  attempts  to  open  the  flood-gates  of  civil  discord,  and  deluge 
our  rising  empire  in  blood. 

By  thus  determining,  and  thus  acting,  you  will  pursue  the  plain 
and  direct  road  to  the  attainment  of  your  wishes  ;  you  will  defeat  the 
insidious  designs  of  our  enemies,  who  are  compelled  to  resort  from 
open  force  to  secret  artifice  ;  you  will  give  one  more  distinguished 
proof  of  unexampled  patriotism  and  patient  virtue  rising  superior  to 
the  pressure  of  the  most  complicated  sufferings  ;  and  you  will,  by  the 
dignity  of  your  conduct,  afford  occasion  for  posterity  to  say,  when 
speaking  of  the  glorious  example  you  have  exhibited  to  mankind  : 
"  Had  this  day  been  wanting,  the  world  had  never  seen  the  last  stage 
of  perfection  to  which  human  nature  is  capable  of  attaining." 


456  APPENDIX. 

NOTE    XII. PAGE.    358. 

A  CIRCULAR  LETTER 

From  his  Excellency  George  Washington,  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  Armies  of  the  United  States  of  America,  to  the  Governors 
of  the  several  States. 

Head-Quarters,  Newbitrg,  June  18,  1783. 

Sir, — The  great  object  for  which  I  had  the  honor  to  hold  an 
appointment  in  the  service  of  my  country  being  accomplished,  I  am 
now  preparing  to  resign  it  into  the  hands  of  Congress,  and  return  to 
that  domestic  retirement,  which  it  is  well  known  I  left  with  the 
greatest  reluctance  ;  a  retirement  for  which  I  have  never  ceased  to 
sigh  through  a  long  and  painful  absence,  in  which  (remote  from  the 
noise  and  trouble  of  the  world)  I  meditate  to  pass  the  remainder  of 
life,  in  a  state  of  undisturbed  repose  :  but  before  I  carry  this  resolu- 
tion into  effect,  I  think  it  a  duty  incumbent  on  me  to  make  this  my 
last  official  communication,  to  congratulate  you  on  the  glorious 
events  which  Heaven  has  been  pleased  to  produce  in  our  favor,  to 
offer  my  sentiments  respecting  some  important  subjects,  which 
appear  to  me  to  be  intimately  connected  with  the  tranquillity  of  the 
United  States,  to  take  my  leave  of  your  Excellency  as  a  public 
character,  and  to  give  my  final  blessing  to  that  country  in  whose 
service  I  have  spent  the  prime  of  my  life  ;  for  whose  sake  I  have 
consumed  so  many  anxious  days  and  watchful  nights,  and  whose 
happiness,  being  extremely  dear  to  me,  will  always  constitute  no  in- 
considerable part  of  my  own. 

Impressed  with  the  liveliest  sensibility  on  this  pleasing  occasion, 
I  will  claim  the  indulgence  of  dilating  the  more  copiously  on  the 
subject  of  our  mutual  felicitation.  When  we  consider  the  magnitude 
of  the  prize  we  contended  for,  the  doubtful  nature  of  the  contest, 
and  the  favorable  manner  in  which, it  has  terminated;  we  shall  find 
the  greatest  possible  reason  for  gratitude  and  rejoicing  ;  this  is  a 
theme  that  will  afford  infinite  delight  to  every  benevolent  and  liberal 
mind,  whether  the  event  in  contemplation  be  considered  as  a  source 
of  present  enjoyment,  or  the  parent  of  future  happiness  ;  and  we 
shall  have  equal  occasion  to  felicitate  ourselves  on  the  lot  which 
Providence  has  assigned  us,  whether  we  view  it  in  a  natural,  a  politi- 
cal, or  moral  point  of  view. 

The  citizens  of  America,  placed  in  the  most  enviable  condition,  as 
the  sole  lords  and  proprietors  of  a  vast  tract  of  continent,  comprehend- 
ing all  the  various  soils  and  climates  of  the  world,  and  abounding 
with  all  the  necessaries  and  conveniences  of  life,  are  now,  by  the  late 
satisfactory  pacification,  acknowledged  to  be  possessed  of  absolute 
freedom  and  independency  ;  they  are  from  this  period  to  be  con- 
sidered as  the  actors  on  a  most  conspicuous  theatre,  which  seems  to 
be  peculiarly  designed  by  Providence  for  the  display  of  human  great- 
ness and  felicity  :  here  they  are  not  only  surrounded  with  everything 
that  can  contribute  to  the  completion  of  private  and  domestic  enjoy- 


WASHINGTON'S  CIRCULAR  LETTER.  457 

merit,  but  Heaven  has  crowned  all  its  other  blessings  by  giving  a 
surer  opportunity  for  political  happiness  than  any  other  nation  has 
ever  been  favored  with.  Nothing  can  illustrate  these  observations 
more  forcibly  than  the  recollection  of  the  happy  conjuncture  of  times 
and  circumstances  under  which  our  Republic  assumed  its  rank 
among  the  nations.  The  foundation  of  our  empire  has  not  been  laid 
in  a  gloomy  age  of  ignorance  and  superstition,  but  at  an  epocha 
when  the  rights  of  mankind  were  better  understood  and  more  clearly 
defined,  than  at  any  former  period  :  researches  of  the  human  mind 
after  social  happiness  have  been  carried  to  a  great  extent  :  the  trea- 
sures of  knowledge  acquired  by  the  labors  of  philosophers,  sages, 
and  legislators,  through  a  long  succession  of  years,  are  laid  open  for 
use,  and  their  collected  wisdom  may  be  happily  applied  in  the 
establishment  of  our  forms  of  government  :  the  free  cultivation  of 
letters,  the  unbounded  extension  of  commerce,  the  progressive  refine- 
ment of  manners,  the  growing  liberality  of  sentiment,  and  above  all, 
the  pure  and  benign  light  of  revelation,  have  had  a  meliorating  in- 
fluence on  mankind,  and  increased  the  blessings  of  society.  At  this 
auspicious  period  the  United  States  came  into  existence  as  a  nation, 
and  if  their  citizens  should  not  be  completely  free  and  happy,  the 
fault  will  be  entirely  their  own. 

Such  is  our  situation,  and  such  are  our  prospects  ;  but  notwith- 
standing the  cup  of  blessing  is  thus  reached  out  to  us — notwithstand- 
ing happiness  is  ours,  if  we  have  a  disposition  to  seize  the  occasion 
and  make  it  our  own  ;  yet  it  appears  to  me  there  is  an  option  still 
left  to  the  United  States  of  America,  whether  they  will  be  respect- 
able and  prosperous,  or  contemptible  and  miserable  as  a  nation. 
This  is  the  time  of  their  political  probation  ;  this  is  the  moment 
when  the  eyes  of  the  whole  world  are  turned  upon  them  ;  this  is  the 
time  to  establish  or  ruin  their  national  character  for  ever  ;  this  is  the 
favorable  moment  to  g^e  such  a  tone  to  the  Federal  Government  as 
will  enable  it  to  answer  the  ends  of  its  institution  ;  or  this  may  be 
the  ill  fated  moment  for  relaxing  trie  powers  of  the  Union,  annihilat- 
ing the  cement  of  the  Confederation,  and  exposing  us  to  become  the 
sport  of  European  politics,  which  may  play  one  State  against 
another,  to  prevent  their  growing  importance,  and  to  serve  their  own 
interested  purposes.  For,  according  to  the  system  of  policy  the 
States  shall  adopt  at  this  moment,  they  will  stand  or  fall ;  and  by 
their  confirmation  or  lapse,  it  is  yet  to  be  decided  whether  the  revo- 
lution must  ultimately  be  considered  as  a  blessing  or  a  curse  ;  a 
blessing  or  a  curse  not  to  the  present  age  alone,  for  with  our  fate  will 
the  destiny  of  unborn  millions  be  involved. 

With  this  conviction  of  the  importance  of  the  present  crisis, 
silence  in  me  would  be  a  crime.  I  will  therefore  speak  to  your 
Excellency  the  language  of  freedom  and  sincerity,  without  disguise. 
I  am  aware,  however,  those  who  differ  from  me  in  political  senti- 
ments may  perhaps  remark,  1  am  stepping  out  of  the  proper  line  of 
my  duty  ;  and  they  may  possibly  ascribe  to  arrogance  or  ostentation, 
what  I  know  is  alone  the  result  of  the  purest  intention  ;  but  the  rec- 
titude of  my  own  heart,  which  disdains  such  unworthy  motives — the 

30 


459  APPENDIX. 

part  I  have  hitherto  acted  in  life — the  determination  I  have  formed 
of  not  taking  any  share  in  public  business  hereafter — the  ardent  de- 
sire I  feel  and  shall  continue  to  manifest,  of  quietly  enjoying  in 
private  life,  after  all  the  toils  of  war,  the  benefits  of  a  wise  and 
liberal  government,  will,  I  flatter  myself,  sooner  or  later  convince 
my  countrymen,  that  I  could  have  no  sinister  views  in  delivering, 
with  so  little  reserve,  the  opinions  contained  in  this  address. 

There  are  four  things  which  I  humbly  conceive  are  essential  to  the 
well-being,  1  may  even  venture  to  say,  to  the  existence  of  the  United 
States,  as  an  independent  power. 

1st.  An  indissoluble  union  of  the  States  under  one  federal  head. 
2dly.  A  sacred  regard  to  public  justice. 
3dly.  The  adoption  of  a  proper  peace  establishment.     And, 
4thly.  The  prevalence   of  that   pacific   and   friendly   disposition 
among  the  people  of  the  United  States,  which  will  induce  them  to 
forget  their  local  prejudices  and  politics,  to  make  those  mutual  con- 
cessions which  are  requisite  to  the  general  prosperity,  and  in  some 
instances  to  sacrifice  their  individual  advantages  to  the  interest  of  the 
community. 

These  are  the  pillars  on  which  the  glorious  fabric  of  our  inde- 
pendence and  national  character  must  be  supported.  Liberty  is  the 
basis,  and  whoever  would  dare  to  sap  the  foundation,  or  overturn  the 
structure,  under  whatever  specious  pretext  he  may  attempt  it,  will 
merit  the  bitterest  execration  and  the  severest  punishment  which  can 
be  inflicted  by  his  injured  country. 

On  the  three  first  articles  I  will  make  a  few  observations,  leaving 
the  last  to  the  good  sense  and  serious  consideration  of  those  imme- 
diately concerned. 

Under  the  first  head,  although  it  may  not  be  necessary  or  proper 
for  me  in  this  place  to  enter  into  a  particular  disquisition  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Union,  and  to  take  up  the  grea#  question  which  has 
been  frequently  agitated,  whether  it  be  expedient  and  requisite  for 
the  States  to  delegate  a  large  proportion  of  power  to  Congress  or 
not  ;  yet  it  will  be  a  part  of  my  duty,  and  that  of  every  true  patriot, 
to  assert  without  reserve,  and  to  insist  upon  the  following  positions. 
That  unless  the  States  will  suffer  Congress  to  exercise  those  prero- 
gatives they  are  undoubtedly  invested  with  by  the  constitution,  every- 
thing must  very  rapidly  tend  to  anarchy  and  confusion.  That  it  is 
indispensable  to  the  happiness  of  the  individual  States  that  there 
should  be  lodged  somewhere  a  supreme  power,  to  regulate  and 
govern  the  general  concerns  of  the  confederated  republic,  without 
which  the  union  cannot  be  of  long  duration.  There  must  be  a  faith- 
ful and  pointed  compliance  on  the  part  of  every  State  with  the  late 
proposals  and  demands  of  Congress,  or  the  most  fatal  consequences 
will  ensue.  That  whatever  measures  have  a  tendency  to  dissolve 
the  union,  or  contribute  to  violate  or  lessen  the  sovereign  authority, 
ought  to  be  considered  as  hostile  to  the  liberty  and  independence  of 
America,  and  the  authors  of  them  treated  accordingly.  And  lastly, 
that  unless  we  can  be  enabled  by  the  concurrence  of  the  States  to 
participate  in  the  fruits  of  the  revolution,  and  enjoy  the  essential 


WASHINGTON'S  CIRCULAR  LETTER.  459 

benefits  of  civil  society,  under  a  form  of  government  so  free  and 
uncorrupted,  so  happily  guarded  against  the  danger  of  oppression,  as 
has  been  devised  and  adopted  by  the  articles  of  confederation,  it  will 
be  the  subject  of  regret  that  so  much  blood  and  treasure  have  been 
lavished  for  no  purpose  ;  that  so  many  sufferings  have  been  counter 
acted  without  a  compensation,  and  that  so  many  sacrifices  have  been 
made  in  vain.  Many  other  considerations  might  here  be  adduced  to 
prove,  that  without  an  entire  conformity  to  the  spirit  of  the  Union, 
we  cannot  exist  as  an  independent  power.  It  will  be  sufficient  for 
my  purpose  to  mention  but  one  or  two,  which  seem  to  me  of  the 
greatest  importance.  It  is  only  in  our  united  character,  as  an  empire, 
that  our  independence  is  acknowledged,  that  our  power  can  be  re- 
garded, or  our  credit  supported  among  foreign  nations.  The  treaties 
of  the  European  powers  with  the  United  States  of  America  will 
have  no  validity  on  the  dissolution  of  the  Union.  We  shall  be  left 
nearly  in  a  state  of  nature,  or  we  may  find  by  our  own  unhappy  ex- 
perience, that  there  is  a  natural  and  necessary  progression  from  the 
extreme  of  anarchy  to  the  extreme  of  tyranny ;  and  that  arbitrary 
power  is  most  easily  established  on  the  ruins  of  liberty  abused  to 
licentiousness. 

As  to  the  second  article,  which  respects  the  performance  of  public 
justice,  Congress  have,  in  their  late  address  to  the  United  States, 
almost  exhausted  the  subject  ;  they  have  explained  their  ideas  so 
fully,  and  have  enforced  the  obligations  the  States  are  under  to 
render  complete  justice  to  all  the  public  creditors,  with  so  much 
dignity  and  energy,  that  in  my  opinion  no  real  friend  to  the  honor  and 
independency  of  America  can  hesitate  a  single  moment  respecting 
the  propriety  of  complying  with  the  just  and  honorable  measures 
proposed.  If  their  arguments  do  not  produce  conviction,  I  know  of 
nothing  that  will  have  a  greater  influence,  especially  when  we  reflect 
that  the  system  referred  to,  being  the  result  of  the  collected  wisdom 
of  the  continent,  must  be  esteemed,  if  not  perfect,  certainly  the  least 
objectionable  of  any  that  could  be  devised  ;  and  that  if  it  should  not 
be  carried  into  immediate  execution,  a  national  bankruptcy,  with  all  its 
deplorable  consequences,  will  take  place  before  any  different  plan 
can  possibly  be  proposed  or  adopted ;  so  pressing  are  the  present 
circumstances,  and  such  the  alternative  now  offered  to  the  States.     | 

The  ability  of  the  country  to  discharge  the  debts  which  have  been 
incurred  in  its  defence,  is  not  to  be  doubted.  An  inclination,  I  flatter 
myself,  will  not  be  wanting ;  the  path  of  our  duty  is  plain  before  us  ; 
honesty  will  be  found,  on  every  experiment,  to  be  the  best  and  only 
true  policy.  Let  us  then  as  a  nation  be  just ;  let  us  fulfil  the  public 
contracts  which  Congress  had  undoubtedly  a  right  to  make  for  the 
purpose  of  carrying  on  the  war,  with  the  same  good  faith  we  suppose 
ourselves  bound  to  perform  our  private  engagements.  In  the  mean- 
time, let  an  attention  to  the  cheerful  performance  of  their  proper 
business,  as  individuals  and  as  members  of  society,  be  earnestly 
inculcated  on  the  citizens  of  America ;  then  will  they  strengthen  the 
bands  of  government,  and  be  happy  under  its  protection.     Every  one 


460  APPENDIX. 

will  reap  the  fruit  of  his  labors  ;  every  one  will  enjoy  his  own  ac  ■ 
quisitions,  without  molestation  and  without  danger. 

In  this  state  of  absolute  freedom  and  perfect  security,  who  will 
grudge  to  yield  a  very  little  of  his  property  to  support  the  common 
interests  of  society,  and  ensure  the  protection  of  government  ?  Who 
does  not  remember  the  frequent  declarations  at  the  commencement 
of  the  war,  that  we  should  be  completely  satisfied,  if  at  the  expense 
of  one  half,  we  could  defend  the  remainder  of  our  possessions  ? 
Where  is  the  man  to  be  found,  who  wishes  to  remain  indebted  for 
the  defence  of  his  own  person  and  property  to  the  exertions,  the 
bravery,  and  the  blood  of  others,  without  making  one  generous  effort 
to  pay  the  debt  of  honor  and  of  gratitude  ?  In  what  part  of  the  con- 
tinent shall  we  find  any  man,  or  body  of  men,  who  would  not  blush 
to  stand  up,  and  propose  measures  purposely  calculated  to  rob  the 
soldier  of  his  stipend,  and  the  public  creditor  of  his  due  ?  And  were 
it  possible  that  such  a  flagrant  instance  of  injustice  could  ever 
happen,  would  it  not  excite  the  general  indignation,  and  tend  to  bring 
down  upon  the  authors  of  such  measures,  the  aggravated  vengeance 
of  heaven  ?  If,  after  all,  a  spirit  of  disunion,  or  a  temper  of  obsti- 
nacy and  perverseness  should  manifest  itself  in  any  of  the  States ; 
if  such  an  ungracious  disposition  should  attempt  to  frustrate  all  the 
happy  effects  that  might  be  expected  to  flow  from  the  Union ;  if 
there  should  be  a  refusal  to  comply  with  the  requisitions  for  funds  to 
discharge  the  annual  interest  of  the  public  debts,  and  if  that  refusal 
should  revive  all  those  jealousies,  and  produce  all  those  evils  which 
are  now  happily  removed — Congress,  who  have  in  all  their  transac- 
tions shown  a  great  degree  of  magnanimity  and  justice,  will  stand 
justified  in  the  sight  of  God  and  man  !  And  that  State  alone,  which 
puts  itself  in  opposition  to  the  aggregate  wisdom  of  the  continent,  and 
follows  such  mistaken  and  pernicious  counsels,  will  be  responsible 
for  all  the  consequences. 

For  my  own  part,  conscious  of  having  acted  while  a  servant  of  the 
public,  in  the  manner  I  conceived  best  suited  to  promote  the  real  in- 
terests of  my  country  ;  having,  in  consequence  of  my  fixed  belief,  in 
some  measure  pledged  myself  to  the  army  that  their  country  would 
finally  do  them  complete  and  ample  justice,  and  not  willing  to  con- 
ceal any  instance  of  my  official  conduct  from  the  eyes  of  the  world,  I 
have  thought  proper  to  transmit  to  your  Excellency  the  enclosed 
collection  of  papers,  relative  to  the  half-pay  and  commutation  granted 
by  Congress  to  the  officers  of  the  army  ;  from  these  communications, 
my  decided  sentiments  will  be  clearly  comprehended,  together  with 
the  conclusive  reasons,  which  induced  me  at  an  early  period,  to  re- 
commend the  adoption  of  this  measure  in  the  most  earnest  and 
serious  manner.  As  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  the  army,  and 
myself  are  open  to  all,  and  contain,  in  my  opinion,  sufficient  informa- 
tion to  remove  the  prejudice  and  errors  which  may  have  been  enter- 
tained by  any,  I  think  it  unnecessary  to  say  anything  more,  than  just 
to  observe,  that  the  resolutions  of  Congress,  now  alluded  to,  are  as 
undoubtedly  and  absolutely  binding  on  the  United  States,  as  the 
most  solemn  acts  of  confederation  or  legislation. 


WASHINGTON'S  CIRCULAR  LETTER.  4G1 

As  to  the  idea,  which  I  am  informed  has,  in  some  instances,  pre- 
vailed, that  the  half-pay  and  commutation  are  to  be  regarded  merely 
in  the  odious  light  of  a  pension,  it  ought  to  be  exploded  for  ever  ; 
that  provision  should  be  viewed,  as  it  really  was,  a  reasonable  com- 
pensation offered  by  Congress,  at  a  time  when  they  had  nothing  else 
to  give  to  officers  of  the  army,  for  services  then  to  be  performed  :  it 
was  the  only  means  to  prevent  a  total  dereliction  of  the  service  ;  it 
was  a  part  of  their  hire.  I  may  be  allowed  to  say,  it  was  the  price 
of  their  blood,  and  of  your  independency  ;  it  is  therefore  more  than  a 
common  debt,  it  is  a  debt  of  honor ;  it  can  never  be  considered  as  a 
pension  or  gratuity,  nor  cancelled  until  it  is  fairly  discharged. 

With  regard  to  the  distinction  between  officers  and  soldiers,  it  is 
sufficient  that  the  uniform  experience  of  every  nation  in  the  world, 
combined  with  our  own,  proves  the  utility  and  propriety  of  the  dis- 
crimination. Rewards,  in  proportion  to  the  aid  the  public  draws 
from  them,  are  unquestionably  due  to  all  its  servants.  In  some 
lines,  the  soldiers  have  perhaps  generally  had  as  ample  compensation 
for  their  services,  by  the  large  bounties  which  have  been  paid  to 
them,  as  their  officers  will  receive  in  the  proposed  commutation  :  in 
others,  if,  besides  the  donation  of  land,  the  payment  of  arrearages  of 
clothing  and  wages  (in  which  articles  all  the  component  parts  of  the 
army  must  be  put  upon  the  same  footing)  we  take  into  the  estimate 
the  bounties  many  of  the  soldiers  have  received,  and  the  gratuity  of 
one  year's  full  pay,  which  is  promised  to  all,  possibly  their  situa- 
tion (every  circumstance  being  duly  considered)  will  not  be  deemed 
less  eligible  than  that  of  the  officers.  Should  a  further  reward,  how- 
ever, be  judged  equitable,  I  will  venture  to  assert,  no  man  will  enjoy 
greater  satisfaction  than  myself,  in  an  exemption  from  taxes  for  a 
limited  time  (which  has  been  petitioned  for  in  some  instances),  or 
any  other  adequate  immunity  or  compensation  granted  to  the  brave 
defenders  of  their  country's  cause  ;  but  neither  the  adoption  nor  rejec- 
tion of  this  proposition  will  in  any  manner  affect,  much  less  militate 
against,  the  act  of  Congress,  by  which  they  have  offered  five  years' 
full  pay,  in  lieu  of  the  half-pay  for  life,  which  had  been  before  pro- 
mised to  the  officers  of  the  army. 

Before  I  conclude  the  subject  on  public  justice,  I  cannot  omit  to 
mention  the  obligations  this  country  is  under  to  that  meritorious  class 
of  veterans,  the  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates  who  have 
been  discharged  for  inability,  in  consequence  of  the  resolution  of 
Congress,  of  the  23d  of  April,  1782,  on  an  annual  pension  for  life. 
Their  peculiar  sufferings,  their  singular  merits  and  claims  to  that 
provision,  need  only  to  be  known,  to  interest  the  feelings  of  humanity 
in  their  behalf.  Nothing  but  a  punctual  payment  of  their  annual 
allowance  can  rescue  them  from  the  most  complicated  misery ;  and 
nothing  could  be  a  more  melancholy  and  distressing  sight,  than  to 
behold  those  who  have  shed  their  blood,  or  lost  their  limbs  in  the 
service  of  their  country;  without  a  shelter,  without  a  friend,  and 
without  the  means  of  obtaining  any  of  the  comforts  or  necessaries  of 
life,  compelled  to  beg  their  daily  bread  from  door  to  door.     Suffer' 


4G2  APPENDIX. 

me  to  recommend  those  of  this  description,  belonging  to  your  State, 
lo  the  warmest  patronage  of  your  Excellency  and  your  Legislature. 

It  is  necessary  to  say  but  a  few  words  on  the  third  topic  which 
was  proposed,  and  which  regards  particularly  the  defence  of  the 
republic.  As  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  Congress  will  recommend 
a  proper  peace  establishment  for  the  United  States,  in  which  a  due 
attention  will  be  paid  to  the  importance  of  placing  the  militia  of  the 
Union  upon  a  regular  and  respectable  footing  ;  if  this  should  be  the 
case,  I  should  beg  leave  to  urge  the  great  advantage  of  it  in  the 
strongest  terms. 

The  militia  of  this  country  must  be  considered  as  the  palladium 
of  our  security,  and  the  first  effectual  resort  in  case  of  hostility  ;  it  is 
essential,  therefore,  that  the  same  system  should  pervade  the 
whole  ;  that  the  formation  and  discipline  of  the  militia  of  the  conti- 
nent should  be  absolutely  uniform ;  and  that  the  same  species  of 
arms,  accoutrements,  and  military  apparatus,  should  be  introduced  in 
every  part  of  the  United  States.  No  one,  who  has  not  learned  it 
from  experience,  can  conceive  the  difficulty,  expense,  and  confusion 
which  result  from  a  contrary  system,  or  the  vague  arrangements 
which  have  hitherto  prevailed. 

If,  in  treating  of  political  points,  a  greater  latitude  than  usual  has 
been  taken  in  the  course  of  the  Address,  the  importance  of  the 
crisis  and  magnitude  of  the  objects  in  discussion,  must  be  my 
apology ;  it  is,  however,  neither  my  wish  nor  expectation,  that  the 
preceding  observations  should  claim  any  regard,  except  so  far  as  they 
shall  appear  to  be  dictated  by  a  good  intention,  consonant  to  the 
immutable  rules  of  justice,  calculated  to  produce  a  liberal  system 
of  policy,  and  founded  on  whatever  experience  may  have  been  ac- 
quired by  a  long  and  close  attention  to  public  business.  Here  I 
might  speak  with  more  confidence,  from  my  actual  observations  ;  and 
if  it  would  not  swell  this  letter  (already  too  prolix)  beyond  the  bounds 
I  had  prescribed  myself,  I  could  demonstrate  to  every  mind,  open  to 
conviction,  that  in  less  time,  and  with  much  less  expense  than  has 
been  incurred,  the  war  might  have  been  brought  to  the  same  happy 
conclusion,  if  the  resources  of  the  continent  could  have  been  properly 
called  forth  ;  that  the  distresses  and  disappointments  which  have 
very  often  occurred,  have,  in  too  many  instances,  resulted  more  from 
a  want  of  energy  in  the  continental  government,  than  a  deficiency  of 
means  in  the  particular  States  ;  that  the  inefficiency  of  the  measures, 
arising  from  the  want  of  an  adequate  authority  in  the  supreme  power, 
from  a  partial  compliance  with  the  requisitions  of  Congress  in  some 
of  the  States,  and  from  a  failure  of  punctuality  in  others,  while  they 
tended  to  damp  the  zeal  of  those  who  were  more  willing  to  exert 
themselves,  served  also  to  accumulate  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and 
lo  frustrate  the  best  concerted  plans  ;  and  that  the  discouragement 
occasioned  by  the  complicated  difficulties  and  embarrassments  in 
which  our  affairs  were  by  this  means  involved,  would  have  long  ago 
produced  the  dissolution  of  any  army  less  patient,  less  virtuous,  and 
less  persevering  than  that  which  I  have  had  the  honor  to  command. 
But  while  I  mention  those  things  which  are  notorious  facts,  as  the 


WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  ORDERS  TO  THE  ARMY.      463 

defects  of  our  Federal  Constitution,  particularly  in  the  prosecution 
of  a  war,  I  beg  it  may  be  understood,  that  as  I  have  ever  taken  a 
pleasure  in  gratefully  acknowledging  the  assistance  and  support  I 
have  derived  from  every  class  of  citizens ;  so  shall  I  always  be 
happy  to  do  justice  to  the  unparalleled  exertions  of  the  individual 
States,  on  many  interesting  occasions. 

I  have  thus  freely  disclosed  what  I  wished  to  make  known  before 
I  surrendered  up  my  public  trust  to  those  who  committed  it  to  me  ; 
the  task  is  now  accomplished.  I  now  bid  adieu  to  your  Excellency, 
as  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  your  State  ;  at  the  same  time  I  bid  a  last 
farewell  to  the  cares  of  office,  and  all  the  employments  of  public 
life 

Jt  remains,  then,  to  be  my  final  and  only  request,  that  your  Excel- 
lency will  communicate  these  sentiments  to  your  legislature,  at  their 
next  meeting,  and  that  they  may  be  considered  as  the  legacy  of  one 
who  has  ardently  wished,  on  all  occasions,  to  be  useful  to  his  coun- 
try, and  who,  even  in  the  shade  of  retirement,  will  not  fail  to  implore 
the  divine  benediction  upon  it. 

I  now  make  it  my  earnest  prayer  that  God  would  have  you,  and 
the  State  over  which  you  preside,  in  his  holy  protection ;  that  he 
v/ould  incline  the  hearts  of  the  citizens  to  cultivate  a  spirit  of  subor- 
dination and  obedience  to  government ;  to  entertain  a  brotherly  affec- 
tion and  love  for  one  another  ;  for  their  fellow-citizens  of  the  United 
States  at  large  ;  and  particularly  for  their  brethren  who  have  served 
ii.  the  field  ;  and,  finally,  that  he  would  most  graciously  be  pleased 
tc  dispose  us  all  to  do  justice,  to  love  mercy,  and  to  demean  our- 
selves with  that  charity,  humility,  and  pacific  temper  of  the  mind, 
which  were  the  characteristics  of  the  divine  Author  of  our  blessed 
religion  ;  without  an  humble  imitation  of  whose  example,  in  these 
tilings,  we  can  never  hope  to  be  a  happy  nation. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  %ith  much  esteem  and  respect,  Sir,  your 
Excellency's  most  obodient  and  most  humble  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 


NOTE    XIII. PAGE   358. 

FAREWELL    ORDERS 

OF  GENL.  WASHINGTON  TO  THE  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Rocky  Hill,  near  Princeton,  Nov.  2,  1783. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  after  giving  the  most 
honorable  testimony  to  the  merits  of  the  federal  armies,  and  present- 
ing them  with  the  thanks  of  their  country,  for  their  long,  eminent, 
and  faithful  service,  having  thought  proper,  by  their  proclamation 
bearing  date  the  16th  of  October  last,  to  discharge  such  part  of  the 
troops  as  were  engaged  for  the  war,  and  to  permit  the  officers  on 
furlough  to  retire  from  service,  from  and  after  to-morrow,  which  pro- 


464  APPENDIX. 

clamation  having  been  communicated  in  the  public  papers  for  the 
Information  and  government  of  all  concerned ;  it  only  remains  for 
the  Commander-in-chief  to  address  himself  once  more,  and  that  for 
the  last  time,  to  the  armies  of  the  United  States  (however  widely  dis- 
persed individuals  who  compose  them  may  be),  and  to  bid  them  an 
affectionate,  a  long  farewell. 

But  before  the  Commander-in-chief  takes  his  final  leave  of  those 
he  holds  most  dear,  he  wishes  to  indulge  himself  a  few  moments  in 
calling  to  mind  a  slight  review  of  the  past ; — he  will  then  take  the 
liberty  of  exploring,  with  his  military  friends,  their  future  prospects  ; 
of  advising  the  general  line  of  conduct  which  in  his  opinion  ought  to 
be  pursued ;  and  he  will  conclude  the  Address,  by  expressing  the 
obligations  he  feels  himself  under  for  the  spirited  and  able  assistance 
he  has  experienced  from  them,  in  the  performance  of  an  arduous 
office. 

A  contemplation  of  the  complete  attainment  (at  a  period  earlier 
than  could  have  been  expected)  of  the  object  for  which  we  contended 
against  so  formidable  a  power,  cannot  but  inspire  us  with  astonish- 
ment and  gratitude.  The  disadvantageous  circumstances  on  our 
part,  under  which  the  war  was  undertaken,  can  never  be  forgotten. 
The  singular  interpositions  of  Providence  in  our  feeble  condition, 
were  such  as  could  scarcely  escape  the  attention  of  the  most  unob- 
serving — while  the  unparalleled  perseverance  of  the  armies  of  the 
United  States,  through  almost  every  possible  suffering  and  discou- 
ragement, for  the  space  of  eight  long  years,  was  little  short  of  a 
standing  miracle. 

It  is  not  the  meaning,  nor  within  the  compass  of  this  Address,  to 
detail  the  hardships  peculiarly  incident  to  our  service,  or  to  describe 
the  distresses  which  in  several  instances  have  resulted  from  the  ex- 
tremes of  hunger  and  nakedness,  combined  with  the  rigors  of  an  in- 
clement season  :  nor  is  it  necessary  to  crwell  on  the  dark  side  of  our 
past  affairs.  Every  American  officer  and  soldier  must  now  console 
himself  for  any  unpleasant  circumstances  which  may  have  occurred 
by  a  recollection  of  the  uncommon  scenes  in  which  he  has  been 
called  to  act  no  inglorious  part,  and  the  astonishing  events  of  which 
he  has  been  a  witness ;  events  which  have  seldom,  if  ever  before, 
taken  place  on  the  stage  of  human  action,  nor  can  they  probably  ever 
happen  again.  For  who  has  before  seen  a  disciplined  army  formed 
at  once  from  such  raw  materials  1  Who  that  was  not  a  witness 
could  imagine  that  the  most  violent  local  prejudices  would  cease  so 
soon,  and  that  men  who  came  from  different  parts  of  the  continent, 
strongly  disposed  by  the  habits  of  education  to  despise  and  quarrel 
with  each  other,  would  instantly  become  but  one  patriotic  band  of 
brothers  ?  Or  who  that  was  not  on  the  spot,  can  trace  the  steps  by 
which  such  a  wonderful  revolution  has  been  effected,  and  such  a 
glorious  period  put  to  all  our  warlike  toils  ? 

It  is  universally  acknowledged,  that  the  enlarged  prospects  of 
happiness,  opened  by  the  confirmation  of  our  independence  and 
sovereignty,  almost  exceed  the  power  of  description ;  and  shall  not 
the  brave  men  who  have  contributed  so  essentially  to  these  inesti- 


WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  ORDERS  TO  THE  ARMY.        4G5 

mable  acquisitions,  retiring  victorious  from  the  field  of  war  to  the 
field  of  agriculture,  participate  in  all  the  blessings  which  have  been 
obtained  ?  In  such  a  republic,  who  will  exclude  them  from  the 
rights  of  citizens,  and  the  fruits  of  their  labors  ?  In  such  a  country, 
so  happily  circumstanced,  the  pursuits  of  commerce  and  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  soil,  will  unfold  to  industry  the  certain  road  to  compe- 
tence. To  those  hardy  soldiers  who  are  actuated  by  the  spirit  of 
adventure,  the  fisheries  will  afford  ample  and  profitable  employ- 
ment ;  and  the  extensive  and  fertile  regions  of  the  West  will  yield  a 
most  happy  asylum  for  those  who,  fond  of  domestic  enjoyment,  are 
seeking  personal  independence.  Nor  is  it  possible  to  conceive  that 
any  one  of  the  United  States  will  prefer  a  national  bankruptcy,  and 
dissolution  of  the  Union,  to  a  compliance  with  the  requisitions  of 
Congress,  and  the  payment  of  its  just  debts  ;  so  that  the  officers  and 
soldiers  may  expect  considerable  assistance,  in  re-commencing  their 
civil  operations,  from  the  sums  due  to  them  from  the  public,  which 
must  and  will  most  inevitably  be  paid. 

In  order  to  effect  this  desirable  purpose,  and  to  remove  the 
prejudices  which  may  have  taken  possession  of  the  minds  of  any  of 
the  good  people  of  the  States,  it  is  earnestly  recommended  to  all  the 
troops,  that,  with  strong  attachments  to  the  Union,  they  should  carry 
with  them  into  civil  society  the  most  conciliating  dispositions  ;  and 
that  they  should  prove  themselves  not  less  virtuous  and  useful  as 
citizens,  than  they  have  been  persevering  and  victorious  as  soldiers. 
What  though  there  should  be  some  envious  individuals  who  are  un- 
willing to  pay  the  debt  the  public  has  contracted,  or  to  yield  the 
tribute  due  to  merit ;  yet  let  such  unworthy  treatment  produce  no 
invective,  or  any  instance  of  intemperate  conduct ;  let  it  be  remem- 
bered that  the  unbiassed  voice  of  the  free  citizens  of  the  United 
States  has  promised  the  just  reward,  and  given  the  merited 
applause  ;  let  it  be  known  and  remembered,  that  the  reputation  of  the 
federal  armies  is  established  beyond  the  reach  of  malevolence  ;  and 
let  a  consciousness  of  their  achievements  and  fame  still  excite  the 
men  who  composed  them,  to  honorable  actions,  under  the  persuasion 
that  the  private  virtues  of  economy,  prudence,  and  industry,  will  not 
be  less  amiable  in  civil  life,  than  the  more  splendid  qualities  of 
valor,  perseverance,  and  enterprise  were  in  the  field.  Every  one 
may  rest  assured  that  much,  very  much  of  the  future  happiness  of 
the  officers  and  men  will  depend  upon  the  wise  and  manly  conduct 
which  shall  be  adopted  by  them,  when  they  are  mingled  with  the 
great  body  of  the  community.  And  although  the  General  has  so 
frequently  given  it  as  his  opinion,  in  the  most  public  and  explicit 
manner,  that  unless  the  principles  of  the  Federal  Government  were 
properly  supported,  and  the  powers  of  the  Union  increased,  the 
honor,  dignity,  and  justice  of  the  nation  would  be  lost  for  ever  ;  yet 
he  cannot  help  repeating  on  this  occasion  so  interesting  a  sentiment, 
and  leaving  it  as  his  last  injunction  to  every  officer  and  every  soldier 
who  may  view  the  subject  in  the  same  serious  point  of  light,  to  add 
his  best  endeavors  to  those  of  his  worthy  fellow-citizens,  towards 


466  APPENDIX. 

effecting  these  great  and  valuable  purposes,  on  which  our  very  exist- 
ence as  a  nation  so  materially  depends. 

The  Commander-in-chief  conceives  little  is  now  wanting  to  enable 
the  soldier  to  change  the  military  character  into  that  of  a  citizen,  but 
that  steady  and  decent  tenor  of  behavior,  which  has  generally  distin- 
guished not  only  the  army  under  his  immediate  command,  but  the 
different  detachments  and  separate  armies,  through  the  course  of  the 
war.  From  their  good  sense  and  prudence  he  anticipates  the  hap- 
piest consequences  :  and  while  he  congratulates  them  on  the  glorious 
occasion  which  renders  their  services  in  the  field  no  longer  neces- 
sary, he  wishes  to  express  the  strong  obligations  he  feels  himself 
under  for  the  assistance  he  has  received  from  every  class,  and  in 
every  instance.  He  presents  his  thanks,  in  the  most  serious  and 
affectionate  manner  to  the  general  officers,  as  well  for  their  counsel 
on  many  interesting  occasions,  as  for  their  ardor  in  promoting  the 
success  of  the  plans  he  had  adopted  ;  to  the  commandants  of  regi- 
ments and  corps,  and  to  the  officers  for  their  zeal  and  attention  in 
carrying  his  orders  promptly  into  execution ;  to  the  staff,  for  their 
alacrity  and  exactness  in  performing  the  duties  of  their  several  de- 
partments, and  to  the  non-commissioned  officers  and  private  soldiers 
for  their  extraordinary  patience  in  suffering,  as  well  as  their  invinci- 
ble fortitude  in  action.  To  various  branches  of  the  army  the  Gene- 
ral takes  this  last  and  solemn  opportunity  of  professing  his  inviolable 
attachment  and  friendship.  He  wishes  more  than  bare  profession 
were  in  his  power,  that  he  was  really  able  to  be  useful  to  them  all  in 
future  life.  He  flatters  himself,  however,  they  will  do  him  the  jus- 
tice to  believe,  that  whatever  could  with  propriety  be  attempted  by 
him,  has  been  done.  And  being  now  to  conclude  these  his  last 
public  orders,  to  take  his  ultimate  leave,  in  a  short  time,  of  the  mili- 
tary character,  and  to  bid  a  final  adieu  to  the  armies  he  has  so  long 
had  the  honor  to  command,  he  can  only  again  offer,  in  their  behalf, 
his  recommendations  to  their  grateful  country,  and  his  prayers  to  the 
God  of  armies.  May  ample  justice  be  done  them  here,  and  may  the 
choicest  of  heaven's  favors,  both  here  and  hereafter,  attend  those 
who,  under  the  divine  auspices,  have  secured  innumerable  blessings 
for  others  !  With  these  wishes,  and  this  benediction,  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief is  about  to  retire  from  service.  The  curtain  of 
separation  will  soon  be  drawn — and  the  military  scene  to  him  will  be 
closed  for  ever, 


NOTE    XIV. PAGE  363. 

DR.  FRANKLIN'S  MOTION  FOR  PRAYERS 

IN  THE  CONVENTION. 

Mr.  President  : — The  small  progress  we  have  made  after  four  or 
five  weeks'  close  attendance  and  continual  reasonings  with  each 
other,  our  different  sentiments  on  almost  every  question,  several  of 


FRANKLIN'S  MOTION  FOR  PRAYERS.  407 

the  last  producing  as  many  Noes  as  Ayes,  is  methinks  a  melancholy 
proof  of  the  imperfection  of  the  human  understanding.  We  indeed 
seem  to  feel  our  own  want  of  political  wisdom,  since  we  have  been 
running  all  about  in  search  of  it.  We  have  gone  back  to  ancient 
history  for  models  of  government,  and  examined  the  different  forms 
of  those  republics,  which,  having  been  originally  formed  with  the 
seeds  of  their  own  dissolution,  now  no  longer  exist ;  and  we  have 
viewed  modern  states  all  round  Europe,  but  find  none  of  their  con- 
stitutions suitable  to  our  circumstances. 

In  this  situation  of  this  assembly,  groping,  as  it  were,  in  the  dark, 
to  find  political  truth,  and  scarce  able  to  distinguish  it  when  present- 
ed to  us,  how  has  it  happened,  sir,  that  we  have  not  hitherto  once 
thought  of  humbly  applying  to  the  Father  of  Lights  to  illuminate  our 
understanding  ?  In  the  beginning  of  the  contest  with  Britain,  when 
we  were  sensible  of  danger,  we  had  daily  prayers  in  this  room  for 
the  divine  protection  ?  Our  prayers,  sir,  were  heard  ;  and  they  were 
graciously  answered.  All  of  us,  who  were  engaged  in  the  struggle, 
must  have  observed  frequent  instances  of  a  superintending  Provi- 
dence in  our  favor.  To  that  kind  Providence  we  owe  this  happy 
opportunity  of  consulting  in  peace  the  means  of  establishing  our 
future  national  felicity.  And  have  we  now  forgotten  that  powerful 
friend  ?  or  do  we  imagine  we  no  longer  need  his  assistance — I  have 
lived,  sir,  a  long  time ;  and  the  longer  I  live  the  more  convincing 
proofs  I  see  of  this  truth,  That  God  governs  in  the  affairs  of  men ! 
And  if  a  sparrow  cannot  fall  to  the  ground  without  his  notice,  is  it 
probable  that  an  empire  can  rise  without  his  aid  ?  We  have  been 
assured,  sir,  in  the  Sacred  Writings,  that  "  except  the  Lord  build  the 
house,  they  labor  in  vain  that  build  it."  I  firmly  believe  this  :  and  I 
also  believe,  that  without  his  concurring  aid,  we  shall  succeed  in  this 
political  building  no  better  than  the  builders  of  Babel :  we  shall  be 
divided  by  our  little  partial  local  interests,  our  projects  will  be  con- 
founded, and  we  ourselves  shall  become  a  reproach  and  a  by-word 
down  to  future  ages.  And  what  is  worse,  mankind  may  hereafter, 
from  this  unfortunate  instance,  despair  of  establishing  government  by 
human  wisdom,  and  leave  it  to  chance,  war,  and  conquest. 

I  therefore  beg  leave  to  move,  That  henceforth  prayers,  imploring 
the  assistance  of  heaven,  and  its  blessing  on  our  deliberations,  be 
held  in  this  assembly  every  morning  before  we  proceed  to  business  ; 
and  that  one  or  more  of  the  clergy  of  this  city  be  requested  to 
officiate  in  that  service. 

[Note  by  Dr.  Franklin.]  "  The  convention,  except  three  or  four 
persojis,  thought  prayers  unnecessary  /" 


468  APPENDIX. 

NOTE    XV. — PAGE    364. 

PROCEEDINGS 

RELATING  TO   THE  FORMATION  AND   ADOPTION  OF  THE  CONSTITU- 
TION OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

On  the  eleventh  of  September,  1786,  commissioners  from  several 
states  met  at  Annapolis,  in  Maryland,  "  to  consider  on  the  best  means 
of  remedying  the  defects  of  the  Federal  government."*  Mr.  Dick- 
inson, of  Delaware,  was  unanimously  elected  chairman.  After  a 
full  communication  of  sentiments,  and  deliberate  consideration,  they 
unanimously  agreed  that  a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  prepare 
a  draft  of  a  report  to  be  made  to  the  State.  Accordingly  a  committee 
was  appointed,  who  submitted  the  following  on  the  fourteenth  : — 

To  the  honorable  the  legislatures  of  Virginia,  Delaware,  Penn- 
sylvania, New  Jersey,  and  New  York,  the  commissioners  from  the 
said  states  respectively,  assembled  at  Annapolis,  humbly  beg  leave 
to  report : — 

That,  pursuant  to  their  several  appointments,  they  met  at  Annapo- 
lis, in  the  state  of  Maryland,  on  the  eleventh  day  of  September  in- 
stant, and  having  proceeded  to  a  communication  of  their  powers,  they 
found  that  the  states  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Virginia,  had, 
in  substance,  and  nearly  in  the  same  terms,  authorized  their  respect- 
ive commissioners  "  to  meet  such  commissioners  as  were  or  might 
be  appointed  by  the  other  states  in  the  Union,  at  such  time  and 
place  as  should  be  agreed  upon  by  the  said  commissioners,  to  take 
into  consideration  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the  United  States,  to 
consider  how  far  a  uniform  system  in  their  commercial  intercourse 
and  regulations,  might  be  necessary  to  their  common  interest  and 
permanent  harmony,  and  to  report  to  the  several  states  such  an  act 
relative  to  this  great  object,  as,  when  unanimously  ratified  by  them, 
would  enable  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  effectually 
to  provide  for  the  same." 

That  the  state  of  Delaware  had  given  similar  powers  to  their  com- 
missioners, with  this  difference  only,  that  the  act  to  be  framed  in 
virtue  of  these  powers,  is  required  to  be  reported  "  to  the  United 
States,  in  Congress  assembled,  to  be  agreed  to  by  them,  and  con- 
firmed by  the  legislatures  of  every  state." 

That  the  state  of  New  Jersey  had  enlarged  the  object  of  their 
appointment,  empowering  their  commissioners  "  to  consider  how  far 
a  uniform  system  in  their  commercial  regulations,  and  other  import- 
ant matters,  might  be  necessary  to  the  common  interest  and  perma- 
nent harmony  of  the  several  states  ;"  and  to  report  such  an  act  on  the 

*  The  names  of  the  members  of  the  convention  were  as  follows : — New  York, 
Alexander  Hamilton,  Egbert  Benson ;  New  Jersey,  Abraham  Clark,  William  C. 
Houston,  James  Schureman  ;  Pennsylvania,  Tench  Coxe ;  Delaware,  George  Read, 
John  Dickinson,  Richard  Basset ;  Virginia,  Edmund  Randolph,  James  Madison, 
Jr.,  Saint  George  Tucker. 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION.  4G9 

subject,  as,  when  ratified  by  them,  "  would  enable  the  United  States, 
in  Congress  assembled,  effectually  to  provide  for  the  exigencies  of 
the  Union." 

That  appointments  of  commissioners  have  also  been  made  by  the 
states  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and  North 
Carolina,  none  of  whom,  however,  have  attended  ;  but  that  no  infor- 
mation has  been  received  by  your  commissioners  of  any  appointment 
having  been  made  by  the  states  of  Connecticut,  Maryland,  South 
Carolina,  or  Georgia. 

That  the  express  terms  of  the  powers  to  your  commissioners  sup- 
posing a  deputation  from  all  the  states,  and  having  for  object  the  trade 
and  commerce  of  the  United  States,  your  commissioners  did  not 
conceive  it  advisable  to  proceed  on  the  business  of  their  mission 
under  the  circumstances  of  so  partial  and  defective  a  representation. 

Deeply  impressed,  however,  with  the  magnitude  and  importance 
of  the  object  confided  to  them  on  this  occasion,  your  commissioners 
cannot  forbear  to  indulge  an  expression  of  their  earnest  and  unani- 
mous wish,  that  speedy  measures  may  be  taken  to  effect  a  general 
meeting  of  the  states,  in  a  future  convention,  for  the  same  and  such 
other  purposes  as  the  situation  of  public  affairs  may  be  found  to 
require. 

If,  in  expressing  this  wish,  or  in  intimating  any  other  sentiment, 
your  commissioners  should  seem  to  exceed  the  strict  bounds  of  their 
appointment,  they  entertain  a  full  confidence,  that  a  conduct  dictated 
by  an  anxiety  for  the  welfare  of  the  United  States,  will  not  fail  to 
receive  an  indulgent  construction. 

In  this  persuasion,  your  commissioners  submit  an  opinion,  that  the 
idea  of  extending  the  powers  of  their  deputies  to  other  objects  than 
those  of  commerce,  which  has  been  adopted  by  the  state  of  New 
Jersey,  was  an  improvement  on  the  original  plan,  and  will  deserve  to 
be  incorporated  into  that  of  a  future  convention.  They  are  the  more 
naturally  led  to  this  conclusion,  as,  in  the  course  of  their  reflections 
on  the  subject,  they  have  been  induced  to  think  that  the  power  of 
regulating  trade  is  of  such  comprehensive  extent,  and  will  enter  so 
far  into  the  general  system  of  the  federal  government,  that  to  give  it 
efficacy,  and  to  obviate  questions  and  doubts  concerning  its  precise 
nature  and  limits,  may  require  a  correspondent  adjustment  of  other 
parts  of  the  federal  system. 

That  there  are  important  defects  in  the  system  of  the  federal 
government,  is  acknowledged  by  the  acts  of  all  those  states  which 
have  concurred  in  the  present  meeting  ;  that  the  defects,  upon  a 
closer  examination,  may  be  found  greater  and  more  numerous  than 
even  these  acts  imply,  is  at  least  so  far  probable,  from  the  embarrass^ 
ments  which  characterize  the  present  state  of  our  national  affairs, 
foreign  and  domestic,  as  may  reasonably  be  supposed  to  merit  a  de- 
liberate and  candid  discussion,  in  some  mode  which  will  unite  the 
sentiments  and  councils  of  all  the  states.  In  the  choice  of  the  mode, 
your  commissioners  are  of  opinion  that  a  convention  of  deputies 
from  the  different  states,  for  the  special  and  sole  purpose  of  entering 
into   this   investigation,  and  digesting  a  plan  for   supplying  such 


470  APPENDIX. 

defects  as  may  be  discovered  to  exist,  will  be  entitled  to  a  preference, 
from  considerations  which  will  occur  without  being  particularized. 

Your  commissioners  decline  an  enumeration  of  those  national  cir- 
cumstances on  which  their  opinion  respecting  the  propriety  of  a 
future  convention,  with  more  enlarged  powers,  is  founded  ;  as  it 
would  be  a  useless  intrusion  of  facts  and  observations,  most  of 
which  have  been  frequently  the  subject  of  public  discussion,  and 
none  of  which  can  have  escaped  the  penetration  of  those  to  whom 
they  would,  in  this  instance,  be  addressed.  They  are,  however,  of 
a  nature  so  serious,  as,  in  the  view  of  your  commissioners,  to  render 
the  situation  of  the  United  States  delicate  and  critical,  calling  for  an 
exertion  of  the  united  virtue  and  wisdom  of  all  the  members  of  the 
confederacy. 

Under  this  impression,  your  commissioners,  with  the  most  respect- 
ful deference,  beg  leave  to  suggest  their  unanimous  conviction,  that 
it  may  essentially  tend  to  advance  the  interests  of  the  Union,  if  the 
states,  by  whom  they  have  been  respectively  delegated,  would  them- 
selves concur,  and  use  their  endeavors  to  procure  the  concurrence 
of  the  other  states,  in  the  appointment  of  commissioners,  to  meet  at 
Philadelphia,  on  the  second  Monday  in  May  next,  to  take  into  consi- 
deration the  situation  of  the  United  States,  to  devise  such  further 
provisions  as  shall  appear  to  them  necessary,  to  render  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  federal  government  adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
Union  ;  and  to  report  such  an  act  for  that  purpose,  to  the  United 
States,  in  Congress  assembled,  as,  when  agreed  to  by  them,  and 
afterward  confirmed  by  the  legislatures  of  every  state,  will  effectually 
provide  for  the  same. 

Though  your  commissioners  could  not,  with  propriety,  address 
these  observations  and  sentiments  to  any  but  the  states  they  have  the 
honor  to  represent,  they  have  nevertheless  concluded,  from  motives 
of  respect,  to  transmit  copies  of  this  report  to  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  and  to  the  executives  of  the  other  states. 

By  order  of  the  commissioners, 

Dated  at  Annapolis,  September  14th,  1786 

This  report  was  adopted,  and  transmitted  to  Congress.  On  the 
twenty-first  of  February,  the  committee  of  that  body,  consisting  of 
Messrs.  Dane,  Varnum,  S.  M.  Mitchell,  Smith,  Cadwallader, 
Irvine,  N.  Mitchell,  Forrest,  Grayson,  Blount,  Bull,  and  Few,  to 
whom  the  report  of  the  commissioners  was  referred,  reported  thereon, 
and  offered  the  following  resolutions,  viz. — 

Congress  having  had  under  consideration  the  letter  of  John 
Dickinson,  Esq.,  chairman  of  the  commissioners  who  assembled  at 
Annapolis,  during  the  last  year ;  also  the  proceedings  of  the  said 
commissioners,  and  entirely  coinciding  with  them,  as  to  the  ineffi- 
ciency of  the  federal  government,  and  the  necessity  of  devising  such 
further  provisions  as  shall  render  the  same  adequate  to  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  Union,  do  strongly  recommend  to  the  different  legis- 
latures to  send  forward  delegates,  to  meet  the  proposed  convention, 
on  the  second  Monday  in  May  next,  at  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION.  471 

The  delegates  for  the  state  of  New  York  thereupon  laid  before 
Congress  instructions  which  they  had  received  from  their  constitu  • 
ents,  and  in  pursuance  of  the  said  instructions,  moved  to  postpone 
the  further  consideration  of  the  report,  in  order  to  take  up  the  follow 
ing  proposition,  viz. — 

"  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  states  composing  the  Union,  that 
a  convention  of  representatives  from  the  said  states  respectively,  be 

held  at ,  on  ,  for  the  purpose  of  revising  the  articles  of 

confederation  and  perpetual  union  between  the  United  States  of 
America,  and  reporting  to  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled, 
and  to  the  states  respectively,  such  alterations  and  amendments  of 
the  said  articles  of  confederation,  as  the  representatives,  met  in  such 
convention,  shall  judge  proper  and  necessary  to  render  them  ade- 
quate to  the  preservation  and  support  of  the  Union." 

On  taking  the  question,  only  three  states  voted  in  the  affirmative, 
and  the  resolution  was  negatived. 

A  motion  was  then  made  by  the  delegates  for  Massachusetts,  to 
postpone  the  further  consideration  of  the  report,  in  order  to  take  into 
consideration  a  motion  which  they  read  in  their  place  ;  this  being 
agreed  to,  the  motion  of  the  delegates  for  Massachusetts  was  taken 
up,  and  being  amended  was  agreed  to,  as  follows  : — 

"  Whereas,  there  is  provision  in  the  articles  of  confederation  and 
perpetual  union,  for  making  alterations  therein,  by  the  assent  of  a 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  legislatures  of  the  several 
states  ;  and,  whereas,  experience  hath  evinced  that  there  are  defects 
in  the  present  confederation,  as  a  mean  to  remedy  which,  several  of 
the  states,  and  particularly  the  state  of  New  York,  by  express  in- 
structions to  their  delegates  in  Congress,  have  suggested  a  conven- 
tion for  the  purposes  expressed  in  the  following  resolution  ;  and  such 
convention  appearing  to  be  the  most  probable  means  of  establishing, 
in  these  states,  a  firm  national  government  : — 

"  Resolved,  That,  in  the  opinion  of  Congress,  it  is  expedient  that, 
on  the  second  Monday  in  May  next,  a  convention  of  delegates  who 
shall  have  been  appointed  by  the  several  states,  be  held  at  Philadel- 
phia, for  the  sole  and  express  purpose  of  revising  the  articles  of  con- 
federation, and  reporting  to  Congress,  and  the  several  legislatures, 
such  alterations  and  provisions  therein,  as  shall,  when  agreed  to  in 
Congress,  and  confirmed  by  the  states,  render  the  federal  constitution 
adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  the  government. 

"  Resolved,  That,  in  the  opinion  of  Congress,  it  is  expedient  that, 
on  the  second  Monday  in  May  next,  a  convention  of  delegates  who 
shall  have  been  appointed  by  the  several  states,  be  held  at  Philadel- 
phia, for  the  sole  and  express  purpose  of  revising  the  articles  of  con- 
federation, and  reporting  to  Congress  and  the  several  legislatures, 
such  alteration  and  provisions  therein,  as  shall,  when  agreed  to  in 
Congress,  and  confirmed  by  the  states,  render  the  federal  constitution 
adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  the  government,  and  the  preservation 
of  the  Union." 

In  compliance  with  the  recommendation  of  Congress,  delegates 
were  chosen  in  the  several  states,  for  the  purpose  of  revising  the 


472  APPENDIX. 

articles  of  confederation,  who  assembled  in  Philadelphia,  on  the 
second  Monday  in  May,  1787.  General  Washington  was  chosen 
president  of  the  convention.  On  the  17th  of  September,  1787,  the 
convention  having  agreed  upon  the  several  articles  of  the  federal  con- 
stitution, it  was  adopted  and  signed  by  all  the  members  present.* 

On  Friday,  the  28th  of  September,  1787,  the  Congress  having  re- 
ceived the  report  of  the  convention,  with  the  constitution,  recom- 
mended for  ratification  by  the  several  states,  and  by  Congress, 
adopted  the  following  resolution  : — 

"  Resolved  unanimous] 'ij,  That  the  said  report,  with  the  resolu- 
tions and  letters  accompanying  the  same,  be  transmitted  to  the 
several  legislatures,  in  order  to  be  submitted  to  a  convention  of  dele- 
gates chosen  in  each  state  by  the  people  thereof,  in  conformity  to  the 
resolves  of  the  convention,  made  and  provided  in  that  case." 

The  Constitution  having  been  ratified  by  the  requisite  number  of 
States,!  and  a  certification  thereof  made  to  Congress,  that  body,  on 
the  thirteenth  of  September,  1788,  passed  the  following  resolutions 
by  the  unanimous  vote  of  nine  states  : — 

*  The  names  of  the  Delegates  to  the  Convention  which  met  at  Philadelphia,  in 
May,  1737,  to  frame  a  new  constitution,  were  as  follows  : — 

New  Hampshire,  on  the  27th  of  June,  1757,  appointed  John  Langdon,  John 
Pickering,  Nicholas  Oilman,  and  Benjamin  West. 

Massachusetts,  on  the  9th  of  April,  1787,  appointed  Francis  Dana,  Elbridge 
Gerry,  Nathaniel  Gorham,  Rufus  King,  and  Caleb  Strong. 

Connecticut,  on  the  second  Thursday  of  May,  178G,  appointed  William  Samuel 
Johnson,  Roger  Sherman,  and  Oliver  Ellsworth 

New  York,  on  the  6th  of  March,  17S7,  appointed  Robert  Yates,  John  Lansing,  jr., 
and  Alexander  Hamilton. 

New  Jersey,  on  the  23d  of  November,  17S0,  appointed  David  Brearly,  William 
Churchill  Houston,  William  Paterson,  and  John  Neilson;  and  on  the  8th  of  May, 
1787,  added  William  Livingston  and  Abraham  Clark  ;  and  on  the  5th  of  June,  1787, 
added  Jonathan  Dayton. 

Pennsylvania,  on  the  30th  of  December,  1786,  appointed  Thomas  Mifflin,  Robert 
Morris,  George  Clymer,  Jared  Ingersoll,  Thomas  Fitzsimons,  James  Wilson,  and 
Governeur  Morris;  and  on  the  25th  of  March,  1787,  added  Benjamin  Franklin. 

Delaware,  on  tbe  3d  of  February,  1787,  appointed  George  Read,  Gunning  Bedford, 
jr.,  John  Dickinson,  Richard  Bassett,  and  Jacob  Broom. 

Maryland,  on  the  26th  of  May,  1787,  appointed  James  M'Henry,  Daniel  of  St. 
Thomas  Jenifer,  Daniel  Carroll,  John  Francis  Mercer,  and  Luther  Martin. 

Virginia,  on  the  16th  of  October,  1786,  appointed  George  Washington,  Patrick 
Henry,  Edmund  Randolph,  John  Blair,  James  Madison,  jr.,  George  Mason,  and 
George  Wythe.  Patrick  Henry  having  declined  his  appointment  as  deputy,  James 
M'Clure  was  nominated  to  supply  his  place. 

North  Carolina,  in  January,  1787,  elected  Richard  Caswell,  Alexander  Martin, 
William  Richardson  Davie,  Richard  Dobbs  Spaight,  and  Willie  Jones.  Richard  Cas- 
well having  resigned,  William  Blount  was  appointed  a  deputy  in  his  place.  Willie 
Jones  having  also  declined  his  appointment,  was  supplied  by  Hugh  Williamson. 

South  Carolina,  on  the  8th  of  March,  1787,  appointed  John  Rutledge,  Charles 
Pinckney,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  and  Pierce  Butler. 

Georgia,  on  the  10th  of  February,  17S7,  appointed  William  Few,  Abraham  Bald- 
win, William  Pierce,  George  Walton,  William  Houston,  and  Nathaniel  Pendleton. 

t  The  following  are  the  dates  of  the  Ratification  of  the  Constitution,  by  the  thir- 
teen Old  States  :— 
Delaware    ". 
Pennsylvania 
New  Jersey 
Georgia 
Connecticut 
Massachusetts 
Maryland     . 


December    7, 

1787 

South  Carolina 

May  23, 

1788 

December  12 

1787 

New  Hampshire 

June  21, 

1788 

December  18, 

1787 

Virginia 

June  26, 

1788 

January       2, 

1788 

New  York  .     .     . 

July  26, 

1788 

January       9, 

1788 

North  Carolina 

Nov.  21, 

1789 

February     6, 

1775 

Rhode  Island  . 

May  29, 

1790 

April          28, 

1788 

ADOPTION  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION.  473 

"  Whereas,  the  convention  assembled  in  Philadelphia,  pursuant  to 
the  resolution  of  Congress,  of  the  twenty-first  of  February,  1787,  did, 
on  the  seventeenth  of  September,  in  the  same  year,  report  to  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  a  constitution  for  the  people  of 
the  United  States ;  whereupon,  Congress,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of 
the  same  September,  did  resolve  unanimously,  that  the  said  report, 
with  the  resolutions  and  letter  accomnanying  the  same,  be  transmit- 
ted to  the  several  legislatures,  in  order  to  be  submitted  to  a  conven- 
tion of  delegates,  chosen  in  each  state  by  the  people  thereof,  in  con- 
formity to  the  resolves  of  the  convention,  made  and  provided  in  that 
case  ;  and  whereas  the  constitution  so  reported  by  the  convention, 
and  by  Congress  transmitted  to  the  several  legislatures,  has  been 
ratified  in  the  manner  therein  declared  to  be  sufficient  for  the  esta- 
blishment of  the  same,  and  such  ratifications,  duly  authenticated, 
have  been  received  by  Congress,  and  are  filed  in  the  office  of  the 
secretary,  therefore — 

"  Resolved.  That  the  first  Wednesday  in  January  next  be  the 
day  for  appointing  electors  in  the  several  states  which  before  the 
said  day  shall  have  ratified  the  said  constitution ;  that  the  first 
Wednesday  in  February  next  be  the  day  for  the  electors  to  assemble 
in  their  respective  states,  and  vote  for  a  president ;  and  that  the  first 
Wednesday  in  March  next  be  the  time,  and  the  present  seat  of  Con- 
gress [Xew  York]  the  place,  for  commencing  proceedings  under  the 
said  constitution." 

While  the  constitution  was  under  consideration  in  the  various 
states,  its  provisions  were  explained  and  its  utility  defended  by 
Madison,  Jay,  and  Hamilton,  in  a  series  of  Essays  under  the  title  of 
"  The  Federalist."*  It  was  not  an  easy  matter  to  frame  an  instru- 
ment perfectly  adapted  to  the  wants  of  thirteen  distinct,  and  wide- 
spreading  republics,  whose  domestic  habits  and  social  institutions 
were  so  varied,  and,  therefere,  the  constitution  met  with  much  oppo- 
sition. Even  Washington  and  Franklin  deemed  it  defective,  yet  they 
overlooked  its  errors,  and  sacrificed  their  own  opinions  for  the  gene- 
ral good.t  So  with  Patrick  Henry :  he  violently  opposed  it  in  the 
Virginia  Assembly,  but  yielded  quietly  to  the  will  of  the  majority. 
Partial  Republicanism  was  too  little  understood  by  the  great  mass 
of  the  people,  for  them  to  clearly  perceive  how  its  theory  could  be 
realized  under  a  federal  form  of  government;  and  in  their  earnest 
desire  to  make  the  system  democratic,  to  its  fullest  practicable  extent, 
they  looked  with  jealous  eye  upon  everything  that  tended  towards  a 
consolidation  of  political  power.  They  regarded  Paine's  jurispru- 
dential postulate— "  the  best  system  is  a  strong  people  and  a  weak 
government  " — as  true,  and  in  this  opinion  they  were  correct.     But 

*  This  title  became  the  cognomen  of  the  party  who  espoused  the  constitution,  and 
its  opponents  wire  called  Anti-Federalists.  These  have  ever  since  formed  the  basis 
of  distinction  between  the  two  Leading  poli.ical  parties  in  this  country. 

f  Washington  said  in  a  letter,  "  There  are  some  things  in  the  new  form,  I  will 
readily  acknowledge,  which  never  did,  and  I  am  persuaded  never  will,  obtain  my 
cordial  approbation.  But  Idid  then  conceive,  and  do  now  must  firmly  believe,  that 
in  the  aggregate,  it  is  the  best  constitution  that  can  be  obtained  at  this  epoch,  and 
that  this,°or  a  dissolution,  awaits  our  choice,  ane  is  the  only  alternative." 

31 


474  APPENDIX. 


they  waived  partial  rights  for  the  promotion  of  the  general  good. 
The  constitution  was  necessarily  a  compromise,  and  rights  and  pri- 
vileges were  surrendered  by  the  different  states  without  any  manifest 
equivalent. 

Subjoined  is  a  certified   copy  of  the   constitution,    with   all  its 
amendments,  and  profusely  annotated. 

CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

COPIED  FROM,  AND  COMPARED  WITH,  THE  ROLL  IN  THE  DEPARTMENT 

OF  STATE. 


We  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  union, 
establishAjustice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common 
defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,\and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty 
to  ourselves  and  our  posterity!  do  ordain  and  establish  this  constitution 
for  the  United  States  of  America.\ 

ARTICLE  I. 

Section"  1.  All  legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested  in  a 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  senate  and  house 
of  representatives. 

Section  2.  The  house  of  representatives  shall  be  composed  of  mem- 
bers chosen  every  second  year  by  the  people  of  the  several  states,  and  the 
electors  in  each  state  shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite  for  electors  of 
the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  state  legislature. 

No  person  shall  be  a  representative  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the 
age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  state  in 
which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several 
states  which  may  be  included  within  this  Union,  according  to  their  re- 
spective numbers,*  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  whole 
number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of 
years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three  fifths  of  all  oilier  persons. 
The  actual  enumeration  shall  be  made  within  three  years  after  the  first 
meeting  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  within  every  subsequent 
term  of  ten  years,  in  such  manner  as  they  shall  by  law  direct.  The  num- 
ber of  representatives  shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand,!  but 
each  state  shall  have  at  least  one  representative  ;  and  until  such  enumera- 
tion shall  be  made,  the  state  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  to  choose 
three,  Massachusetts  eight,  R.hode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations  one, 
Connecticut  five,  New  York  six,  New  Jersey  four,  Pennsylvania  eight, 
Delaware  one,  Maryland  six,  Virginia  ten,  North  Carolina  five,  South 
Carolina  five,  and  Georgia  three. 

*  The  constitutional  provision,  that  direct  taxes  shall  he  apportioned  among  the  several 
states  according  to  their  respective  numbers,  to  be  ascertained  by  a  census,  was  not  intended 
to  restrict  the  power  of  imposing  direct  taxes  to  states  only. — Loughborough  vs.  Blake,  5 
Wheaton,  319.  ' 

t  See  laws  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  124;  iii.,  261  ;  iv.,  332.  Acts  of  17th  Congress, 
1st  session,  chap.  x. ;  and  of  the  22d  and  27th  Congress. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  475 

When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any  state,  the  exec- 
utive authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill  such  vacancies. 

The  house  of  representatives  shall  choose  their  speaker  and  other  offi- 
cers ;  and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

Section  3.  The  senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two 
senators  from  each  state,  chosen  by  the  legislature  thereof,  for  six  years  ; 
and  each  senator  shall  have  one  vote.* 

Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence  of  the  first 
election,  they  shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into  three  classes. 
The  seats  of  the  senators  of  the  first  class  shall  be  vacated  at  the  expira- 
tion of  the  second  year,  of  the  second  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth 
year,  and  of  the  third  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  sixth  year,  so  that  one 
third  may  be  chosen  every  second  year  ;  and  if  vacancies  happen  by  resig- 
nation, or  otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  legislature  of  any  state,  the 
executive  thereof  may  make  temporary  appointments  until  the  next  meet- 
ing of  the  legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such  vacancies. 

No  person  shall  be  a  senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of 
thirty  years,  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who 
shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  state  for  which  he  shall 
be  chosen. 

The  vice-president  of  the  United  States  shall  be  president  of  the  senate, 
but  shall  have  no  vote,  unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

The  senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and  also  a  president  pro- 
tempore,  in  the  absence  of  the  vice-president,  or  when  he  shall  exercise 
the  office  of  president  of  the  United  States. 

The  senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments  :  When 
sitting  for  that  purpose,  they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation.  When  the 
president  of  the  United  States  is  tried,  the  chief  justice  shall  preside  :  And 
no  person  shall  be  convicted  without  the  concurrence  of  two  thirds  of  the 
members  present. 

Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not  extend  further  than  to  re- 
moval from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy  any  office  of 
honor,  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States  :  but  the  party  convicted 
shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and  subject  to  indictment,  trial,  judgment  and 
punishment,  according  to  law. 

Section  4.  The  times,  places  and  manner  of  holding  elections  for  sen- 
ators and  representatives,  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  state  by  the  legisla- 
ture thereof;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  time  by  law  make  or  alter  such 
regulations,  except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing  senators. 

The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year,  and  such  meet- 
ing shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless  they  shall  by  law 
appoint  a  different  day. 

Section  5.  Each  house  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections,  returns  and 
qualifications  of  its  own  members,  and  a  majority  of  each  shall  constitute 
a  quorum  to  do  business  ,  but  a  smaller  number  may  adjourn  from  day  to 
day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  compel  the  attendance  of  absent  members, 
in  such  manner,  and  under  such  penalties  as  each  house  may  provide. 

Each  house  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings^  punish  its 

•  See  art.  v.,  clause  1. 

t  To  an  action  of  trespass  against  the  sergeant-at-arms  of  the  house  of  representatives 
of  the  United  States  for  assault  and  battery  and  false  imprisonment,  it  is  a  lecal  justifica- 
tion and  bar  to  plead  that  a  Congress  was  held  and  sitting  during  the  period  of  the  tres- 
passes complained,  and  that  the  house  of  representatives  had  resolved  that  the  plaintiff  had 
been  guilty  of  a  breach  of  the  privileges  of  the  house,  and  of  a  high  contempt  of  the  dignity 


476  APPENDIX. 

members  for  disorderly  behavior,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  two  thirds, 
expel  a  member. 

Each  house  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and  from  time  to 
time  publish  the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as  may  in  their  judgment  re- 
quire secresy  j  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  members  of  either  house  on 
any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of  one  fifth  of  those  present,  be  entered 
on  the  journal. 

Neither  house,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  shall,  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  to  any  other  place 
than  that  in  which  the  two  houses  shall  be  sitting. 

Section  6.  The  senators  and  representatives  shall  receive  a  compen- 
sation for  their  services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law,  and  paid  out  of  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States.  They  shall  in  all  cases,  except  treason, 
felony  and  breach  of  the  peace,  be  privileged  from  arrest  during  their  at- 
tendance at  the  session  of  their  respective  houses,  and  in  going  to  and  re- 
turning from  the  same  ;  and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in  either  house,  they 
shall  not  be  questioned  in  any  other  place. 

No  senator  or  representative  shall,  during  the  time  for  which  he  was 
elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the  United 
States,  which  shall  have  been  created,  or  the  emoluments  whereof  shall 
have  been  increased  during  such  time  ;  and  no  person  holding  any  office 
under  the  United  States,  shall  be  a  member  of  either  house  during  his  con- 
tinuance in  office. 

Section  7.  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  house  of 
representatives ;  but  the  senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amendments 
as  on  other  bills. 

Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  house  of  representatives  and  the 
senate,  shall,  before  it  become  a  law,  be  presented  to  the  president  of  the 
United  States  ;  if  he  approve  he  shall  sign  it,  but  if  not  he  shall  return  it, 
with  his  objections  to  that  house  in  which  it  shall  have  originated,  who 
shall  enter  the  objections  at  large  on  their  journal,  and  proceed  to  recon- 
sider it.  If  after  such  reconsideration  two  thirds  of  that  house  shall  agree 
to  pass  the  bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the  objections,  to  the  other 
house,  by  which  it  shall  likewise  be  reconsidered,  and  if  approved  by  two 
thirds  of  that  house,  it  shall  become  a  law.  But  in  all  such  cases  the  votes 
of  both  houses  shall  be  determined  by  yeas  and  nays,  and  the  names  of 
the  persons  voting  for  and  against  the  bill  shall  be  entered  on  the  journal 
of  each  house  respectively.  If  any  bill  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  pres- 
ident within  ten  days  (Sunday  excepted)  after  it  shall  have  been  presented 
to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a  law,  in  like  manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  un- 
less the  Congress  by  their  adjournment  prevent  its  return,  in  which  case 
it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote  to  which  the  concurrence  of  the  senate 

and  authority  of  the  same  ;  and  had  ordered  that  the  speaker  should  issue  his  warrant  to 
the  sergeant-at-arms,  commanding  him  to  take  the  plaintiff  into  custody  wherever  to  be 
found,  and  to  have  him  before  the  said  house  to  answer  to  the  said  charge  j  and  that  the 
speaker  did  accordingly  issue  such  a  warrant,  reciting  the  said  resolution  and  order,  and 
commanding  the  sergeant-at-arms  to  take  the  plaintiff  into  custody,  &c,  and  deliver  the 
said  warrant  to  the  defendant :  by  virtue  of  which  warrant  the  defendant  arrested  the  plain- 
tiff, and  conveyed  him  to  the  bar  of  the  house,  where  he  was  heard  in  his  defence  touching 
the  matter  of  said  charge,  and  the  examination  being  adjourned  from  day  to  day,  and  the 
house  having  ordered  the  plaintiff  to  be  detained  in  custody,  he  was  accordingly  detained 
by  the  defendant  until  he  was  finally  adjudged  to  be  guilty  and  convicted  of  the  charge 
aforesaid,  and  ordered  to  be  forthwith  brought  to  the  bar  and  reprimanded  by  the  speaker, 
and  then  discharged  from  custody,  and  after  being  thus  reprimanded,  was  actually  dis- 
charged from  the  arrest  and  custody  aforesaid—  Aider  son  vs.  Dunn,  6  Wheaton,  204. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  477 

and  house  of  representatives  may  be  necessary  (except  on  a  question  of 
adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the  president  of  the  United  States  ;  and 
before  the  same  shall  take  effect,  shall  be  approved  by  him,  or  being  dis- 
approved by  him,  shall  be  repassed  by  two  thirds  of  the  senate  and  house 
of  representatives,  according  to  the  rules  and  limitations  prescribed  in  the 
case'of  a  bill. 

Section  8.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,* 
duties,  imposts  and  excises,  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for  the  common 
defence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United  States ;  but  all  duties,  imposts 
and  excises  shall  be  uniform  throughout  the  United  States  ; 

To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States  ; 

To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the  several 
states,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes  ; 

To  establish  an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,!  and  uniform  laws  on  the 
subject  of  bankruptcies^  throughout  the  United  States ; 

To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign  coin,  and  fix 
the  standard  of  weights  and  measures  ; 

To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securities  and  cur- 
rent coin  of  the  United  States  ; 

To  establish  postoffices  and  postroads ; 

To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts,  by  securing  for  lim- 
ited times  to  authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive  right  to  their  respective 
writings  and  discoveries  ; 

To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  supreme  court ; 

To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the  high  seas, 
and  offences  against  the  law  of  nations  ;|| 

To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  make  rules 
concerning  captures  on  land  and  water  ; 

To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money  to  that  use 
shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years  ; 

To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy  ; 

To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the  land  and  naval 
forces ; 

To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  Union, 
suppress  insurrections  and  repel  invasions ; 

*  The  power  of  Congress  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  &c.,  extends  to  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  to  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  to  the  states. — Loughborough 
vs.  Blake,  5  Wheaton,  318.  But  Congress  are  not  bound  to  extend  a  direct  tax  to  the  district 
and  territories. — Id.,  318. 

f  Under  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  power  of  naturalization  is  exclusively 
in  Congress. — Chivac  vs.  Chirac,  2  Wheaton,  259. 

See  laws  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  30  ;  ii.,  261  ;  ill.,  71  ;  iii.,  2SS  ;  iii.,  400;  iv.,  564  j 
vi..  32. 

%  Since  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  a  state  has  authority  to  pass 
a  bankrupt  law,  provided  such  law  does  not  impair  the  obligation  of  contracts  within  the 
meaning  of  the  constitution  (art.  i.,  sect.  10),  and  provided  there  be  no  act  of  Congress  in 
force  to  establish  a  uniform  system  of  bankruptcy  conflicting  with  such  law. — Sturgess  vs. 
Crowninshield,  4  Wheaton,  122,  192. 

See  laws  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  368,  sect.  2  :  iii.,  66 ;  iii.,  158. 

H  The  act  of  the  3d  March,  1819,  chap.  76,  sect.  5,  referring  to  the  law  of  nations  for  a 
definition  of  the  crime  of  piracy,  is  a  constitutional  exercise  of  the  power  of  Congress  to  de- 
fine and  punish  that  crime. — United  States  vs.  Smith,  5  Whea'on,  153,  157. 

Congress  have  power  to  provide  for  the  punishment  of  otlences  committed  by  persons  on 
board  a  ship-of-war  of  the  United  States,  wherever  that  ship  may  lie.  But  Congress  have 
not  exercised  that  power  in  the  case  of  a  ship  lying  in  the  waters  of  the  United  States,  the 
words  within  fort,  arsenal,  dockyard,  magazine,  or  in  any  other  place  or  district  of  country 
under  the  sole  and  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  in  the  third  section  of  the  act  of 
1790,  chap.  9,  not  extending  to  a  ship-of-war,  but  only  to  objects  in  their  nature,  fixed  and 
territorial. — United  States  vs.  Bevans,  3  Wheaton,  890. 


478  APPENDIX. 

To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining,  the  militia,  and  for 
governing  such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  reserving  to  the  states  respectively,  the  appointment  of  the 
officers,  and  the  authority  of  training  the  militia  according  to  the  discipline 
prescribed  by  Congress  ;* 

To  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  over  such 
district  (not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of  particular 
states,  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the  seat  of  the  government 
of  the  United  Sta(fs,t  and  to  exercise  like  authority  over  all  places  pur- 
chased by  the  consent  of  the  legislature  of  the  state  in  which  the  same 
shall  be,  for  the  erection  of  forts,  magazines,  arsenals,  dockyards,  and  other 
needful  buildings  ; — And 

To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into 
execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers  vested  by  this  con- 
stitution in  the  government  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  department  or 
officer  thereof.^ 

Section  9.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the 
states  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by 

*  Vide  amendments,  art.  ii. 

f  Congress  has  authority  to  impose  a  direct  tax  on  the  District  of  Columbia,  in  propor- 
tion to  the  census  directed  to  be  taken  by  the  constitution. — Loughborough  vs.  Blake,  5 
Wheaton,  317. 

But  Congress  are  not  bound  to  extend  a  direct  tax  to  the  district  and  territories— Id.;  322. 

The  power  of  Congress  to  exercise  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  all  cases  whatsoever  within 
the  District  of  Columbia,  includes  the  power  of  taxing  it. — Id.,  324. 

if  Whenever  the  terms  in  which  a  power  is  granted  by  the  constitution  to  Congress,  or 
whenever  the  nature  of  the  power  itself  requires  that  it  should  be  exercised  exclusively  by 
Congress,  the  subject  is  as  completely  taken  away  from  the  state  legislatures  as  if  they  had 
been  expressly  forbidden  to  act  on  it. — Sturgess  vs.  Crouninshicld.  4  Wheaton,  193. 

Congress  has  power  to  incorporate  a  bank. — McCulloch  vs.  State  of  Maryland .  4  Wheaton. 
316. 

The  power  of  establishing  a  corporation  is  not  a  distinct  sovereign  power  or  end  of  gov- 
ernment, but  only  the  means  of  carrying  into  effect  other  powers  which  are  sovereign. 
Whenever  it  becomes  an  appropriate  means  of  exercising  any  of  the  powers  given  by  the 
constitution  to  the  government  of  the  Union,  it  may  be  exercised  by  that  government. — Id.. 
411,421. 

If  a  certain  means  to  carry  into  effect  any  of  the  powers  expressly  given  by  the  constitu- 
tion to  the  government  of  the  Union,  be  an  appropriate  measure,  not  prohibited  by  the 
constitution,  the  degree  of  its  necessity  is  a  question  of  legislative  discretion,  not  of  judi- 
cial cognizance. — /J.,  421 . 

The  act  of  the  19th  April,  1S16,  chap.  44,  to  incorporate  the  subscribers  to  the  bank  of 
the  United  States,  is  a  law  made  in  pursuance  of  (he  constitution. — Id.,  424. 

The  bank  of  the  United  States  has  constitutionally  a  right  to  establish  its  branches  or 
offices  of  discount  and  deposite  within  any  state. — Id.,  424. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  similar  to  the  articles  of  confed- 
eration, which  excludes  incidental  or  implied  powers. — Id.,  403. 

If  the  end  be  legitimate,  and  within  the  scope  of  the  constitution,  all  the  means  which  are 
appropriate,  which  are  plainly  adapted  to  that  end,  and  which  are  not  prohibited,  may  con- 
stitutionally be  employed  to  carry  it  into  effect. — Id.,  421. 

The  powers  granted  to  Congress  are  not  exclusive  of  similar  powers  existing  in  the 
states,  unless  where  the  constitution  has  expressly  in  terms  given  an  exclusive  power  to 
Congress,  or  the  exercise  of  a  like  power  is  prohibited  to  the  states,  or  there  is  a  direct  re 
pugnancy  or  incompatibility  in  the  exercise  of  it  by  the  states. — Houston  vs.  Moore,  5  Whea- 
ton, 49. 

The  example  of  the  first  class  is  to  be  found  in  the  exclusive  legislation  delegated  to  Con- 
gress over  places  purchased  by  the  consent  of  the  legislature  of  the  state  in  which  the  same 
shall  be  for  forts,  arsenals,  dockyards,  &c.  Of  the  second  class,  the  prohibition  of  a  state 
to  coin  money  or  emit  bills  of  credit.  Of  the  third  class,  the  power  to  establish  a  uni- 
form rule  of  naturalization,  and  the  delegation  of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction. 
— Id.,  49. 

In  all  other  classes  of  cases  the  states  retain  concurrent  authority  with  Congress. — Id.,  48. 

But  in  cases  of  concurrent  authority,  where  the  laws  of  the  states  and  of  the  Union  are 
in  direct  and  manifest  collision  on  the  same  subject,  those  of  the  Union  being  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land,  are  of  paramount  authority,  and  the  state  so  far,  and  so  far  only  as  such 
incompatibility  exists,  must  necessarily  yield. — Id.,  49. 

The  state  within  which  a  branch  of  the  United  States  bank  may  be  established,  can  not, 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  479 

the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight,  but 
a  tax  or  duly  may  he  imposed  on  such  importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dol- 
lars for  each  person. 

The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  suspended, 
unless  when  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion  the  public  safety  may  re- 
quire it. 

No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall  be  passed. 

No  capitation,  or  other  direct,  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  proportion  to 
the  census  or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed  to  He  taken. 

No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any  state. 

No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce  or  revenue 
to  the  ports  of  one  state  over  those  of  another  :  nor  shall  vessels  bound  to, 
or  from,  one  state,  be  obliged  to  enter,  clear,  or  pay  duties  in  another. 

No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  treasury,  but  in  consequence  of  ap- 
propriations made  by  law ;  and  a  regular  statement  and  account  of  the 
receipts  and  expenditures  of  all  public  money  shall  be  published  from  time 
to  time. 

No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States  :  And  no  per- 
son holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them,  shall,  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolument,  office,  or  title,  of 
any  kind  whatever,  from  any  king,  prince,  or  foreign  state. 

Section  10.  No  state  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confedera- 
tion ;  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal ;  coin  money  ;  emit  bills  of 
credit ;  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment  of 
debts  ;  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post  facto  law,  or  law  impairing  the 
obligation  of  contracts,*  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

without  violating  the  constitution,  tax  that  branch. — McCulloch  vs.  State  of  Maryland,  4 
Wheatnn,  425. 

The  state  governments  have  no  right  to  tax  any  of  the  constitutional  means  employed  by 
the  government  of  the  Union  to  execute  its  constitutional  powers. — Id.,  427. 

The  states  have  no  power  by  taxation,  or  otherwise;  to  retard,  impede,  burden,  or  in  any 
manner  control,  the  operation  of  the  constitutional  laws  enacted  by  Congress,  to  carry  into 
effect  the  powers  vested  in  the  national  government. — Id.,  436. 

This  principle  does  not  extend  to  a  tax  paid  by  the  real  property  of  the  bank  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  in  common  with  the  other  real  property  in  a  particular  state,  nor  to  a  tax  im- 
posed on  the  proprietary  which  the  citizens  of  that  state  may  hold  in  common  with  the 
other  property  of  the  same  description  throughout  the  state. — Id.,  436. 

*  Where  a  law  is  in  its  nature  a  contract,  where  absolute  rights  have  vested  under  that 
contract,  a  repeal  of  the  law  can  not  divest  those  rights. — Fletcher  vs.  Peck,  6  Cranch,  88. 

A  party  to  a  contract  can  not  pronounce  its  own  deed  invalid,  although  that  party  be  a 
sovereign  state. — Id.,  88. 

A  grant  is  a  contract  executed. — Id.,  89. 

A  law  annulling  conveyance  is  unconstitutional,  because  it  is  a  law  impairing  the  obliga- 
tion of  contracts  within  the  meaning  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States.— Id. 

The  court  will  not  declare  a  law  to  be  unconstitutional,  unless  the  opposition  between  the 
constitution  and  the  law  be  clear  and  plain. — Id..  ^1. 

An  act  of  the  legislature  of  a  state,  declaring  that  certain  lands  which  should  be  pur- 
chased for  the  Indians  should  not  thereafter  be  subject  to  any  tax.  constituted  a  contract 
which  could  not,  after  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  be  rescinded 
by  a  subsequent  legislative  act ;  such  rescinding  act  being  void  under  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States. — State  of  New  Jersey  vs.  U'ilson,  7  ('ranch,  161. 

The  present  constitution  of  the  United  States  did  not  commence  its  operation  until  the 
fir>t  Wednesday  in  March,  17^9,  and  the  provision  in  the  constitution,  that  "  no  state  shall 
make  any  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,"  does  not  extend  to  a  state  law  enacted 
before  that  day,  and  operating  upon  rights  of  property  vesting  before  that  time. — Owings  vs. 
Speed,  5  Whedton,  420,  421. 

An  act  of  a  state  legislature,  which  discharges  a  debtor  from  ail  liability  for  debts  con- 
tracted previous  to  his  discharge,  on  his  surrendering  his  property  for  the  benefit  of  his 
creditors,  is  a  law  impairing  "  the  obligations  of  contracts,"  within  the  meaning  ol  the  con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  so  far  as  it  attempts  to  discharge  the  contract ;  and  it  makes 
no  difference  in  such  a  case,  that  the  suit  was  brought  In  a  state  court  of  the  state  of  which 
both  the  parties  were  citizens  where  tho  contract  was  made,  and  the  discharge  obtained. 


480  APPENDIX. 

No  state  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any  imposts  or 
duties  on  imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be  absolutely  necessary  for 
executing  its  inspection  laws  :  and  the  net'  produce  of  all  duties  and  im- 
posts, laid  by  any  state  on  imports  or  exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States  ;  and  all  such  laws  shall  be  subject  tc  the 
revision  and  control  of  the  Congress. 

No  state  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  duty  of  ton- 
nage, keep  troops,  or  ships-of-war  in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any  agree- 
ment or  compact  with  another  state,  or  with  a  foreign  power,  or  engage  in 
war,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in  such  imminent  danger  as  will  not  admit 
of  delay. 

ARTICLE  II. 

Section  1.  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  president  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term  of 
four  years,*  and,  together  with  the  vice-president,  chosen  for  the  same 
term,  be  elected,  as  follows  : 

Each  state  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  legislature  thereof  may 
direct,!  a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  number  of  senators  and 
representatives  to  which  the  state  may  be  entitled  in  the  Congress  :  but 
no  senator  or  representative,  or  person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit 
under  the  United  States,  shall  be  appointed  an  elector. 

[{The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  states,  and  vote  by  ballot  for  two  per- 
sons, of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  state  with  them- 
selves. And  they  shall  make  a  list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number  of 
votes  for  each  ;  which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat 
of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the  president  of  the  senate.  The 
president  of  the  senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  senate  and  house  of  representa- 
tives, open  all  the  certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted.  The  person  hav- 
ing the  greatest  number  of  votes  shall  be  the  president,  if  such  number  be  a  majority 
of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  there  be  more  than  one  who  have 
such  majority,  and  have  an  equal  number  of  votes,  then  the  house  of  representatives 
shall  immediately  choose  by  ballot  one  of  them  for  president ;  and  if  no  person  have 
a  majority,  then  from  the  five  highest  on  the  list  the  said  house  shall  in  like  manner 
choose  the  president.  But  in  choosing  the  president,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by 
states,  the  representation  from  each  state  having  one  vote;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose 
shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two  thirds  of  the  states,  and  a  majority  of 

and  where  they  continued  to  reside  until  the  suit  was  brought. — Farmers  and  Mechanics' 
Bank  vs.  Smith,  6  Wheaton,  131. 

The  act  of  New  York,  passed  on  the  3d  of  April,  1811  (which  not  only  liberates  the  per- 
son of  the  debtor,  but  discharges  him  from  all  liability  for  any  debt  contracted  previous  to 
his  discharge,  on  his  surrendering  his  property  in  the  manner  it  prescribes),  so  far  as  it  at- 
tempts to  discharge  the  contract,  is  a  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts  within  the 
meaning  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  is  not  a  good  plea  in  bar  of  an  action 
brought  upon  such  contract. — Sturgess  vs.  Crowninshield,  4  Wheaton,  122,  197. 

Statutes  of  limitation  and  usury  laws,  unless  retroactive  in  their  effect,  do  not  impair  the 
obligation  of  contracts,  and  are  constitutional. — Id.,  206. 

A  state  bankrupt  or  insolvent  law  (which  not  only  liberates  the  person  of  the  debtor,  but 
discharges  him  from  all  liability  for  the  debt),  so  far  as  it  attempts  to  discharge  the  con- 
tract, is  repugnant  to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  it  makes  no  difference  in 
the  application  of  this  principle,  whether  the  law  was  passed  before  or  after  the  debt  was 
contracted.— McMillan  vs.  McNeill,  4  Wheaton,  209. 

The  charter  granted  by  the  British  crown  to  the  trustees  of  Dartmouth  college,  in  New 
Hampshire,  in  the  year  1769,  is  a  contract  within  the  meaning  of  that  clause  of  the  consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  (art.  i.,  sect.  10)  which  declares,  that  no  state  shall  make  any 
law  impairing  the  obligations  of  contracts.  The  charter  was  not  dissolved  by  the  revolu- 
tion.— College  vs.  Woodard,  4  Wheaton,  518. 

An  act.  of  the  state  legislature  of  New  Hampshire,  altering  the  charter  of  Dartmouth  col- 
lege in  a  material  respect,  without  the  consent  of  the  corporation,  is  an  act  impairing  the 
obligation  of  the  charter,  and  is  unconstitutional  and  void— Id.,  518. 

*  See  laws  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  109,  sect.  12. 

t  See  laws  United  States,  vol.  ii.;  chap.  109.  %  Vide  amendments,  art.  xiL 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  481 

all  the  states  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  In  every  case,  after  the  choice  of  the 
president,  the  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  of  the  electors  shall  be  the 
vice-president.  But  if  there  should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes,  the 
senate  shall  choose  from  them  by  ballot  the  vice-president.*] 

The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  electors,!  and 
the  day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes  ;  which  day  shall  be  the 
same  throughout  the  United  States. J 

No  person  except  a  natural  born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  constitution,  shall  be  eligible  to  the  office 
of  president ;  neither  shall  any  person  be  eligible  to  that  office  who  shall 
not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty-five  years,  and  been  fourteen  years  a 
resident  within  the  United  States. 

In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  president  from  office,  or  of  his  death,  resig- 
nation,$  or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  said  office, 
the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  vice-president,  and  the  Congress  may  by 
law  provide  for  the  case  of  removal,  death,  resignation  or  inability,  both 
of  the  president  and  vice-president,  declaring  what  officer  shall  then  act 
as  president,  and  such  officer  shall  act  accordingly,  until  the  disability  be 
removed,  or  a  president  shall  be  elected.  || 

The  president  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  services,  a  compen- ' 
sation,  which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished  during  the  period 
for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected,  and  he  shall  not  receive  within  that 
period  any  other  emolument  from  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office,  he  shall  take  the  follow- 
ing oath  or  affirmation  : — "  I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will 
faithfully  execute  the  office  of  president  of  the  United  States,  and  will  to 
the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect  and  defend  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States." 

Section  2.  The  president  shall  be  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and 
navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  states,  when 
called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States  jlf  he  may  require  the 
opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  officer  in  each  of  the  executive  depart- 
ments, upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties  of  their  respective  offices, 
and  he  shall  have  power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offences  against 
the  United  States,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment. 

He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  senate, 
to  make  treaties,  provided  two  thirds  of  the  senators  present  concur ;  and 
he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  writh  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  senate, 
shall  appoint  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and  consuls,  judges  of 
the  supreme  court,  and  all  other  officers  of  the  United  States,  whose  ap- 
pointments are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for  and  which  shall  be  es- 

•  This  clause  is  annulled.    See  amendments,  art.  xii. 

j  See  laws  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  104,  sect.  1. 

J  See  laws  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  109,  sect.  2. 

§  See  laws  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  104,  sect.  11. 

||  See  laws  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  109,  sect.  9  ;  and  vol.  iii.,  chap.  403. 

IT  The  act  of  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  of  the  2Sth  March,  1814  (providing,  sect.  21,  that 
the  officers  and  privates  of  the  militia  of  that  state  neglecting  or  refusing  to  serve  when 
called  into  actual  service,  in  pursuance  of  any  order  or  requisition  of  the  president  of  the 
United  States,  shall  be  liable  to  the  penalties  defined  in  the  act  of  Congress  of  28th  Febru- 
ary, 1795,  chap.  277,  or  to  any  penalty  which  may  have  been  prescribed  since  the  date  of 
that  act,  or  which  may  hereafter  be  prescribed  by  any  law  of  the  United  States,  and  also 
providing  for  the  trial  of  such  delinquents  by  a  state  court-martial,  and  that  a  list  of  the 
delinquents  fined  by  such  court  should  be  furnished  to  the  marshal  of  the  United  States, 
&c. ;  and  also  to  the  comptroller  of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  in  order  that  the  fur- 
ther proceedings  directed  to  be  had  thereon  by  the  laws  of  the  United  States  might  be  com- 
Sleted),  is  not  repugnant  to  the  constitutiou  and  laws  of  the  United  States. — Houston  v» 
tooretb  Wheaton,  1,  12. 


482  APPENDIX. 

tablished  by  law  :  but  the  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the  appointment  of 
such  inferior  officers,  as  they  think  proper,  in  the  president  alone,  in  the 
courts  of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of  departments. 

The  president  shall  have  power  to  till  up  all  vacancies  that  may  happen 
during  the  recess  of  the  senate,  by  granting  commissions  which  shall  ex- 
pire at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

Section  3.  He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  informa- 
tion of  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  consideration  such 
measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient;  he  may,  on  extra- 
ordinary occasions,  convene  both  houses,  or  either  of  them,  and  in  case 
of  disagreement  between  them,  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjournment, 
he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he  shall  think  proper  ;  he  shall  re- 
ceive ambassadors  and  other  public  ministers  ;  he  shall  take  care  that  the 
laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall  commission  all  the  officers  of  the 
United  States. 

Section  4.  The  president,  vice-president  and  all  civil  officers  of  the 
United  States,  shall  be  removed  from  office  on  impeachment,  for,  and  con- 
viction of,  treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE  III. 

Section  1.  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  vested  in 
one  supreme  court,  and  in  such  inferior  courts  as  the  Congress  may  from 
time  to  time  ordain  and  establish.*  The  judges,  both  of  the  supreme  and 
inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good  behavior,  and  shall,  at 
stated  times,  receive  for  their  services,  a  compensation,  which  shall  not  be 
diminished  during  their  continuance  in  office. t 

Section  2.  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases,  in  law  and 
equity,  arising  under  this  constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and 
treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their  authority  ; — to  all  cases 
affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and  consuls  ; — to  all  cases 
of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction  ; — to  controversies  to  which  the 
United  States  shall  be  a  party  ; — to  controversies  between  two  or  more 
states  ; — between  a  state  and  citizens  of  another  state  ; — between  citizens 
of  different  states,! — between  citizens  of  the  same  state  claiming  lands 
under  grants  of  different  states,  and  between  a  state,  or  the  citizens  thereof, 
and  foreign  states,  citizens  or  subjects^ 

In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and  consuls, 
and  those  in  which  a  state  shall  be  party,  the  supreme  court  shall  have 
original  jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other  cases  before  mentioned,  the  supreme 
court  shall  have  appellate  jurisdiction,  both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such 
exceptions,  and  under  such  regulations  as  the  Congress  shall  make.|| 

•  Congress  may  constitutionally  impose  upon  the  judges  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  the  burden  of  holding  circuit  courts. — Stuart  vs.  Laird,  1  Cranch,  299. 


f  See  laws  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  20. 


A  citizen  of  the  District  of  Columbia  is  not  a  citizen  of  a  state  within  the  meaning  of 
the  constitution  of  the  United  States. — Hepburn  et  at  vs.  Ellzey,  2  Cranch,  445. 

§  The  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  has  not  power  to  issue  a  mandamus  to  a  secre- 
tary of  state  of  the  United  States,  it  being  an  exercise  of  original  jurisdiction  not  warranted 
by  the  constitution,  notwithstanding  the  act  of  Congress.— Marbury  vs.  Madison,  1  Cranch, 
137. 

See  a  restriction  of  thjs  provision. — Amendments,  art.  xi. 

||  The  appellate  jurisdiction  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  extends  to  a  final 
judgment  or  decree  in  any  suit  in  the  highest  court  of  law,  or  equity  of  a  state,  where  is 
drawn  in  question  the  validity  of  a  treaty,  &c. — Martin  vs.  Hunter's  lessee,  1  Wheaton,  304. 

Such  judgment,  &c„  may  be  re-examined  by  writ  of  error,  in  the  same  manner  as  if  ren- 
dered in  a  circuit  court. — Id. 

If  the  cause  has  been  once  remanded  before,  and  the  state  court  decline  or  refuse  to  carry 
Vol    1—2 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  483 

The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall  be  by 
jury  ;  and  such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  state  where  the  said  crimes  shall 
have  been  committed ;  but  when  not  committed  within  any  state,  the  trial 

into  effect  the  mandate  of  the  supreme  court  thereon,  this  court  will  proceed  to  a  final  de- 
cision of  the  same,  and  award  execution  thereon. 

Quere. — Whether  this  court  has  authority  to  issue  a  mandamus  to  the  state  court  to  en- 
force a  former  judgment7 — Id.,  362. 

If  the  validity  or  construction  of  a  treaty  of  the  United  States  is  drawn  in  question,  and 
the  decision  is  against  its  validity,  or  the  title  specially  set  up  by  either  party  under  the 
treaty,  this  court  has  jurisdiction  to  ascertain  that  title,  and  determine  its  legal  validity, 
and  is  not  confined  to  the  abstract  construction  of  the  treaty  itself. — Id.,  362. 

Quere. — Whether  the  courts  of  the  United  Slates  have  jurisdiction  of  offences  at  common 
law  against  the  United  States  ? — United  States  vs.  Coolidge,  1  Wheaton,  Alb. 

The  courts  of  the  United  States  have  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  all  seizures  made  on  land 
or  water  for  a  breach  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  any  intervention  of  a  state  au- 
thority, which  by  taking  the  thing  seized  out  of  the  hands  of  the  United  States'  officer, 
might  obstruct  the  exercise  of  this  jurisdiction,  is  illegal. — Slocum  vs.  Mayberry  et  al,  2 
Wheaton,  1,9. 

In  such  a  case  the  court  of  the  United  States  have  cognizance  of  the  seizure,  may  enforce 
a  redelivery  of  the  thing  by  attachment  or  other  summary  process. — Id.,  9. 

The  question  under  such  a  seizure,  whether  a  forfeiture  has  been  actually  incurred,  be- 
longs exclusively  to  the  courts  of  the  United  States,  and  it  depends  upon  the  final  decree 
of  such  courts,  whether  the  seizure  is  to  be  deemed  rightful  or  tortuous. — Id.,  9,  10. 

If  the  seizing  officer  refuse  to  institute  proceedings  to  ascertain  the  forfeiture,  the  district 
court  may,  on  application  of  the  aggrieved  party,  compel  the  officer  to  proceed  to  adjudica- 
tion, or  to  abandon  the  seizure. — Id.,  10. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  circuit  court  of  the  United  States  extends  to  a  case  between  citi- 
zens of  Kentucky,  claiming  lands  exceeding  the  value  of  five  hundred  dollars,  under  differ- 
ent grants,  the  one  issued  by  the  state  of  Kentucky,  and  the  other  by  the  state  of  Virginia, 
upon  warrants  issued  by  Virginia,  and  locations  founded  thereon,  prior  to  the  separation  of 
Kentucky  from  Virginia.  It  is  the  grant  which  passes  the  legal  title  to  the  land,  and  if  the 
controversy  is  founded  upon  the  conflicting  grants  of  different  states,  the  judicial  power  of 
the  courts  "of  the  United  States  extends  to  the  case,  whatever  may  have  been  the  equitable 
title  of  the  parties  prior  to  the  grant. — Colson  et  al  vs.  Lewis,  2  Wheaton,  377. 

Under  the  judiciary  of  17S9,  chap.  20.  sect.  25,  giving  appellate  jurisdiction  to  the  supreme 
court  of  the  United  States,  from  the  final  judgment  or  decree  of  the  highest  court  of  law  or 
equity  of  a  state,  in  certain  cases  the  writ  of  error  may  be  directed  to  any  court  in  which 
the  record  and  judgment  on  which  it  is  to  act  may  be  found  ;  and  if  the  record  has  been  re- 
mitted by  the  highest  court,  &.c,  to  another  court  of  the  state,  it  may  be  brought  by  the 
Writ  of  error  from  that  court. — Gelston  vs.  Hoyt,  3  Wheaton,  246,  303. 

The  remedies  in  the  courts  of  the  United  States  at  common  law  and  in  equity  are  to  be, 
not  according  to  the  practice  of  state  courts,  but  according  to  the  principles  of  common  law 
and  equity  as  defined  in  England.  This  doctrine  reconciled  with  the  decisions  of  the  courts 
of  Tennessee,  permitting  an  equitable  title  to  be  asserted  in  an  action  at  law. — Robinson  vs. 
Campbell,  3  Wheaton,  221. 

Remedies  in  respect  to  real  property,  are  to  be  pursued  according  to  the  lex  loci  rei  sitae. 
—Id.,  219. 

The  courts  of  the  United  States  have  excluswe  cognizance  of  questions  of  forfeiture  upon 
all  seizures  made  under  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  it  is  not  competent  for  a  state 
court  to  entertain  or  decide  such  question  of  forfeiture.  If  a  sentence  of  condemnatiou  be 
definitively  pronounced  by  the  proper  court  of  the  United  States,  it  is  conclusive  that  a  for- 
feiture is  incurred  ;  if  a  sentence  of  acquittal,  it  is  equally  conclusive  against  the  forfeiture, 
and  in  either  case  the  question  can  not  be  again  litigated  in  any  common  law  for  ever. — Gel- 
ston vs.  Hoy',  3  Wheaton,  246,  311. 

Where  a  seizure  is  made  for  a  supposed  forfeiture  under  a  law  of  the  United  States,  no 
action  of  trespass  lies  in  any  common-law  tribunal,  until  a  final  decree  is  pronounced  upon 
the  proceeding  in  rem  to  enforce  such  forfeiture  :  for  it  depends  upon  the  final  decreee  of 
the  court  proceeding  in  rem,  whether  such  seizure  is  to  be  deemed  rightful  or  tortuous,  and 
the  action;  if  brought  before  such  decree  is  made,  is  brought  too  soon. — Id.,  313. 

If  a  suit  be  brought  against  the  seizing  officer  for  the  supposed  trespass  while  the  suit 
for  the  forfeiture  is  depending,  the  fact  of  such  pending  may  be  pleaded  in  abatement,  or  as 
a  temporary  bar  of  the  action.  If  after  a  decree  of  condemnation,  then  that  fact  may  be 
pleaded  as  a  bar :  if  after  an  acquittal  with  a  certificate  of  reasonable  cause  of  seizure,  then 
that  may  be  pleaded  as  a  bar.  if  after  an  acquittal  without  such  certificate,  then  the  officer 
is  without  any  justification  for  the  seizure,  and  it  is  definitively  settled  to  be  a  tortuous  act. 
If  to  an  action  of  trespass  in  a  state  court  for  a  seizure,  the  seizing  officer  plead  the  fact  of 
forfeiture  in  his  defence  withont  averring  a  lis  pendens,  or  a  condemnation,  or  an  acquittal, 
with  a  certificate  of  reasonable  cause  of  seizure,  the  plea  is  bad:  for  it  attempts  to  put  in 
issue  the  question  of  forfeiture  in  a  state  court. — Id.,  314. 

Supposing  that  the  third  article  of  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  which  declares, 
that  "  the  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction" 


484  APPENDIX. 

shall  be  at  such  place  or  piaces  as  the  Congress  may  by  law  have  di- 
rected.* 

Section  3.  Treason  against  the  United  States,  shall  consist  only  in 

vested  in  the  United  States  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  all  such  cases,  and  that  a  murder  com« 
mitted  in  the  waters  of  a  state  where  the  tide  ebbs  and  flows,  is  a  case  of  admiralty  and 
maritime  jurisdiction  ;  y$t  Congress  have  not,  in  the  8th  section  of  the  act  of  1790,  chap.  9, 
"  for  the  punishment  of  certain  crimps  against  the  United  States,''  so  exercised  this  power, 
as  to  confer  on  the  courts  of  the  United  States  jurisdiction  over  such  murder.—  United  Slates 
vs.  Bevans,  3  Wheaton,  336,  3S7. 

Quere.— Whether  courts  of  common  law  have  concurrent  jurisdiction  with  the  admiralty 
over  murder  committed  in  bays,  &c,  which  are  enclosed  parts  of  the  sea  ? — Id.,  387. 

The  grant  to  the  United  States  in  the  constitution  of  all  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime 
jurisdiction,  does  not  extend  to  a  cession  of  the  waters  in  which  those  cases  may  arise,  or 
of  general  jurisdiction  over  the  same.  Congress  may  pass  all  laws  which  are  necessary  for 
giving  the  most  complete  effect  to  the  exercise  of  the  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction 
granted  to  the  government  of  the  Union  ;  but  the  general  jurisdiction  over  the  place  subject 
to  this  grant,  adheres  to  the  territory  as  a  portion  of  territory  not  yet  given  away,  and  the 
residuary  powers  of  legislation  still  remain  in  the  state. — Id.  ,3^9. 

The  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  has  constitutionally  appellate  jurisdiction  under 
the  judiciary  act  of  1789,  chap.  20,  sect.  25,  from  the  final  judgment  or  decree  of  the  highest 
court  of  law  or  equity  of  a  state  having  jurisdiction  of  the  subject  matter  of  the  suit,  where 
is  drawn  in  question  the  validity  of  a  treaty  or  statute  of,  or  an  authority  exercised  under, 
the  United  States,  and  the  decision  is  against  their  validity  :  or  where  is  drawn  in  question 
the  validity  of  a  statute  of,  or  an  authority  exercised  under  any  state,  on  the  ground  of  their 
being  repugnant  to  the  constitution,  treaties,  or  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  the  decision 
is  in  favor  of  such  their  validity  :  or  of  the  constitution,  or  of  a  treaty,  or  statute  of,  or  com- 
mission held  under  the  United  States,  and  the  decision  is  against  the  title,  right,  privilege, 
or  exemption,  specially  set  up  or  claimed  by  either  party  under  such  clause  of  the  constitu- 
tion, treatj',  statute,  or  commission. — Cohens  vs.  Virginia,  6  Wheaton,  264,  375. 

It  is  no  objection  to  the  exercise  of  this  appellate  jurisdiction,  that  one  of  the  parties  is  a 
state,  and  the* other  a  citizen  of  that  state. — Id. 

The  circuit  courts  of  the  Union  have  chancery  jurisdiction  in  every  state  :  they  have  the 
same  chancery  powers,  and  the  same  rules  of  decision  in  equity  cases,  in  all  the  states.— 
United  States  vs.  Howland,  4  Wheaton,  10S,  115. 

Resolutions  of  the  legislature  of  Virginia  of  1810,  upon  the  proposition  from  Pennsylvania 
to  amend  the  constitution,  so  as  to  provide  an  impartial  tribunal  to  decide  disputes  be- 
tween the  state  and  federal  judiciaries. — Note  to  Cohens  vs.  Virginia.  Notes  6  Wheaton,  358. 

Where  a  cause  is  brought  to  this  court  by  writ  of  error,  or  appeal  from  the  highest  court 
of  law,  or  equity  of  a  state,  under  the  25th  section  of  the  judiciary  act  of  1789,  chap.  20, 
upon  the  ground  that  the  validity  of  a  statute  of  the  United  States  was  drawn  in  question, 
and  that  the  decision  of  the  state  court  was  against  its  validity,  &c.  or  that  the  validity  of 
the  statute  of  a  state  was  drawn  in  question  as  repugnant  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  decision  was  in  favor  of  its  validity,  it  must  appear  from  the  record,  that  the 
act  of  Congress,  or  the  constitutionality  of  the  state  law,  was  drawn  in  question. — Miller  vs. 
Nicholls,  4  Wheaton,  311,  315. 

But  it  is  not  required  that  the  record  should  in  terms  state  a  misconstruction  of  the  act 
of  Congress,  or  that  it  was  drawn  into  questiom  It  is  sufficient  to  give  this  court  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  cause,  that  the  record  should  show  that  an  act  of  Congress  was  applicable  to  the 
case.— I/.,  315. 

The  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  has  no  jurisdiction  under  the  25th  section  of  the 
judiciary  act  of  1789,  chap.  20,  unless  the  judgment  or  decree  of  the  state  court  be  a  final 
judgment  or  decree.  A  judgment  reversing  that  of  an  inferior  court,  and  awarding  a  venire 
facias  de  novo,  is  not  a  final  judgment. — Houston  vs.  Moore,  3  Wheaton,  433. 

By  the  compact  of  1802,  settling  the  boundary  line  between  Virginia  and  Tennessee,  and 
the  laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  it  is  declared  that  all  claims  and  titles  to  land  derived 
from  Virginia,  or  North  Carolina,  or  Tennessee,  which  have  fallen  into  the  respective  states, 
shall  remain  as  secure  to  the  owners  thereof,  as  if  derived  from  the  government  within  whose 
boundary  they  have  fallen,  and  shall  not  be  prejudiced  or  affected  by  the  establishment  of 
the  line.  Where  the  titles  of  both  the  plaintiff  and  defendant  in  ejectment  were  derived 
under  grant  from  Virginia  to  lands  which  fell  within  the  limits  of  Tennessee,  it  was  held 
that  a  prior  settlement  right  thereto,  which  would  in  equity  give  the  party  a  title,  could  not 
be  asserted  as  a  sufficient  title  in  an  action  of  ejectment  brought  in  the  circuit  court  of  Ten- 
nessee.— Robinson  vs.  Campbell,  3  Wheaton,  212. 

Although  the  state  courts  of  Tennessee  have  decided  that,  under  their  statutes  (declaring 
an  elder  grant  founded  on  a  junior  entry  to  be  void),  a  junior  patent,  founded  on  a  prior  en- 
try, shall  prevail  at  law  against  a  senior  patent  founded  on  a  junior  entry,  this  doctrine  has 
never  been  extended  beyond  cases  within  the  express  provision  of  the  statute  of  Tennessee, 
and  could  not  apply  to  titles  deriving  all  their  validity  from  the  laws  of  Virginia,  and  con- 
firmed by  the  compact  between  the  two  states. — Id.,  212. 

*  See  amendments,  art.  vi. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  485 

levying  war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid 
and  comfort. 

No  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason  unless  on  the  testimony  of  two 
witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or  on  confession  in  open  court. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment  of  treason, 
but  no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  Mood,  or  forfeiture  ex- 
cept during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted.* 

ARTICLE  IV. 

Section  1.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  state  to  the  pub- 
lic acts,  records,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  every  other  state. f  And  the 
Congress  may  by  general  laws  prescribe  the  manner  in  which  such  acts, 
records  and  proceedings  shall  be  proved,  and  the  effect  thereof.^ 

Section  2.  The  citizens  of  each  state  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges 
and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  states. 

A  person  charged  in  any  state  with  treason,  felony,  or  other  crime,  who 
shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  another  state,  shall  on  demand  of 
the  executive  authority  of  the  state  from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to 
be  removed  to  the  state  having  jurisdiction  of  the  crime. 

No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  state,  under  the  laws  thereof 
escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation 
therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered 
up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due. 

Section  3.  New  states  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this 
Union  ;  but  no  new  state  shall  be  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  any  other  state  ;  nor  any  state  be  formed  by  the  junction  of  two  or  more 
states,  or  parts  of  states,  without  the  consent  of  the  legislatures  of  the  states 
concerned  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules 
and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  belonging  to  the 
United  States  ;  and  nothing  in  this  constitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to 
prejudice  any  claims  of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  particular  state. 

Section  4.  The  United  States  shall  guaranty  to  every  state  in  this 
Union  a  republican  form  of  government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them 
against  invasion  ;  and  on  application  of  the  legislature,  or  of  the  executive 
(when  the  legislature  can  not  be  convened)  against  domestic  violence. 

ARTICLE  V. 
The  Congress,  whenever  two  thirds  of  both  houses  shall  deem  it  neces- 
sary, shall  propose  amendments  to  this  constitution,  or,  on  the  application 
of  the  legislatures  of  two  thirds  of  the  several  states,  shall  call  a  conven- 
tion for  proposing  amendments,  which,  in  either  case,  shall  be  valid  to  all 
intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  this  constitution,  when  ratified  by  the  legis- 
latures of  three  fourths  of  the  several  states,  or  by  conventions  in  three 
fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratification  may  be  pro- 
posed by  the  Congress  ;  provided  that  no  amendment  which  may  be  made 

•  See  laws  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  36. 

f  A  judgment  of  a  state  court  has  the  same  credit,  validity,  and  effect,  in  every  other  court 
within  the  United  States,  which  it  had  in  the  court  where  it  was  rendered  :  and  whatever 
pleas  would  be  good  to  a  suit  thereon  in  such  state,  and  none  others  can  be  pleaded  in  aDy 
other  court  within  the  United  States.— Hampton  vs.  McConnell,  3  Wheaton,  234. 

The  record  of  a  judgment  in  one  slate  is  conclusive  evidence  in  another,  although  it  ap- 
pears that  the  suit  in  which  it  was  rendered,  was  commenced  by  an  attachment  of  property 
the  defendant  having  afterward  appeared  and  taken  defence.— jSlayhew  vs.  Thacher,  6  Wheat 
ton,  129. 

%  See  laws  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  3S;  and  vol.  hi.,  chap.  409. 


486 


APPENDIX. 


prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight  shall  in  any  man- 
ner affect  the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the  ninth  section  of  the  first  arti- 
cle ;  and  that  no  state,  without  its  consent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal 
suffrage  in  the  senate.* 

ARTICLE  VI. 

All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered  into,  before  the  adoption 
of  this  constitution,  shall  be  as  valid  against  the  United  States  under  this 
constitution,  as  under  the  confederation. 

This  constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall  be  made 
in  pursuance  thereof;  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  un« 
der  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land  ,f 
and  the  judges  in  every  state  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in  the  con 
stitution  or  laws  of  any  state  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.^ 

The  senators  and  representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the  members 
of  the  several  state  legislatures,  and  all  executive  and  judicial  officers,  both 
of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  states,  shall  be  bound  by  oath  or 
affirmation,  to  support  this  constitution  ;§  but  no  religious  test  shall  ever 
be  required  as  a  qualiiication  to  any  office  or  public  trust  under  the  United 
States. 

ARTICLE  VII. 

The  ratification  of  the  conventions  of  nine  states,  shall  be  sufficient  for  the 
establishment  of  this  constitution  between  the  states  so  ratifying  the  same. 
Done  in  convention  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  states  present,  the 
seventeenth  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  eighty-seven  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  of  America  the  twelfth.  In  witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto 
subscribed  our  names. 

Go.  Washington, 
President,  and  deputy  from  Virginia, 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 
John  Langdon, 
Nicholas  Gilman. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 
Nathaniel  Gokham. 
Rufus  King. 

CONNECTICUT. 
William  Samuel  Johnson 
Rocer  Sherman. 

NEW  YORK. 
Alexander  Hamilton. 

NEW  JERSEY. 

William  Livingston, 
David  Brearley, 
William  Paterson, 
Jonathan  Dayton. 

Attest  : 


PENNSYLVANIA. 
Benjamin  Franklin, 
Thomas  Mifflin, 
Robert  Morris, 

George  Clymer, 
Thomas  Fitzsimons, 

Jarf.d  Ingersoll, 
James  Wilson, 

Gouyerneur  Morris. 
DELAWARE. 
George  Reed, 
Gunning  Bedford,  jr., 
John  Dickinson, 
Richard  Bassett, 
Jacob  Broom. 

MARYLAND. 
James  M'Henry, 
Daniel  of  St.  Tho.  Jenifer, 
Daniel  Carroll. 

William  Jackson,  Secretary. 
*  See  ante  art.  i.,  sect.  3,  clause  1. 

f  An  act  of  Congress  repugnant  to  the  constitution  can  not  become  a  law.— Marburv  vs. 
Madison,  1  Cranch,  176. 

t  The  courts  of  the  United  States  are  bound  to  take  notice  of  the  constitution.— Marburv 
vs.  Madison,  1  Cranch,  178. 

A  contemporary  exposition  of  the  constitution,  practised  and  acquiesced  under  for  a  period 
ot  years,  fixes  its  construction.— Stuart  vs.  Laird,  1  Cranch,  299. 

lhe  government  of  the  Union,  though  limited  in  its  powers,  is  supreme  within  its  sphere 
ot  action   and  its  laws,  when  made  in  nursuance  of  the  constitution,  form  the  supreme  law 
of  the  land.— McCullock  vs.  State  of  Maryland,  4  Wheaton,  405. 
§  See  laws  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  1. 


VIRGINIA. 
John  Blair, 
James  Madison,  jr. 

NORTH  CAROLINA. 
William  Blount, 
Richard  Dobhs  Staight, 
Hugh  Williamson. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA, 
John  Rutledge, 
Charles  C.  Pinckney, 
Charles  Pinckney, 
Pierce  Butler. 

GEORGIA. 

William  Few, 
Abraham  Baldwin. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  487 


AMENDMENTS* 

TO  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  RATIFIED  ACCORDING  TO 
THE  PROVISIONS  OF  THE  FIFTH  ARTICLE  OF  THE  FOREGOING  CONSTI- 
TUTION. 

Article  the  first.  Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  estab- 
lishment of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof;  or  abridging 
the  freedom  of  speech,  or  of  the  press  ;  or  the  right  of  the  people  peacea- 
bly to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  government  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 

Article  the  second.  A  well-regulated  militia,  being  necessary  to  the 
security  of  a  free  state,  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms,  shall 
not  be  infringed. 

Article  the  third.  No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace  be  quartered  in 
any  house,  without  the  consent  of  the  owner,  nor  in  a  time  of  war,  but  in 
a  manner  to  be  prescribed  by  law. 

Article  the  fourth.  The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their 
persons,  houses,  papers,  and  effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and 
seizures,  shall  not  be  violated,  and  no  warrants  shall  issue,  but  upon  prob- 
able cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly  describing 
the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to  be  seized. 

Article  the  fifth.  No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital, 
or  otherwise  infamous  crime,  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a 
grand  jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the 
militia,  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  war  or  public  danger ;  nor  shall 
any  person  be  subject  for  the  same  offence  to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of 
life  or  limb  ;  nor  shall  be  compelled  in  any  criminal  case  to  be  a  witness 
against  himself,  nor  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due 
process  of  law  ;  nor  shall  private  property  be  taken  for  public  use,  with- 
out just  compensation. 

Article  the  sixth.  In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  en- 
joy the  right  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  state 
and  district  wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  district 
shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be  informed  of  the 
nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation ;  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses 
against  him  ;  to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  fa- 
vor, and  to  have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defence. 

Article  the  seventh.  In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in 
controversy  shall  exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be 
preserved,  and  no  fact  tried  by  a  jury,  shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in 
any  court  of  the  United  States,  than  according  to  the  rules  of  the  common 
law.f 

Article  the  eighth.  Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  exces- 
sive fines  imposed,  nor  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  mllicted. 

*  Congress,  at  its  first  session,  begun  and  held  in  the  city  of  New  York,  on  Wednesday, 
the  4th  of  March,  17b9,  proposed  to  the  legislatures  of  the  several  states  twelve  amend- 
ments to  the  constitution,  ten  of  which,  only,  were  adopted. 

f  The  act  of  assembly  of  Maryland,  of  1793,  chap.  30,  incorporating  the  bank  of  Colum- 
bia,  and  giving  to  the  corporation  a  summary  process  by  execution  in  the  nature  of  an  at- 
tachment against  its  debtois  who  have,  by  an  express  consent  in  writing,  made  the  bonds, 
bills,  or  notes,  by  them  drawn  or  endorsed,  negotiable  at  the  bank,  is  not  repugnant  to  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States  or  of  Maryland. — Bank  of  Columbia  vs.  Okely,  4  Whcaton. 
236,  249. 

But  the  last  provision  in  the  act  of  incorporation,  which  gives  this  summary  process  to 
the  bank,  is  no  part  of  its  corporate  franchise  acd  nay  be  repealed  or  altered  at  pleasure 
by  the  legislative  will.— Id.  245. 


488'  APPENDIX. 

Article  the  ninth.  The  enumeration  in  the  constitution,  of  certain 
rights',  shall  not  be  construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the 
people. 

Article  the  tenth.  The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States, 
by  the  constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  states,  are  reserved  to  the 
states  respectively,  or  to  the  people.* 

Article  the  eleventh.!  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall 
not  be  construed  to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or 
prosecuted  against  one  of  the  United  States  by  citizens  of  another  state, 
or  by  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  state. 

Article  the  twelfth .|  The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective 
states,  and  vote  by  ballot  for  president  and  vice-president,  one  of  whom, 
at  least,  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  state  with  themselves  ;  they 
shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  president,  and  in  distinct 
ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  vice-president,  and  they  shall  make  distinct 
lists  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  president,  and  of  all  persons  voted  for  as 
vice-president,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each,  which  lists  they  shall 
sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  lx  government  of  the 
United  States,  directed  to  the  president  of  the  senau,  ,^ — the  president  of 
the  senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  senate  and  house  of  representa- 
tives, open  all  the  certificates  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted  ; — the 
person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  president,  shall  be  the  pres- 
ident, if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  ap- 
pointed ;  and  if  no  person  have  such  majority,  then  from  the  persons  hav- 
ing the  highest  numbers  not  exceeding  three  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for 
as  president,  the  house  of  representatives  shall  choose  immediately,  by 
ballot,  the  president.  But  in  choosing  the  president,  the  votes  shall  be 
taken  by  states,  the  representaiion  from  each  state  having  one  vote  ;  a 
quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two 

*  The  powers  granted  to  Congress  are  not  exclusive  of  similar  powers  existing  in  the 
states,  unless  where  the  constitution  has  expressly  in  terms  given  an  exclusive  power  to 
Congress,  or  the  exercise  of  a  like  power  is  prohibited  to  the  states,  or  there  is  a  direct  re- 
pugnancy or  incompatibility  in  the  exercise  of  it  by  the  states. — Houston  vs.  Moore,  5  When- 
ton,  1,  12. 

The  example  of  the  first  class  is  to  be  found  in  the  exclusive  legislation  delegated  to  Con- 
gress over  places  purchased  by  the  consent  of  the  legislature  of  the  state  in  which  the  same 
shall  be  for  forts,  arsenals,  dockyards,  &c.  Of  the  second  class,  the  prohibition  of  a  state 
to  coin  money  or  emit  bills  of  credit.  Of  the  third  class,  the  power  to  establish  a  uniform 
rule  of  naturalization,  and  the  delegation  of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction. — Id.,  49. 

In  all  other  classes  of  cases,  the  states  retain  concurrent  authority  with  Congress. — Id.  49. 

But  in  cases  of  concurrent  authority,  where  the  laws  of  the  states  and  the  Union  are  in 
direct  and  manifest  collision  on  the  same  subject,  those  of  the  Union  being  the  supreme  law 
of  the  land  are  of  paramount  authority,  and  the  state  laws  so  far,  and  so  lar  only  as  such 
incompatibility  exists,  must  necessarily  yield. — Id.,  49. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  similar  to  the  articles  of  confed- 
eration, which  excludes  incidental  or  implied  powers. — McCulloch  vs.  iSta'.e  of  Maryland,  4 
Wheaton,  406. 

If  the  end  be  legitimate,  and  within  the  scope  of  the  constitution,  all  the  means  which  are 
appropriate,  which  are  plainly  adapted  to  that  end,  and  which  are  not  prohibited,  may  con- 
stitutionally be  employed  to  carry  it  into  effect. — Id.,  421. 

The  act  of  Congress  of  4th  I\lay,  1812,  entitled,  "  An  act  further  to  amend  the  charter  of 
the  city  of  Washington, :'  which  provides  (sect.  6)  that  the  corporation  of  the  city  shall  be 
empowered  for  certain  purposes  and  under  certain  restrictions,  to  authorize  the  drawing  of 
lotteries,  does  not  extend  to  authorize  the  corporation  to  force  the  sale  of  the  tickets  in  such 
lottery  in  states  where  such  sale  may  be  prohibited  by  the  state  laws. — Cohens  vs.  Virginia 
6  Wheaton.  264,  375. 

t  This  amendment  was  proposed  at  the  first  session  of  the  third  Congress.  See  ante  art. 
iii.,  sect.  2,  clause  1. 

X  Proposed  at  the  first  session  of  the  eighth  Congress.  See  ante  art.  ii.,  sect.  1,  clause  3, 
Annulled  by  this  amendment. 

§  See  laws  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  109,  sect.  5, 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  439 

hirds  of  the  states,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  states  shall  be  necessary  to 
a  choice.  And  if  the  house  of  representatives  shall  not  choose  a  presi 
dent  whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them,  before  the 
fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  vice-president  shall  act  as 
president,  as  in  the  case  of  the  death  or  other  constitutional  disability  of 
the  president.  The  person  having-  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  vice- 
president,  shall  be  the  vice-president,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  of  electors  appointed,  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then 
from  the  two  highest  numbers  on  the  list,  the  senate  shall  choose  the  vice- 
president  ;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two  thirds  of  the  whole 
number  of  senators,  and  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be  necessary 
to  a  choice.  But  no  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to  the  office  of  pres- 
ident shall  be  eligible  to  that  of  vice-president  of 'the  United  States. 

Note.— Another  amendment  was  proposed  as  article  xiii.,  at  the  second  session  of  the 
eleventh  Congress,  but  not  having  been  ratified  bv  a  sufficient  number  of  states,  has  not  yet 
become  valid  as  a  part  of  the  constitution  of  theTnited  States.  It  is  erroneously  given  as 
a  part  of  the  constitution,  in  page  74,  vol  i.,  laws  of  the  United  States. 


I  have  examined  and  compared  the  foregoing  print  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
ami  the  amendments»thereto,  for  the  National  Calendar  of  1828,  with  the  rolls  in  this  office, 
and  rind  it  a  faithful  and  literal  copy  of  the  Miid  Constitution  and  amendments,  in  the  text 
and  punctuation  thereof.  It  appears  that  ihe  first  ten  amendments,  which  were  proposed  at 
the  first  session  of  the  first  Congress  of  the  United  States,  were  finally  ratified  by  the  constitu- 
tional number  ot  States,  on  the  15th  day  of  December,  1791  ;  that  the  eleventh  amendment, 
which  was  proposed  at  the  first  session  of  the  third  Congress,  was  declared  in  a  message  from 
the  President  of  the  United  States  to  both  houses  of  Congress,  dated  8th  January, 
have  been  adopted  by  three-fourths,  the  constitutional  number  of  States;  and  that  the 
twelfth  amendment,  which  was  proposed  at  the  first  session  of  the  eighth  Congress,  was 
adopted  by  three-fourths,  the  constitutional  number  of  States,  in  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  four,  according  to  a  public  notice  thereof,  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  under  date 
the  -25th  of  September,  of  the  same  year. 

Daniel  Brent,  Chief  Clerk. 

Department  of  State,  Washington,  25th  Feb.,  1828. 

%*  For  history  of  the  formation  of  the  constitution,  the  declaration  of  independence,  and 
the  articles  of  confederation,  see  vol.  ii.,  end  of  the  messages. 


DEPARTURE  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY  FROM  AMERICA. 

We  omitted  to  mention  in  the  proper  place,  the  departure  of  Rochambeau  and 
his  troops  from  America.  They  remained  in  Virginia  until  the  summer  of  1782, 
when  they  joined  Washington  and  his  army  on  the  Hudson.  Active  hostilities 
having  ceased,  and  Savannah  and  Charleston  having  been  evacuated  by  the 
British,  Rochambeau,  complying  with  the  instructions  of  his  government,  em- 
barked his  troops  from  Boston,  early  in  December,  for  St.  Domingo,  under  M.  de 
Vandreuil.  Himself  .and  many  officers  and  their  respective  staffs,  returned  to  the 
Chesapeake,  whence  they  embarked  for  France.  As  we  have  before  noticed,  the 
order  and  discipline  of  the  French  army  was  remarkable,  and  during  their  final 
march,  they  received  congratulatory  addresses  at  almost  every  place.  At 
Philadelphia,  a  deputation  of  Quakers  waited  upon  Rochambeau,  and  one  of 
them,  as  orator,  said  :  "  General,  it  is  not  on  account  of  thy  military  qualities  that 
we  make  thee  this  visit — those  we  hold  in  little  esteem  ;  but  thou  art  the  friend 
of  mankind,  and  thy  army  conducts  itself  with  the  utmost  order  and  discipline. 
It  is  this  which  induces  us  to  render  thee  our  respects." 

32 


ANALYTICAL     INDEX 


Abercrombie,   General,    preceded    Lord 
Loudon,  3S  ;  appointed  Commander- 
in-Chief,  40 
Acadia,    its    locality ;    subdued  by  the 

English,  restored  to  France,  28 
Act  of  British  Parliament,   the    first, 
for  taxing  the  Colonies,  proposed  in 
1764,  55  ; 

Stamp,  proposed,  55  ;  passed,  GO  ;  re- 
pealed, 74  ; 

Mutiny,  oppressive  clause  in,  resisted 
by  the  Colonies,  75  ; 

A  new  one,  for  taxing  the  Colonies 
proposed  by  Townshend  and  passed 
(17G7),  77; 

Establishing  a  Board  of  Trade  in  the 
Colonies,  passed,  ib.  ; 

Prohibiting  New  York  Assembly  from 
passing  laws,  ib. ; 

Shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  117  ; 

Altering  charter  of  Massachusetts,  ib. ; 

Providing  for  sending  criminals  to  Eng- 
land for  trial,  US 
Adams,  John,  declines  office  under  Gov. 
Bernard,  81  ;    defends  the  cause  of 
Capt.    Preston    and    other   soldiers  | 
before  the  court  at  Boston,  97 ;  ap- 
pointed Minister  to  Great   Britain, 
299  ;  Commissioner  to  negotiate  for 
peace,  354 
Adams,  Samuel,     rejects  the  offers  of 
Governors  Bernard  and  Hutchinson, 
81 ;  demands   and  obtains  from  the 
Governor   the    removal    of   British 
troops  from  Boston,  96 
Administration,    British  ;     changes     in 
(1763),  54;  (1765),  71;  (1766),  76; 
(176S),  S3,  (1770),  98;  (17S3),  353, 
354 
Allen,     Ethan,     plans     an     expedition 
against  Ticonderoga,  159  ;   captures 
that    fortress,    Crown    Point,    and 
Skenesborodgh,  159-60  ;  attempts  to 
take   Montreal,    174 ;     is    defeated, 
taken  prisoner,  and  sent  to  England 
in  irons, ib. 
Amherst,  General,  at  Ticonderoga,  pur- 
sues the  French  ;  returns  to  Crown 
Point,  42 


Andri,  Major  John  (Adjutant-General  of 
the  British  army),  negotiates  with 
Gen.  Arnold  for  the  surrender  of 
West  Point,  316  ;  his  interview  with 
Arnold,  319;  is  arrested  on  his  re- 
turn to  New  York,  320  ;  tried,  and 
executed  as  a  spy,  323 ;  his  unhappy 
fate  lamented,  324  ;  notice  of  his 
early  life  and  character,  ib. 

Armed  JVeutrality ,  confederacy  so  called, 
formed,  325  ;  parties  to,  and  contin- 
uation of,  ib. 

Army,  American,  organized  by  Provin- 
cial Congress  of  Massachusetts,  153; 
Continental  organized  by  Congress, 
163 ;  Washington  appointed  Com- 
mander in  chief,  164  ;  other  Gene- 
rals appointed,  ib.  ;  number  and 
condition  of,  at  New  York,  200,  208  ; 
destitute  condition  of,  in  New  Jer- 
sey, 221  ;  small  pox  at  Morristown, 
222  ;  inoculation  of  the  troops,  ib.  ; 
march  from  Morristown,  224  ;  in- 
creased number  of,  ib.  ;  in  full  pos- 
session of  New  Jersey,  225.  (See 
Continental  Army.) 

Army,  British,  dispersed  to  their  homes, 
38  ;  British  troops  introduced  into 
Boston,  80 ;  augmentation  of,  iri 
America,  147,  167,  183;  German 
troops  employed,  1S3  ;  arrival  of,  at 
New  York,  200;  number  and  condi- 
tion of,  ib.  ;  land  on  Long  Island, 
202  ;  enter  city  of  New  York,  206  ; 
pass  up  the  East  River,  207  ;  number 
and  condition  of,  208  ;  pursue  the 
Americans  across  New  Jersey,  209 ; 
v.uious  operations  of,  211,  212,  220, 
2-21,  222,  223,  225,  226,  227,  228, 
229,  230  ;  number  of,  embarked  at 
New  York  for  Philadelphia,  225; 
Northern  Division  of,  under  General 
Burgoyne,  account  of  operations,  233 
to  210;  entire  surrender  and  disper- 
sion of,  243;  division  under  Howe 
at  Philadelphia,  conduct  of,  in  that 
city,  259,  260  ;  Gen.  Howe  succeed- 
ed in  command  by  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton, 259 :  evacuate  Philadelphia, 
260 ;   pursued  by  Americans,    ib. ; 


492 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


Army,  British — 

number  of,  in  1778, 260  ;  after  battle 
of  Monmouth,  British  retreat  to 
New  York,  greatly  reduced  in  num- 
bers, 262 ;  defence  of  Rhode  Island, 
263 ;  conquest  of  Georgia,  268  ;  sta- 
tions of,  in  1779,  281 ;  operations  at 
the  South,  ib. ;  brutal  conduct  of  the 
soldiers,  285;  expedition  against 
Virginia,  ib.  ;  defence  of  Savannah, 
292 ;  operations  at  the  South,  304  ; 
siege  and  capture  of  Charleston  and 
the  American  army  under  Gen.  Lin- 
coln, 305,  306 ;  operations  of,  at  the 
South,  in  1780,  307-311;  in  1781, 
331-340 ;  surrender  of,  at  Yorktown, 
344  ;  situation  of,  at  the  close  of 
the  campaign  of  1781,  347  ;  evacuate 
the  cities  held  by  them  in  the 
United  States,  356 

Army,  French,  arrive  in  the  United 
States  (at  Newport),  313  ;  number 
of,  ib.  ;  go  into  winter  quarters, 
314  ;  join  the  Americans,  ib. ;  march 
for  Virginia,  342  ;  action  of,  at  York- 
town,  343 ;  canton  at  Williams- 
burg, 347  ;  return  to  France,  489 

Arnold,  Benedict,  appointed  Colonel  in 
the  Provincial  Army  by  Massachu- 
setts, 159 ;  proceeds  against  Ticon- 
deroga,  ib. ;  co-operates  with  Ethan 
Allen  in  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga, 
Crown  Point,  and  Skenesborough, 
159,  160  ;  captures  an  English  cor- 
vette on  Lake  Champlain,  160  ;  com- 
mands an  expedition  to  Canada,  174  ; 
arrives  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  ib.  ; 
ascends  the  heights  of  Abraham, 
175  ;  is  joined  by  Montgomery,  ib.  ; 
they  march  upon  Quebec,  ib.  ;  Ar- 
nold enters  the  town  and  takes  a 
battery,  176 ;  is  wounded,  and  re- 
treats with  his  men,  ib. ;  maintains 
his  position  near  Quebec,  ib. ; 
American  army  evacuate  Canada, 
177  ;  appointed  Brigadier  General, 
213;  commands  a  squadron  on  Lake 
Champlain,  ib.  ;  fights  a  naval  battle 
on  the  Lake,  is  defeated,  and  burns 
his  vessels,  215,  216 ;  commands 
American  troops  at  Ridgefield,Conn., 
223 ;  his  gallant  exploits  and 
fight  with  the  English  troops  under 
Tryon,  ib. ;  Congress  presents  him 
with  ahorse,  ib.  ;  takes  command  of 
troops  on  the  Delaware,  224 ;  joins 
the  northern  army  under  Gen.  Gates, 
237 ;  leads  a  detachment  of  the 
army  at  the  battle  of  Stillwater,  ib  ; 
his  gallant  conduct  in  the  second 
battle,  239  ;  is  included  in  the  vote 
of  thanks  by  Congress,  244 ;  com- 
mands a  detachment  of  the  army, 
and  takes  possession  of  Philadelphia, 
260  ;  Washington  appoints  him  mili- 
tary governor  of  Philadelphia,  ib. ; 
his  operations  in  Philadelphia,  314  ; 


Arnold,  Benedict — 

his  marriage  and  extravagance,  ib. ; 
charges  against  him  laid  before  Con- 
gress, and  referred  to  a  court  of 
inquiry,  315 ;  his  sentence,  repri- 
mand, and  disaffection,  ib. ;  his 
schemes  to  retrieve  his  fortunes,  ib. ; 
Washington  appoints  him  command- 
er at  West  Point,  316  ;  forms  a  plan 
to  betray  his  country,  by  delivering 
t^at  fortress  to  the  British,  ib.  ; 
opens  negotiations  with  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  ib. ;  his  interview  and  con- 
ference with  Major  Andre\  319;  es- 
capes on  hearing  of  the  arrest  of 
Andre,  323 ;  unsuccessful  attempt 
to  capture  him  at  New  York,  ib. ; 
appointed  Brig.  Gen.  in  the  British 
Army,  324  ;  his  expedition  against 
Virginia,  329 ;  failure  of  attempt  to 
capture  him  and  his  army  in  Vir- 
ginia, 330 ;  is  joined  by  Gen.  Phillips 
with  reinforcement,  ib. ;  overruns 
the  country,  destroys  much  pro- 
perty, and  returns  to  Petersburg, 
ib. ;  his  forces  joined  by  those  of 
Cornwallis,  340 ;  is  sent  by  Sir  H. 
Clinton  on  an  expedition  to  Con- 
necticut, burns  New  London,  cap- 
tures the  forts,  and  returns  to  New 
York,  343 

Associations  formed  in  the  Colonies, 
against  the  Stamp  Act,  68 ;  against 
importing  British  goods,  68,  78 ;  to 
encourage  Domestic  manufactures, 
68,  78 

B. 

Barre,  Col.,  opposes  the  Stamp  Act,  59; 
his  portrait,  with  Conway's,  ordered 
in  Boston,  64 ;  predicts  the  loss  of 
the  Colonies  to  Great  Britain  (in 
»1769),  85;  advocates  repeal  of  tea 
duty,  99 ;  opposes  bills  against  Mas- 
sachusetts, 117,  118;  his  censure  of 
Lord  North,  149 

Barton,  Col.,  captures  Gen.  Prescott, 
226  ;  Congress  presents  him  with  a 
sword,  ib. 

Battle  on  the  plains  of  Abraham,  44;  of 
Lexington,  151 ;  effect  of,  153 ;  of 
Bunker  Hill,  169;  of  Long  Island, 
202;  at  Harlem  heights,  207;  of 
White  Plains,  208 ;  of  Fort  Wash- 
ington, ib.  ;  of  Trenton,  211,  212; 
of  Princeton,  220 ;  of  Ridgefield,  223 ; 
naval,  on  Lake  Champlain,  215;  at 
Springfield  and  Somerset,  New  Jer- 
sey, 221 ;  of  Brandywine,  227  ;  of 
Paoli,  229;  of  Germantown,  229;  at 
Red  Bank,  229  ;  of  Whitemarsh,  230 ; 
of  Hubbardton,  234  ;  of  Bennington, 
236  ;  of  the  Mohawk,  ib. ;  of  Fort 
Schuyler,  182,  237 ;  battle  of  Still- 
water, 237  ;  second  battle  of  Still- 
water, 239;  battle  of  Monmouth, 
261 ;   of  Rhode  Island,  263 ;  of  Sa- 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


493 


Battle— 

vannah,  268;  of  Port  Royal,  2S2;  of 
Briar  Creek,  2S3 ;  of  Stony  Point, 
2SS;  attack  on  Savannah,  291  ;  of 
Monks'  Corner,  305  ;  at  Santce  River, 
ib.  ;  siege  and  capture  of  Charleston 
and  Lincoln's  army,  305,  300;  bat- 
tles of  Rocky  Mount  and  Hanging 
Rock  307 ;  of  Sanders's  Creek  and 
death  of  De  Kalb,  308 ;  of  the  Wa- 
teree,  309  ;  of  Broad  River,  311  ;  of 
Blackstock,  ib. ;  of  Springfield, 
N.  J.,  313;  of  the  Cowpens,  331; 
of  Guilford,  C.  H.,  334;  of  Hob- 
kirk's  Hill,  near  Camden,  335;  of 
Eutaw  Springs,  339 ;  of  Yorktown, 
343 

Bernard,  Governor,  dissolves  the  Massa- 
chusetts Assembly,  79  ;  his  removal 
by  the  King  petitioned  for,  79 ;  in- 
troduces British  troops  into  Boston, 
SO  ;  refuses  to  convene  the  Assembly, 
81 ;  demands  of  the  Assembly  funds 
to  pay  British  troops,  85 ;  his  de- 
mand refused,  ib. ;  dissolves  the  As- 
sembly, ib. ;  is  created  a  Baronet  by 
the  King,  ib. ;  returns  to  England 
and  is  succeeded  by  Hutchinson,  ib 

Board  of  War,  instituted,  254;  Gen. 
Gates  placed  at  the  head,  ib. ;  plan 
an  expedition  to  Canada,  ib. 

Boston,  freeholders  of,  pass  votes  of 
thanks  to  Barre  and  Conway  for 
their  opposition  to  the  Stamp  Act, 
63,  64  ;  mob  and  riots  on  account  of 
the  Stamp  Act,  at,  66  ;  further  pro- 
ceedings at,  68 ;  people  oppose  the 
payment  of  duties,  79 ;  British  troops 
introduced,  SO ;  town  meeting  called 
in  consequence,  ib. ;  petition  of  peo- 
ple of,  rejected  in  Parliament,  S3  ; 
opposition  of  the  people  to  revenue 
acts,  91 ;  a  boy  named  Snyder  shot 
in  an  affair  respecting  importation 
of  tea,  ib. ;  funeral  of  the  boy  Sny- 
der (called  the  first  martyr  to  the 
cause  of  American  Liberty),  92 ; 
massacre  of  citizens  by  British 
troops,  ib. ;  arrest  of  Capt.  Preston, 
95  ;  is  acquitted,  98  ;  funeral  of  the 
citizens  killed,  97  ;  troops  removed 
from,  ib. ;  arrival  of  cargoes  of  tea 
at,  107  ;  public  meetings  and  excite- 
ment, 108;  destruction  of  tea  in  the 
harbor,  111;  port  bill,  passed,  115, 
117;  Lord  North's  remarks  on  the 
people  of,  115;  port  bill,  how  re- 
ceived in  the  Colonies,  122 ;  troops 
introduced  into,  by  Gen.  Gage,  125  ; 
port  closed  and  consequent  distress, 
ib. ;  fortifications  at  the  Neck  com- 
menced by  Gen.  Gage,  127 ;  block- 
ade of,  154  ;  siege  of,  by  Americans, 
18S ;  evacuation  of,  by  the  British 
and  Tories,  190 

Boundaries  of  the  U.  S.  fixed  by  the 
Treaty  of  17S3,  355 


Braddock,  General,  arrives  from  Ire- 
land— his  authority — his  expedition 
against  the  French — his  death,  35 

Brandy  wine,  Battle  of,  227 

Breed's  Hill  occupied  and  fortified  by 
Americans,  167 

British  Commissioners  (appointed  in 
177S),  arrive  in  Philadelphia  and 
make  proposals  for  peace  which  are 
rejected  by  Congress,  257 ;  offer 
bribes  to  members  of  Congress,  pub- 
lish addresses  to  the  people,  without 
effect  and  return  to  England,  258 

British  Cabinet,  changes  in,  viz.  Gren- 
ville,  premier,  54 ;  Rockingham,  pre- 
mier, 71 ;  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham, 
forms  a  Cabinet,  76;  Duke  of  Grafton, 
head  of  ministry,  83  ;  Lord  North, 
minister,  98  ;  resigns,  353 ;  Rock- 
ingham, Premier,  354 ;  dies,  ib. ; 
Lord  Shelburne,  premier,  ib. 
Laws  respecting  Colonies,  53  ;  Naviga- 
tion Act,  ib. 
Manufactures,  Americans  resolve  not 
to  import,  68,  78,  82,  83  ;  manufac- 
turers and  others  petition  Parlia- 
ment in  favor  of  Colonies,  140 
Parliament,  ignorant  of  American  cha- 
racter, 59,  77  ;  authority  of,  to  bind 
the  Colonies  asserted,  on  repeal  of 
Stamp  Act,  74  ;  denied  in  America, 
78 ;  proceedings  in,  against  Colonies, 
83  ;  right  of,  to  tax  Colonies,  denied 
by  the  people  of  New  York,  84 ;  re- 
fuse to  repeal  the  tea  duty,  99  ;  ac- 
tion of,  on  Boston  tea  riot,  114; 
debates  on  Boston  port  bill,  115; 
passage  of  same,  117;  action  of,  on 
American  affairs  in  1774,  140,  145; 
refuse  to  receive  the  petition  of 
Congress,  146 ;  proceedings  in 
(1775),  181 ;  debates  in  1776,  on  em- 
ploying Germans,  186 ;  vote  large 
supplies  for  the  army  and  issue  let- 
ters of  marque,  222  ;  effect  of  Bur- 
goyne's  surrender  on,  244 ;  Commit- 
tee appointed  to  inquire  into  the 
state  of  the  nation,  ib. ;  proceedings 
in,  255 ;  last  speech  and  death  of  the 
Earl  of  Chatham,  257;  war  with 
France  takes  place  in  consequence 
of  the  alliance  between  France  and 
America,  256 ;  ministers  make  con- 
cessions in  favor  of  America,  ib. ; 
Commissioners  sent  to  America  with 
proposals  for  peace,  ib. ;  American 
Independence  advocated  by  the  od 
position,  ib. ;  proceedings  in,  on 
reception  of  notice  of  the  French 
treaty  with  America,  273  ?  reception 
of  the  news  of  the  disasters  in  Ame- 
rica (17bl),  violent  debates  and  cen- 
sure of  minister,  3  18 

Bunker  Hill,  battle  of,  169 

Burgoyne,  Gen.,  arrives  at  Boston  with 
the  British  army,  167  ;  supersedes 
Gov.  Carleton  in  command  of  the 


49* 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


Burgoyne,  General — 

forces  in  Canada,  233;  plan  of- his 
operations,  ib.  ;  forces  under  his 
command,  ib. ;  list  of  generals  in  his 
army,  234 ;  gives  a  war-feast  to  the 
Indians  and  issues  proclamation  to 
the  Americans,  234  ;  captures  Ti- 
conderoga,  ib. ;  pursues  the  Ameri- 
cans to  Fort  Edward,  23  1,  235;  dif- 
ficulties encountered  in  his  march, 
235  ;  sends  a  detachment  to  Benning- 
ton, which  is  defeated  by  the  Ameri- 
cans under  General  Stark,  236  ;  he 
crosses  the  Hudson  river,  and  en- 
camps on  the  heights  of  Saratoga, 
237  ;  his  army  is  attacked  by  the 
Americans,  ib.  ;  distressing  situation 
of  his  troops,  ib.;  after  a  second  bat- 
tle he  retreats  a  few  miles  to  the 
north,  239;  has  his  retreat  to  Fort 
Edward  cut  off,  and  is  compelled  to 
surrender,  with  his  army,  to  the 
Americans  under  Gen.  Gates,  210; 
his  letter  to  Lord  George  Germaine, 
ib.;  his  army  retained  in  America  as 
prisoners  until  the  close  of  the  war, 
32-'). 

Burke,  Edmund,  in  the  Rockingham 
cabinet,  71  ;  advocates  a  repeal  of  the 
Stamp  Act,  74  ;  describes  the  Chat- 
ham cabinet,  76  ;  denounces  the  mea- 
sures of  government  against  the  colo- 
nies, 83  ;  moves  resolutions  against 
measures  of  ministers,  90  ;  opposes 
Massachusetts  bill,  117  ;  sustains 
proposition  to  repeal  the  Tea  duty, 
119;  opposes  the  Canada  bill,  120; 
offers  a  plan  of  conciliation  which  is 
rejected  by  Parliament,  149  ;  pro- 
poses another  plan  of  conciliation, 
1S2  ;  his  sarcasm  on  Lord  North. 

Burr,  Aaron,  accompanies  Arnold  in  his 
expedition  to  Canada,  176;  bears 
the  body  of  Gen.  Montgomery  from 
the  field  before  Quebec,  ib. 

C. 

Camden,  S.  C,  battle  near,  at  Sanders's 
Creek,  and  defeat  of  Gen.  Gates,  303  ; 
battle  near,  at  Hobkirk's  Hill,  335 

Canada,  English  propose  to  wrest  it 
from  the  French,  27 ;  expeditions 
against  it  in  1704  and  1707,  23  ;  its 
subjugation  by  the  British,  46;  libe- 
ral concessions  to  the  people  of,  120  ; 
religious  division  of  the  population 
(note),  ib.;  expedition  to,  173;  an- 
other expedition  planned,  254  ;  de- 
tails of  the  plan  stated,  274  ;  French 
aid  expected,  275;  designs  of  the 
French  exposed  by  Washington,  in  a 
letter  to  Congress,  opposing  the  en- 
terprise, ib. ;  scheme  abandoned  by 
Congress,  ib. 

Cape  Breton,  retained  by  France— its 
fortifications,  29  ;  restored  to  France, 
30 ;  surrenders  to  the  English,  40. 


Carhton,  Sir  Guy,  governor  of  Canada, 
173  ;  his  operations  for  defence  of 
the  province,  ib.;  retreats  down  the 
St.  Lawrence  to  Quebec,  174;  nar- 
row escape  of,  from  Arnold's  troops, 
175;  receives  reinforcements  and 
defeats  the  Americans,  177  ;  is  super- 
seded by  Gen.  Burgoyne,  233  ;  suc- 
ceeds Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  command 
of  the  British  forces  in  America,  and 
arrives  at  New  York,  353 

Carr,  Dabney,  of  Virginia,  proposes  to 
appoint  committees  of  correspond- 
ence in  the  Colonies,  104 

Champe,  Sergeant,  his  unsuccessful  at- 
tempt to  abduct  the  traitor  Arnold, 
323 

Chatnplain  Lake,  operations  on,  173, 
215;  battle  on,  215,  216 

Charleston,  S.  C  ,  summoned  to  surren- 
der by  Gen.  Prescott,  234 ;  British 
troops  withdraw  from  the  siege,  ib.; 
siege  and  capture  of,  by  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  and  Admiral  Arbuthnot, 
305,  306  ;  British  take  possession  of, 
306 

Charlestown  (Mass.),  burned  by  the 
British,  163 

Chatham,  Earl  of ,  William  Pitt  created, 
76  ;  cabinet  formed  by  him,  ib.;  pro- 
poses an  address  to  the  King  to  re- 
move the  tz-oops  from  Boston,  1 14  ; 
his  remarks  on  the  subject,  ib.;  pre- 
sents a  bill  for  settlement  of  the  colo- 
nial troubles,  which  is  rejected,  1  15; 
submits  his  plan  to  Franklin,  ib.; 
his  remarks  on  employing  German 
troops,  222  ;  his  remarks  on  the  de- 
feat of  Burgoyne's  expedition,  211  ; 
moves  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities, 
ib.;  his  remarks  on  American  affairs, 
255  ;  his  last  speech  in  the  House 
>  of  Lords  (being  against  the  acknow- 
ledgment of  American  independ- 
ence), 257  ;  his  death,  ib. 

Cherry  Valley,  attack  upon,  by  Tories 
and  Indians,  267 

Clergy  of  New  England  zealous  in 
the  cause  of  Independence,  135 

Clinton,  Gen.,  Sir  Henry,  arrives  at 
Boston  with  the  army,  167  ;  is  at  the 
Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  169;  arrives 
off  the  coast  of  Carolina,  192  ;  attacks 
Fort  Moultrie,  near  Charleston,  and 
is  defeated,  ib.  ;  joins  Howe  at  New 
York,  193;  is  left  by  Howe  in  de- 
fence of  New  York,  244  ;  promises 
to  attempt  a  junction  with  Burgoyne, 
who  anxiously  waits  for  him,  233  : 
moves  from  New  York  up  the  Hud- 
son, ten  days  before  the  surrender  of 
Burgoyne,  244 ;  captures  Forts  Mont- 
gomery and  Clinton,  245  ;  leads  the 
British  grenadiers  to  the  assault,  246 ; 
dismantles  the  forts  and  returns  to 
New  York,  247  ;  succeeds  General 
Howe  in  command  of  the  British 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


495 


Clinton,  General,  Sir  Henry— 

army,  259  ;  evacuates  Philadelphia, 
2G0  ;  pursued  by  Washington,  ib. ; 
fights  the  Americans  at  Monmouth, 
261  ;  retreats  to  New  York, 
marches  lor  Rhode  Island,  263  ;  re- 
turns to  New  York,  after  detaching 
Gen.  Grey  on  a  predatory  expedition, 
ib. ;  changes  the  plan  of  operations, 
and  sends  a  detachment  to  the  south, 
26S ;  success  of  the  expedition  to 
Georgia,  ib.  ;  captures  Forts  at  Ver- 
planck's  and  Stony  Point,  2S6 ;  ap- 
prehensive of  an  attack  on  New 
York,  he  orders  an  evacuation  of 
Rhode  Island,  Stony  Point,  and  Ver- 
plank's  Point,  and  concentrates  his 
forces  at  New  York,  291 ;  leaves 
Gen.  Knyphausen  in  command  at 
New  York,  and  departs  with  an  army 
for  Savannah,  292,  303  ;  disasters  of 
the  voyage,  304  ;  recruits  at  Savan- 
nah, ib. ;  besieges  Charleston,  ib. ; 
attacks  the  town  from  the  ships  and 
batteries.,  305 ;  receives  a  large  re- 
inforcement, ib. ;  Gen.  Lincoln  and 
the  American  army  surrender  as 
prisoners  of  war,  and  the  British 
take  possession  of  Charleston,  306; 
receives  assistance  from  the  tories, 
issues  a  proclamation  to  the  people, 
and  re-establishes  the  royal  govern- 
ment in  South  Carolina,  307  ;  leaves 
Cornwallis  in  command  and  returns 
to  New  York,  ib.  ;  accompanies  Gen. 
Knyphausen  on  an  expedition  into 
New  Jersey,  and  defeats  the  Ameri- 
cans under  Greene,  313  ;  negotiates 
with  Gen.  Arnold  for  the  surrender 
of  West  Point,  316;  endeavors  to 
save  Major  Andre,  after  his  capture, 
323 ;  sends  emissaries  to  the  leaders 
of  the  revolted  American  troops,  but 
his  offers  are  rejected,  328;  sends 
troops  to  Virginia,  under  Gen'ls  Ar- 
nold and  Phillips,  330 ;  his  instruc- 
tions to  Lord  Cornwallis,  340;  re- 
ceives reinforcements  at  New  York, 
342 ;  sends  Arnold  on  an  expedition 
to  Connecticut,  ib.  ;  fatal  effects  of 
his  (Clinton's)  tardy  movements  on 
the  British  cause  in  America,  347 ; 
sails  for  Virginia  with  large  rein- 
forcements for  Cornwallis,  but  is  too 
late,  and  returns  to  New  York,  ib. ; 
is  succeeded  in  command  by  Sir  Guy 
Carleton,  353 

Cockade,  adopted  by  Americans  in  com- 
pliment to  the  French,  312 

Colonial  Assemblies  declare  by  resolu- 
tion the  exclusive  right  of  the  peo- 
ple to  tax  themselves,  S5  ;  deny  the 
right  of  the  King  to  remove  offend- 
ers to  England  for  trial,  ib.  ;  dis- 
solved by  the  Governors,  ib. 

Colonies,  concessions  to  them,  29  ;  pros- 
perity of,  49 ;  public  feeling  in  (1770), 


Colonies — 

89;  sympathy  of,  with  Boston  and 
Massachusetts,  122,  127;  popular 
commotions  in,  129;  public  feeling 
in,  after  Battle  of  Lexington,  154 

Commissioner,  sent  by  Virginia  to  confer 
with  the  French — delicacy  of  his 
duties,  32. 

Committee  of  Correspondence,  appoint- 
ed in  New  York  (1764),  64 

Committee  of  Correspondence,  recom- 
mended in  Virginia  (1773),  104;  in- 
vention of,  claimed  by  Massachusetts, 
ib. ;  attributed  to  Dr.  Franklin,  ib. ; 
beneficial  effects  of,  105 

Confederation,  articles  of,  considered  by 
Congress,  179;  adopted,  246  ;  revisal 
of,  recommended  by  Congress,  362 

Congress  of  Commissioners,  at  Albany, 
in  1754,  34  ;  adopt  a  plan  of  general 
government,  rejected  by  Great  Bri- 
tain and  Colonies,  34 
At  New  York,  in  1765,  proposed  by 
Committee  of  N.  Y.  Assembly,  64 ; 
invited  by  circular  of  Massachusetts 
Assembly,  ib. 
Meeting  of  first  Colonial  (Oct.,  1765), 
65 ;  list  of  Delegates,  66  ;  proceed- 
ings of,  ib. 
First  Continental,  at  Philadelphia 
(1774),  recommended  by  Virginia, 
123;  by  Massachusetts,  124;  dele- 
gates appointed,  ib.  ;  meeting  of  de- 
legates, 131 :  their  character  and 
proceedings,  131,  134;  Pitt's  opinion 
of,  132;  provide  for  a  new  Congress 
and  adjourn,  135  (see  appendix) 
Second  Continental,  meet  at  Philadel- 
phia, 1775,  160;  their  proceedings, 
ib. ;  organize  a  continental  army, 
103;  issue  paper  money,  163-179; 
consider  a  plan  for  confederation, 
179 ;  appoint  a  committee  to  prepare 
Declaration  of  Independence,  195; 
same,  adopted  and  signed  by  mem- 
bers, 196;  appoint  a  committee  of 
conference  to  meet  Lord  Howe,  204; 
unsuccessful  result,  205;  adjourn  to 
Baltimore,  210  ;  adjourn  from  Phila- 
delphia to  Lancaster,  229 ;  adopt  ar- 
ticles of  confederation,  24S;  ratifies 
treaty  with  France,  25s  ;  issue  a  pro- 
clamation respecting  the  French 
treaty,  25S ;  arrange  an  expedition 
against  Canada,  254,  274 ;  scheme 
opposed  by  Washington,  275  ;  con- 
ference with  Washington  on  the 
subject,  and  abandonment  of  the  en- 
terprise, 276 ;  dissensions  and  neg- 
lect of  attendance  of  members,  ib. ; 
deficiency  of  talent  (in  177S),  ib. ; 
elect  ministers  to  Europe,  299 ;  recall 
Silas  Deane,  300  ;  members  accused 
of  a  want  of  patriotism  and  integrity 
in  a  letter  alleged  to  have  been 
written  by  their  president,  Mr.  Lau- 
rens, and  published  by  Rivington, 


496 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


Congress;  Second  Continental — 

301  ;  party  spirit  and  dissensions  in, 
299,  305 ;  reception  of  the  news  of 
the  victory  at  Yorktown,  347  ;  mem- 
bers offer  up  thanks  at  Church,  and 
appoint  a    day  for    public    thanks- 
giving throughout  the  Union,  347  ; 
ratify  the  treaty  of  peace,  355 ;  im- 
potency   of  the  confederation,  362; 
pass    resolutions    recommending    a 
convention  to  revise  the  articles  of 
confederation,  362 
Congress,  Provincial,  formed  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 12S;  measures  adopted  by, 
ib.;  formed  in  other  Colonies,  137, 155 
Connecticut,   people  of,  oppose    Stamp 
Act,  71  ;  sustains  Massachusetts  with 
an  army,  153;  British  expedition  to, 
under  Tryon,  222 ;  Danbury  burnt, 
223;     Tryon's    second     expedition, 
2S6  ;  Fairfield  and  Norwalk  burnt, 
and   property   at    New  Haven    de- 
stroyed, 2b  7 
Conspiracy,  to  supersede   Washington, 
253  ;  of  General   Arnold,    with  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  to  surrender  forts  at 
West  Point,  314. 
Constitution,  formation  and  adoption  of, 
363 ;    organization   of   the    govern- 
ment, 364 
Continental  Army,   proposed    by  John 
Adams,  organized  by  Congress,  163; 
Washington  appointed  Commander- 
in-chief,    164 ;    other    generals  ap- 
pointed, ib  ;     deplorable   condition 
of,    ISO ;  reinforced   and   organized, 
ib. ;   enter   Boston,    190;    march  to 
New  York,  191 ;  number  of  at  New 
York,  200  ;  exploits  of,  at  Trenton, 
212;    at  Princeton,   220;   destitute 
condition  of,  221 ;  encamp  at  Mor- 
ristown,  ib.  ;  small-pox  breaks   out 
among  the   troops,  222 ;  inoculation 
checks  its  progress,  ib  ;  march  from 
Morristown  to  Middlebrook,  N.  J., 
224 ;   increased  number  of,  ib.  ;   in 
full  possession  of  New  Jersey,  225  ; 
march  to  Germantown,  Penn.,   and 
thence  to  Brandy  wine,  Del.,  where 
an  action   with    the    British    takes 
place,   227  ;   number  of,  engaged  at 
Brandywine,  228;  retreat  to  Phila- 
delphia, ib. ;  abandon  Philadelphia, 
and  take   post  at  Pottsgrove,   229 ; 
attack  the  British  at  Germantown, 
ib.  ;     go    into   winter-quarters     at 
Valley  Forge,  230;  their  extreme 
hardships  and  suffering,  230,  252; 
operations  of  the  northern  division, 
233 ;   successful  termination  of  the 
campaign  by  the  capture  of  Bur- 
goyne  and  his  army,  240 ;  number  of 
troops  at  Valley  Forge,  and  in  the 
field,    251,    260;    march    to    New 
Jersey    in    pursuit    of  the  British 
army,  260  ;  attack  that  army  under 
Generate  Clinton  and  Cornwallis,  at 


Continental  Army — 

Monmouth  Court-House,  261;  se- 
vere contest  and  retreat  of  the  Bri- 
tish army  to  New  York,  261,  262  ; 
Americans  cross  the  Hudson  and 
encamp  at  White  Plains,  262;  go 
into  winter-quarters  at  Middlebrook, 
N.  J.,  ib.  ;  a  detachment  of,  besiege 
the  town  of  Newport,  R.  I.,  263; 
various  encampments  of  in  winter- 
quarters,  267  ;  recruiting  service  and 
bounties,  2S1 ;  opening  of  campaign 
of  1779  at  the  south,  ib. ;  operations 
and  movements  of  General  Lincoln, 
2S2,  2S3,  2S4,  291,293  ;  storming  of 
Stony  Point  by  Wayne,  2S8 ;  Sulli- 
van's expedition  against  the  Indians, 
292 ;  termination  of  the  campaign 
of  1779,  296;  main  division  of  the 
army  go  into  winter-quarters  at  Mor- 
ristown, ib. ;  other  stations,  ib. ; 
reinforcements  sent  to  General  Lin- 
coln's army  at  the  south,  ib. ;  scar- 
city of  provisions  in  the  main  army, 
ib.  ;  supplies  demanded  and  obtain- 
ed from  New  Jersey,  299 ;  opera- 
tions at  the  south,  305  to  311  ; 
surrender  of  General  Lincoln's  army, 
at  Charleston,  306  ;  defeat  of  Gene- 
ral Gates  in  Carolina,  308 ;  General 
Gates  superseded  in  command  by 
General  Greene,  311  ;  distress  of,  at 
the  north,  under  Washington,  311 ; 
affair  at  Springfield,  N.  J.,  313; 
number  of,  in  the  campaign  of  1780, 
ib. ;  revolt  of  Pennsylvania  and  New 
Jersey  lines  quelled,  328,  329  ;  mu- 
tineers reject  the  offers  of  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  328;  operations  at  the 
south,  331  to  340;  junction  of  the 
army  at  the  north  with  the  French 
army,  341  ;  march  of  the  combined 
armies  to  Virginia,  342 ;  reinforce- 
ment sent  to  General  Greene,  and 
the  main  body  of  the  American  ar- 
my returns  to  New  Jersey,  347; 
disbanded  on  the  conclusion  of  peace, 
355  ;  discontent  of  the  soldiers,  356  ; 
Newburgh  Address  to,  357 ;  prudence 
and  influence  of  Washington,  358 
Continental  Money  ;  first  issue  of,  163  ; 
repeated  issues  of,  280 ;  specimen  of 
bills,  183 ;  great  depreciation  of  in 
value,  280 ;  efforts  of  Congress  to 
sustain  the  credit  of,  ib.  » 

Convention,  held  at  Albany;  adopt  a 
plan  of  government,  its  plan  reject- 
ed by  the  Colonies  and  the  Crown, 
34  ;  to  form  a  constitution,  362 ;  pro- 
ceedings of,  363 
Council  of  Governor  of  province,  at  Al- 
bany, 38 
Conway,  General,  opposes  the  Stamp 
Act,  63  ;  his  portrait  ordered  for 
Faneuil  Hall,  64  ;  member  of  the 
Rockingham  Cabinet,  71 ;  advocates 
repeal  of  Tea  Duties,  99  ;  moves  for 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


497 


Conway,  General — 

an  address  to  the  king  in  favor  of 
peace,  353 

Conway,  General  (Brigadier  in  the  Con- 
tinental army),  his  conspiracy  with 
Gates  and  Mifflin  against  Washing- 
ton, 253;  Inspector-General  of  the 
army,  254  ;  writes  Washington,  and 
expresses  regret  for  his  conduct,  ib. ; 
resigns  his  commission  and  returns 
to  Europe,  254 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  arrives  on  the  coast 
of  North  Carolina,  with  a  squadron 
and  troops,  191 ;  commands  part  of 
the  army  at  battle  of  Long  Island, 
202  ;  leads  a  British  army,  and  crosses 
the  Hudson  River,  20S  ;  attacks  and 
carries  Fort  Lee,  ib.  ;  pursues  the 
American  army  across  New  Jersey 
to  Trenton,  209  ;  out-generalled  by 
Washington,  falls  back  upon  New 
Brunswick,  220,  221  ;  surprises  Gen. 
Lincoln  at  Boundbrook,  N.  J.,  222  ; 
defeats  Lord  Stirling,  225  ;  defeats 
Gen.  Sullivan  at  Brandy  wine,  228  ; 
takes  the  American  fort  at  Red  Bank 
on  the  Delaware,  229 ;  at  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  261 ;  commands  part 
of  the  army  of  the  South,  and  takes 
Georgetown,  South  Carolina,  307 ; 
Clinton  returns  to  New  York,  and 
leaves  Cornwallis  to  succeed  him  in 
command  at  the  South,  307 ;  joins 
Lord  Rawdon,  on  the  approach  of 
the  American  army  under  Gen. 
Gates,  and  they  engage  the  latter  at 
Sanders's  Creek,  30S  ;  orders  a 
charge  with  fixed  bayonets,  and  de- 
feats the  Americans,  with  great 
slaughter,  ib. ;  sends  Col.  Ferguson 
with  a  body  of  loyalists  to  sweep  the 
country  to  Virginia,  309  ;  adopts 
rigorous  measures  to  coerce  the  in- 
habitants to  submit,  ib.  ;  pushes  on 
tt  Salisbury,  but,  on  the  defeat  of 
Ferguson,  falls  back,  is  taken  sick, 
and  the  British  troops  under  Raw- 
don retire  to  Camden,  310  ;  informs 
Generals  Phillips  and  Arnold,  from 
Wilmington,  N.  C,  that  he  is  about 
marching  to  Virginia,  330 ;  previous 
to  the  above,  he  is  joined  by  Gen. 
Leslie  with  a  reinforcement  in  South 
Carolina,  331  ;  sends  Tarleton  to 
attack  Morgan,  and  the  former  is 
defeated  at  the  battle  ot  the  Cow- 
pens,  331  ;  takes  the  field  in  person, 
and  marches  in  pursuit  of  Morgan, 
332 ;  follows  the  American  army, 
commanded  by  Greene,  to  the  bor- 
ders of  Virginia,  and  gives  up  the 
pursuit,  333 ;  meets  Greene  on  the 
return  of  the  Americans  into  North 
Carolina,  and  engages  him  at  Guil- 
ford court-house,  334 ;  the  victory 
claimed  by  both  sides,  and  the  British 
retire  towards  Wilmington — issues 
a  proclamation  calling  upon  citizens 


Cornwallis,  Lord — 

to  join  his  standard,  331  ;  marches 
from  Wilmington  northward,  and 
joins  the  forces  of  Phillips  and  Ar- 
nold at  Petersburg,  Virginia,  340  ; 
operations  in  Virginia,  340,  341  ;  en- 
camps at,  and  fortifies,  Yorktown, 
341  ;  force  in  Virginia  under  his 
command,  ib.  ;  is  besieged  at  York- 
town,  by  the  combined  American 
and  French  armies,  343  ;  attempts 
to  retreat,  but  a  storm  prevents, 
and  he  surrenders  to  the  allied 
armies,  344 

Customs,  Commissioners  of,  created  by 
act  of  Parliament,  77  ;  arrival  of,  in 
the  Colonies,  79  ;  their  proceedings 
in  Boston,  ib.  ;  opposed  by  the  peo- 
ple, and  flee,  SO 


Banbury,  Conn., burnt  by  British  troop9 
under  Gov.  Try  on,  223 

DAnville,  Duke,  sent  to  America  with  a 
fleet — his  fleet  dispersed — return  to 
France,  30. 

Deane,  Silas,  American  agent  in  France, 
216;  his  success  there,  ib. ;  is  ap- 
pointed commissioner,  with  Frank- 
lin and  Arthur  Lee,  ib. ;  recalled  in 
consequence  of  charges  against  him, 
300  ;  returns  and  publishes  a  defence 
of  his  conduct,  ib. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  mentioned 
by  Patrick  Henry  in  1773,  133;  for- 
mally adopted  at  Mecklenburg,  N. 
Carolina,  in  May,  1775,  155;  com- 
mittee of  Congress  appointed  to  pre- 
pare one,  195  ;  adopted  and  signed 
by  Congress,  196;  received  by  the 
people  with  enthusiasm,  ib.;  read  to 
the  Continental  Army,  199 

D'Estaing,  Count,  arrives  with  a  French 
fleet  on  the  American  coast,  262  ; 
proceeds  from  the  Chesapeake  to 
Sandy  Hook,  and  thence  to  Rhode 
Island,  262,  263  ;  sails  to  attack  the 
British  fleet  under  Lord  Howe,  but  a 
storm  prevents  an  engagement,  263 ; 
refuses  to  co-operate  with  the  Ame- 
rican army  in  the  siege  of  Newport, 
R.  I.,  and  sails  to  Boston,  to  repair, 
ib.;  is  censured  by  the  Americans, 
264  ;  defeats  the  English  admiral 
Byron  in  the  West  Indies,  and  ar- 
rives on  the  coast  of  Georgia,  291  ; 
captures  a  squadron  of  four  British 
ships,  ib. ;  lands  his  forces  and  as- 
sists Gen.  Lincoln  and  the  Ameri- 
cans in  storming  Savannah,  ib.;  they 
are  repulsed,  and  the  French  retire 
on  board  of  the  fleet,  292 ;  encoun- 
ters severe  storms  and  returns  to 
France,  ib. ;  his  death,  ib. 

De  Grasse, Count,  commands  the  French 
fleet  in  America,  342  ;  informs 
Washington  of  his  movements,  ib. ; 
enters  the  Chesapeake,  343 ;  assists 


498 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


De  Grasse,  Count — 

at  the  siege  of  Yorktown,  344  ;  sails 
for  the  West  Indies,  347 

De  Kalh,  Baron,  commands  a  body  of 
American  troops,  and  is  killed  at  the 
battle  of  Sanders's  Creek,  308 

Dickinson,  John,  writes  "Farmers'  Let- 
ters," 78  ;  draws  up  instructions  to 
Pennsylvania  delegates,  130 

Dieskau,  Baron,  his  march  against  Fort 
Edward— his  death,  37 

Dunmorc,  Lord,  governor  of  Virginia, 
his  conduct  excites  the  people 
against  him,  177;  his  affair  with 
Patrick  Henry,  ib. ;  abdicates  the 
Government,  178;  attempts  to  re- 
gain his  power,  offers  freedom  to 
sla\  •  s  and  destroys  Norfolk, 

ib.  ;   sails  for  the  West  Indies,  and 
joins  the  main  army,  ib. 

Dwight,  Timothy,  D.D.,  of  Connecticut, 
his  early  views  in  favor  of  independ- 
ence, 193;  his  prophetic  views  of 
the  future  progress  of  America,  in 
1775,  194 


English  Colonies,  their  independent 
character,  rivalries  between  them, 
25 ;  propositions  for  their  union, 
their  first  union  against  the  French, 
26 ;  difficulties  with  other  settle- 
ments, and  with  the  Indians,  27  ;  ne- 
glected by  the  home  government,  30  ; 
their  critical  state,  :;  1  ;  against  Nia- 
gara, its  result,  3S  ;  against  Indians 
at  Kittaning,  j9  ;  against  Louisburg, 
40  ;  their  condition,  49. 

Esopus,  burnt  by  the  British  under  Gen. 
Vaugh-n,  2  17 

Exchange  of  Prisoners,  general,  in  1780, 
325  ' 

Expedition,  of  the  French  along  the 
Ohio  and  Mississippi,  31  ;  against 
French  settlements  in  Nova  Scotia, 
under  General  Braddock  against 
Fort  du  Quesne,  36  ;  against  Cro'wn 
Point  and  Ticonderoga,  37  ;  against 
Fort  Frontenac,  its  capture  by  the 
English,  against  du  Quesne,  41  ; 
against  Quebec,  against  Ticonderoga, 
Crown  Point,  and  Niagara,  42 

F. 

Fairfield  and  Norwalk,  burned  by  Go- 
vernor Tryon,  287 

Farmers'  Letters,  written  by  John  Dick- 
inson, 78 

Finances,  American,  unfavorable  condi- 
tion of,  in  1779,  2S0  ;  negotiations 
in  Europe,  ib.  ;  depreciation  of  Con- 
tinental money,  ib.  ;  successful  ope- 
rations to  raise  funds  in  Europe  and 
America,  in  1781,  329 

Flag,  American,  adopted,  196 

Fox,  Charles  James,  opposes  Boston  port 
bill,    117  ;    opposes    Massachusetts 


Fox,  Charles  James    • 

bill,  118  ;  moves  a  censure  of  min- 
isters, 146 ;  censures  ministers  for 
the  mismanagement  of  American  af- 
fairs and  loss  of  Burgoyne's  army, 
2  1 1  ;  his  sarcasms  on  ministers,  256 

France,  Silas  Deane  sent  by  Congress  to 
as  American  agent,  216;  obtains 
important  aid,  ib. ;  three  commis- 
sioners appointed  by  Congress,  ib.  ; 
treaty  of  alliance  and  commerce  with, 
negotiated,  248  ;  aid  received  by  the 
United  States  from,  219  ;  happy  ef- 
fects of  the  capture  of  Burgoyne  on 
the  French  government,  ib. ;  effects 
of  the  treaty  of  alliance  on  public 
opinion  in  America,  250  ;  war  be- 
tween France  and  England,  256 ; 
treaty  of  alliance  with,  ratified  by 
Congress,  258 ;  sends  a  fleet  of 
twelve  sail  of  the  line  to  America, 
262;  concludes  a  treaty  with  Spain, 
290 ;  doubtful  effects  of  the  alliance 
with,  on  American  affairs,  299;  aids 
the  American  cause  with  funds  and 
troops,  312;  fleet  and  army  of,  ar- 
rive in  United  States,  313  * 

Frank/in,  Doctor,  member  of  the  Alba- 
ny convention,  his  plan  and  its  cha 
racter,  34  ;  examination  of,  before 
British  House  of  Commons,  50  ;  ap- 
pointed agent  to  England  by  Penn- 
sylvania, 57  ;  consulted  by  British 
ministers,  58  ;  opposes  the  stamp 
act,  5S,,60;  his  letter  to  Charles 
Thomson  referred  to,  60 ;  invention 
of  committees  of  correspondence  in 
the  Colonies  attributed  to,  104  ; 
sends  to  Massachusetts  Assembly 
the  letters  of  Hutchinson  and  Oli- 
ver, 105;  presents  petition  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Assembly  for  removal  of 
Hutchinson  and  Oliver  before  the 
Privy  Council,  106  ;  dismissed  from 
the  office  of  Colonial  Postmaster 
General,  ib.  ;  his  efforts  to  influence 
the  people  of  England  in  favor  of 
the  Colonies,  138  ;  procures  petitions 
to  Parliament  from  English  people 
in  favor  of  Colonies,  140  ;  returns  to 
America,  179  ;  is  elected  a  delegate 
to  Congress  from  Pennsylvania,  ib.  ; 
appointed  Postmaster  General,  ib. ; 
appointed  one  of  the  committee  to 
conl'er  with  Lord  Howe,  204  ;  his 
conversations  with  Lord  Howe 
and  sister,  205  ;  appointed  commis- 
sioner to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace, 
354 

Fraser,  General,  defeats  the  Americans 
at  Hubbardton,  234 ;  is  killed  at  the 
battle  of  Stillwater,  239 

French,  first  settled  in  Canada,  soon  af- 
ter in  Florida,  claimed  jurisdiction 
on  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi,  built  a 
chain  of  forts  from  Canada  to  Flori- 
da, bribed  th*  Indians,  27  ;  deter- 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


499 


French — 

mine  to  extend  their  American  em- 
pire, alliance  with  the  Indians,  their 
active  movements  in  Nova  Scotia, 
30;  claim  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio 
and  Mississippi,  claim  disputed  by 
the  English,  erect  forts  south  of 
Lake  Erie,  31 ;  deserted  by  their 
Indian  allies  at  Fort  du  Quesne, 
flight  down  the  Ohio,  41  ;  abandon 
Ticonderoga,  power  destroyed  west 
of  Montreal,  42 ;  piquet  guard  cap- 
tain captured,  44  ;  attempt  to  reco- 
ver Quebec,  ships  destroyed  by  Col- 
ville,  Montreal  the  only  possession 
left  them  in  Canada,  46  ;  influence 
over  the  Indians  continued,  56  ;  ne- 
gotiations and  treaty  with  the  Unit- 
ed States,  249;  ship  with  munitions 
of  war  arrives  in  the  United  States, 
ib. ;  fleet  under  Count  D'Estaing  ar- 
rives on  the  coast,  262  ;  French  and 
American  officers  disagree  at  Rhode 
Island,  204  ;  dissatisfaction  of  the 
Americans  with  their  French  allies, 
ib.  ;  ambassador  in  England  (De 
Noailles),  his  ironical  letter  to  Lord 
North,  270  ;  fleet  and  army  under 
D'Estaing  assist  in  the  attack  on  Sa- 
vannah, 291 ;  are  repulsed  and  re- 
turn to  France,  292  (see  D'Estaing) ; 
alliance  with  the  United  States, 
doubtful  effects  of,  290  ;  minister  to 
the  United  States,  M.  Gerard,  ar- 
rives, 2G2 ;  succeeded  by  M.  Lu- 
zerne, 299  ;'  French  fleet  and  army 
in  aid  of  America  announced  by  La 
Fayette  to  be  on  the  way,  312  ;  fleet 
with  army  arrive  in  United  States, 
313  ;  army,  second  division  of,  des- 
tined for  America,  blockaded  at 
Brest  by  an  English  fleet  and  non- 
arrival  of,  313  ;  Admiral  Ternay  dies 
at  Newport,  ib.  ;  army  goes  into 
winter  quarters,  314  ;  fleet  sail  to 
Virginia,  are  attacked  by  the  British 
Admiral,  and  return  to  Newport, 
330;  fleet  under  Count  de  Grasse 
sail  from  the  West  Indies  for  the 
Chesapeake,  342  ;  army  form  a  junc- 
tion on  the  Hudson  river  and  inarch 
to  Virginia,  ib.  ;  fleet  under  De 
Grasse  arrives  in  the  Chesapeake 
and  lands  additional  troops,  3 13  ; 
operations  of  the  combined  armies, 
ib.  ;  surrender  of  York  town,  344; 
fleet  sail  for  the  West  Indies,  and 
the  army  are  cantoned  at  Williams- 
burgh,  317  ;  return  to  France. 

French  agent,  a  mysterious  one  in  Ame- 
rica, 177.1,  187 

Fuller,  Mr.,  opposes  ministerial  mea- 
sures respecting  the  Colonies,  116, 
119;  moves  for  repeal  of  the  tea 
duty,  119  ;  deserts  the  ministerial 
side,  and  predicts  ruinous  results 
from  Lord  North's  measures,  ib. 


G. 

Gage,  General,  commands  the  British 
forces  in  America,  SO  ;  orders  troops 
to  Boston,  ib. ;  anecdote  of,  90;  suc- 
ceeds Hutchinson  as  Governor  of 
M  issachusetts,  121 ;  dissolves  Gene- 
ral Assembly,  124  ;  denounces  the 
League  of  patriots,  125 ;  introduces 
troops  into  Boston,  ib.  ;  fortifies 
Boston  Neck,  127  ;  sends  troops  to 
seize  military  stores  at  Concord,  150  ; 
Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts 
declare  him  disqualified  to  act  as 
Governor,  154  ;  issues  a  proclamation 
offering  pardon,  &c.,  107;  directs 
operations  at  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill, 
ib. ;  orders  the  burning  of  Charles- 
town,  L6S  ;  recalled  and  succeeded 
by  Howe,  173 

Gaspee,  British  revenue  schooner,  burn- 
ed near  Providence,  R.  L,  103 

Gates,  Horatio,  appointed  Brigadier- 
General  and  Commander  of  the  Ame- 
rican forces  in  Canada,  215;  joins 
General  Washington  on  the  Dela- 
ware, 216  ;  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  northern  army,  237 ;  is 
joined  by  Generals  Arnold  and  Lin- 
coln, 237,  238  ;  his  various  operations 
against  Burgoyne,  237,  238,  239  ;  re- 
ceives offer  of  capitulation  from  Bur- 
goyne, and  agrees  to  accept  of  a  sur- 
render of  his  army — his  delicacy 
and  humanity  towards  the  defeated 
troops,  243  ;  receives  the  thanks  of 
Congress  for  himself  and  army,  and 
a  gold  medal  presented  to  him  by 
their  order,  214  ;  his  Letter  to  Ge- 
neral Vaughan,  247  ;  sends  troops  to 
reinforce  General  Putnam,  ib.  ;  is 
•  concerned  in  a  scheme  to  supersede 
Washington,  254  ;  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  Board  of  War,  ib.  ;  appointed 
by  Congress  commander  of  the  army 
at  the  South,  30S ;  engages  the  Bri- 
tish army  at  Sanders's  Creek,  is  de- 
feated with  great  slaughter,  and  re- 
treats to  Charlotte,  and  thence  to 
Hillsboro',  N.  C,  30S,  309;  incurs 
reproaches,  and  a  court  of  inquiry  is 
appointed  respecting  him,  311;  is 
superseded  in  command  by  General 
Greene,  ib. 

Georgia  falls  into  the  hands  of  the  Bri- 
tish. 

German  troops  employed  by  England, 
L83  ;  Debates  in  Parliament  thereon, 
186  ;  Emigrants  in  America,  ib. 

Germantown,  battle  of,  229 

Gibbon  (Historian),  member  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  147 ;  his  remarks  on 
American  affairs,  ib. 

Governors,  the  royal  colonial — their  ty- 
rannies, 29;  their  troubles  with  the 
people,  and  final  expulsion  or  abduc- 
tion, 17^ 

Grafton,  Duke  of,  head  of  the  ministry, 


500 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


Grafton,  JDuke  of— 

83  ;  urges  conciliation  with  the  colo- 
nies, 181 ;  resigns  his  seat  in  the 
cabinet,  and  acts  with  the  opposi- 
tion, ib. ;  motion  for  conciliating  the 
Colonies,  1S7. 
Greene,  JVathaniel,  appointed  Brigadier- 
General  by  Congress,  167 ;  at  first 
commands  at  Long  Island,  but  fall- 
ing sick,  is  there  succeeded  by  Sul- 
livan, 202  ;  commands  a  division  of 
the  army  at  the  battle  of  Trenton, 
211  ;  his  gallantry  at  the  battle  of 
Brandywine,  228  ;  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  261  ;  commands  part  of 
the  expedition  to  Rhode  Island,  2G3  ; 
Washington  appoints  him  to  super- 
sede General  Gates  in  the  command 
of  the  Southern  Army,  311;  at- 
tacked by  Knyphausen,  and  defeat- 
ed, in  New  Jersey,  313;  presides  at 
the  Court-Martial  in  the  case  of 
Major  Andre,  323  ;  detaches  General 
Morgan  to  check  the  British,  331  ; 
joins  Morgan,  and  retreats  before 
Cornwallis,  332  ;  is  reinforced  at 
Guilford  Court-house,  and  continues 
his  retreat  into  Virginia,  333  ;  re- 
ceives reinforcements  and  returns 
into  North  Carolina,  334;  engages 
the  British  under  Cornwallis  at 
Guilford  Court-house,  ib.  ;  pursues 
Cornwallis  towards  Wilmington, 
334  ;  is  attacked  by  Lord  Rawdon  at 
Hobkirk's  Hill,  near  Camden,  335  ; 
capture  of  several  British  forts,  ib. ; 
besieges  Fort  Ninety-Six,  but  is 
compelled  to  raise  the  siege,  and 
retreats  across  the  Saluda  River, 
ib.  ;  attacks  the  British  at  Eutaw 
Springs,  and  defeats  them,  339 ; 
close  of  the  campaign  in  South  Caro- 
lina, 340 ;  reinforced  by  a  detach- 
ment under  General  St.  Clair,  347 ; 
sends  Wayne  with  a  part  of  the  army 
into  Georgia,  352 

Grenville,  George,  premier,  54 ;  pro- 
poses to  tax  the  Colonies,  55  ;  intro- 
duces the  Stamp  Act,  58 ;  his  views 
on  taxation  of  the  Colonies,  72 ;  op- 
poses the  measures  against  the  Colo- 
nies in  1769,  84 ;  opposes  Lord 
North's  proposal  to  retain  the  duties 
on  Tea,  98 

Grey,  General,  detached  by  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  on  a  predatory  expedition  in 
New  England,  263  ;  his  exploits  on 
several  of  these  expeditions,  264 

H. 

Hale,  Nathan,  his  enterprise,  capture, 
and  death,  206 

Hancock,  John,  declines  a  British  com- 
mission, 81 ;  his  sloop  Liberty  seiz- 
ed, 79 ;  appointed  President  of  Con- 
gress, 160 

Haynei  Colonel,  taken  prisoner  by  the 


Hayne,  Colonel — 

British,     tried,     and    executed    at 
Charleston,  S.  C,  339 

Henry,  Patrick,  opposes  the  Stamp  Act, 
60 ;  resolutions  and  speech  of,  60- 
63  ;  his  predictions  respecting  the 
contest  with  Great  Britain  and  inde- 
pendence of  the  Colonies,  133  ;  vigo- 
rous measures  proposed  by,  157 ; 
speech  in  Provincial  Congress,  ib. ; 
proscribed  by  the  British  Govern- 
ment, ib. ;  originates  the  phrase 
"  Liberty  or  Death,"  157;  his  affair 
with  Lord  Dunmore,  178 

Herkimer,  General,  his  defeat  and  death, 
236 

Hessian  troops  employed  by  England, 
183;  capture  of,  at  Trenton,  212; 
cruelty  and  outrages  of,  221 ;  re- 
pulsed at  Red  Bank,  229 

Holland  takes  sides  with  the  Americans 
against  Great  Britain,  in  17s0,  325; 
Henry  Laurens  appointed  minister 
to,  ib. ;  Great  Britain  declares  war 
against,  326 

Howe,  Robert,  General,  commands  a 
body  of  American  troops  in  an  ex- 
pedition against  Florida,  267;  sick- 
ness of  his  troops  and  their  retreat, 
268  ;  defeated  at  Savannah  (after  a 
desperate  contest),  by  the  British 
under  Campbell  and  Baird,  ib. ;  com- 
mands the  post  at  West  Point,  316. 

Howe,  General  Sir  William,  arrives  at 
Boston  with  an  army,  167  ;  commands 
British  troops  at  Battle  of  Bunker 
Hill,  168;  succeeds  Gen.  Gage  in 
command,  173  ;  proposes  to  evacuate 
Boston,  189;  evacuates  Boston  and 
sails  with  the  troops  for  Halifax, 
190;  arrives  off  Sandy  Hook  with  an 
army,  199  ;  takes  possession  of  Staten 
Island,  ib. ;  lands  on  Long  Island, 
201 ;  defeats  the  Americans,  203 ; 
is  knighted  by  the  King,  ib.  ;  pre- 
pares to  drive  the  American  army 
from  the  city  of  New  York,  205; 
takes  possession  of  the  city,  206  ;  or- 
ganizes a  temporary  government, 
and  marches  in  pursuit  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, 207 ;  his  indecision  as  to  the 
course  to  adopt,  209 ;  yields  to  the 
counsel  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  ib. ;  is- 
sues a  joint  proclamation  with  his 
brother,  Lord  Howe,  offering  pardon 
to  Americans,  210  ;  his  plans  for  the 
campaign  of  1777,  222;  various  op- 
erations of,  ib. ;  moves  from  New 
York  to  New  Brunswick,  224 ;  man- 
oeuvres and  stratagem  of,  225 ;  retires 
to  Staten  Island  and  evacuates  New 
Jersey,  225 ;  embarks  his  troops  for 
Philadelphia,  via  the  Chesapeake, 
ib.  ;  leaves  his  troops  at  Elk  River, 
marches,  and  defeats  the  Americans 
on  the  Brandywine,  227;  enters 
Philadelphia,  229;   pushes  forward 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


501 


Howe,  General  Sir  William — 

to  Germantown,  where  he  is  attack- 
ed by  Washington  and  defeats  him, 
229;  after  another  action  at  White- 
marsh,  unimportant  in  its  result,  he 
goes  into  winter-quarters  at  Phila- 
delphia, 230;  recalled  by  his  own 
request,  258  ;  fete  given  him  by  his 
officers  at  Philadelphia  on  taking 
leave,  called  the  Mischianza,  259 ; 
departs  for  England,  and  is  succeed- 
ed by  Sir  H.  Clinton,  ib. 

Howe,  Admiral  Lord,  arrives  at  Staten 
Island,  in  the  capacity  of  British 
Commissioner,  200 ;  his  amiable 
character,  199  ;  his  circular  letters 
to  Americans,  200  ;  letters  to  Gen- 
eral Washington,  201 ;  his  second  at- 
tempt at  pacification,  204;  meets 
Committee  of  Congress,  ib. ;  result 
of  the  conference,  205 ;  his  conver- 
sation with  Dr.  Franklin,  ib. ;  sails 
from  the  Delaware  to  Sandy  Hook, 
and  transports  Sir  H.  Clinton's  troops 
to  New  York,  262 ;  sails  to  Newport, 
R.  I.,  where  he  meets  the  French 
fleet  under  Count  D'Estaing,  263; 
both  fleets  put  to  sea,  but  a  storm  pre- 
vents an  engagement,  ib.  ;  is  joined 
by  Admiral  Byron's  Fleet,  264 ;  Ad- 
miral Gambier  takes  the  command, 
and  Lord  Howe  returns  to  England, 
ib. 

Hutchinson,  Lieutenant  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  succeeds  Bernard  as 
Governor,  85  ;  at  first  refuses  but  af- 
terwards consents  to  the  removal  of 
British  troops  from  Boston,  96  ;  his 
letters  to  the  British  government 
sent  by  Dr.  Franklin  to  Massachu- 
setts Assembly,  105  ;  acknowledges 
the  letters  to  be  genuine  but  confi- 
dential, ib.«$  Assembly  petitions  for 
his  removal,  106 ;  refuses  to  remove 
Chief  Justice  Oliver,  121 ;  retires, 
and  is  succeeded  by  General  Gage, 
121 

I. 
Independence,  first  dawning  of,  in  Ame- 
rica, 54 ;  ideas  of,  in  the  Colonies 
suggested  by  measures  of  the  British 
Government  S6  ;  gradual  approaches 
to,  130;  first  idea  of,  uncertain  as  to 
time,  130;  declaration  of,  mentioned 
by  Patrick  Henry,  in  1773, 133  ;  De- 
claration of,  at  Mecklenburg,  N.  C  , 
in  May,  1775,  155;  ideas  of,  among 
.  "the  people  of  America,  193;  Dr. 
D wight's  early  views  in  favor  of, 
193  ;  action  by  the  Continental  Con- 
gress in  favor  of,  195 ;  committee 
appointed  to  prepare  Declaration, 
ib.  ;  adoption  and  signing  of  the 
Declaration,  196  ;  acknowledgment 
of  advocated  in  the  British  Parlia- 
ment (in  177S),  256 


Indians,  the  war  of  the  Five  Nations 
against  the  French  aided  by  the 
English,  27 ;  their  outrages  on  the 
frontiers,  their  butcheries  at  F<>rt 
Wm.  Henry,  39;  hostilities  with  the 
British  Colonies,  56  ;  under  French 
influence,  ib.  ;  Six  Nations  of,  join 
the  British,  ib.;  Southern,  instigated 
against  Americans  by  British  agents, 
216;  various  tribes  of,  join  General 
Burgoyne's  army,  233 ;  murder  of 
Miss  McCrea,  235  ;  allies  of  General 
Burgoyne  desert  the  service,  23S; 
barbarities  of,  on  Western  frontiers, 
264 ;  massacre  of  the  people  of  Wyo- 
ming, 26,  266  ;  their  settlements  laid 
waste  by  the  Americans,  266  ;  attack 
and  massacre  of  Cherry  Valley,  267  ; 
depredations  on  the  Southern  fron- 
tier, ib. ;  on  the  Susquehanna,  chas- 
tised bv  General  Sullivan  and  their 
villages  destroyed,  292,  293 


Jay,  John,  draws  up  letter  of  Instructions 
to  the  Colonial  agents  in  England, 
138 ;  appointed  Minister  to  Spain, 
299 ;  commissioner  to  negotiate  for 
peace,  354 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  a  member  of  the  Vir- 
ginia Legislature  and  a  leader  of  the 
patriots,  100;  member  of  Continen- 
tal Congress  and  one  of  a  committee 
to  draft  a  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, 195 ;  same  drawn  by  him 
adopted,  190;  his  narrow  escape 
from  capture  by  the  British,  while 
Governor  of  Virginia,  329  ;  appoint- 
ed Commissioner  to  Europe  to  nego- 
tiate for  peace,  354 

Johnson,  Sir  John,  with  a  large  body  of 
Indians  defeats  General  Herkimer, 
236 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  leads  an  expedi- 
tion against  Crownpoint  and  Ticon- 
deroga,  37  ;  erects  Fort  Wm.  Hen- 
ry, 38 

Jones,  Paul,  exploits  of,  269  ;  commands 
a  squadron  fitted  out  by  the  Ameri- 
can Commissioners  in  France,  293; 
attacks  a  British  convoy,  294  ;  cap- 
tures two  British  ships  after  a  des- 
perate battle,  295,  296  ;  receives  the 
thanks  of  Congress  and  a  gold  medal, 
also  the  order  of  merit  from  the 
French  king,  296 

K. 
King  George  III ;  his  character  and  his 
counsellors,  39 ;  recommends  taxa- 
tion of  the  Colonies,  58  ;  his  speech 
on  American  affairs  (1766),  72  ;  his 
message  on  Boston  tea-riot,  113  ;  his 
speech  declaring  the  Colonies  in  a 
state  of  rebellion,  139;  effect  of  the 
speech  in  the  Colonies,  150 ;  his 
statue  destroyed  in  New  York,  196 ; 


502 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


King  George  III— 

his  speech  on  the  alliance  between 
France  and  America,  273 

Knyphausen,  General,  left  by  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  in  command  of  tbe  British 
forces  at  New  York,  292  ;  detaches 
a  large  body  of  troops  under  General 
Mathews,  on  an  incursion  into  New 
Jersey,  313  ;  joins  Mathews  with  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  and  additional  troops, 
ib.  ;  attacks  and  defeats  General 
Greene,  burns  Springfield,  and  re- 
turns to  New  York,  ib. 

Kosciusko  (Polish  General)  appointed 
Chief  Engineer  of  the  Continental 
army,  235;  accompanies  the  Northern 
army  at  Saratoga,  ib. ;  distinguished 
in  the  Southern  campaign,  3J0 


Ladies,  American,  patriotism  of,  90  ;  in 
camp  at  Valley  Forge,  253  ;  daugh- 
ters of  loyalists  at  the  Mischianza, 
Philadelphia,  259 ; 
Of  Fairfield,  Connecticut,  outrages  on, 
by  Governor  Try  on,  2S7  ;  patriotism 
and  exertions  of,  312 

La  Fayette,  Marquis,  offers  his  services 
to  Congress;  is  accepted  and  ap- 
pointed Major-General  in  the  Conti- 
nental army,  227  ;  meets  Washington 
in  Philadelphia,  and  becomes  a 
member  of  his  military  family,  227  ; 
is  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Brandy- 
wine,  226  ,  his  fidelity  to  Washing- 
ton, 254  ;  commands  a  detachment 
of  the  army  in  Pennsylvania,  200  ; 
his  skilful  manoeuvre  when  attacked, 
ib. ;  leads  the  advance  troops  at  tiie 
battle  of  Monmouth,  20 1  ;  commands 
a  detachment  sent  to  Rhode  Island, 
203 ;  challenges  Earl  Carlisle,  one 
of  the  British  Commissioners,  for 
insulting  language  used  towards 
France,  264 ;  makes  a  visit  to  France, 
275  ;  success  of  his  mission,  and 
return  to  America,  312 ;  receives 
the  thanks  of  Congress,  ih.  ;  des- 
patched by  Washington  to  Virginia, 
330  ;  his  skilful  manceuvres  against 
the  British,  310,  341 

Laurens,  Henry,  President  of  Congress ; 
publication,  in  Rivington's  Royal 
Gazette,  of  a  letter  alleged  to  have 
been  written  by  him,  but  supposed 
to  have  been  forged,  and  intercepted 
by  the  enemy,  301  ;  effects  of,  on  the 
public  mind,  ib. ;  appointed  Minister 
to  Holland,  and  captured  by  the 
British,  325  ;  released  on  bail,  and 
afterwards  exchanged  for  General 
Burgoyne,  318 

Laurens,  John,  appointed  Special  Com- 
missioner to  France ;  obtains  finan- 
cial aid  for  the  United  States,  329 ; 
is  killed  in  an  action  in  South  Caro- 
lina, 352 


Lee,  Charles,  General,  military  opera- 
tions of,  at  New  York,  191 ;  repairs 
to  South  Carolina,  and  defends 
Charlestown,  192  ;  commands  part 
of  the  army  at  White  Plains,  209  ; 
ordered  to  New  Jersey,  210  ;  is  sur- 
prised and  taken  prisoner,  ib. ;  Bri- 
tish refuse  to  exchange  him,  226 ; 
exchanged  for  General  Prescoft,  and 
commands  a  detachment  of  the 
army,  260 ;  his  conduct  at  the  battle  . 
of  Monmouth,  261  ;  quarrels  with 
Washington,  and  addresses  him  two 
offensive  letters,  ib. ;  arrested,  tried, 
and  suspended  from  command,  ib.  ; 
leaves  the  service,  and  dies  at  Phi- 
ladelphia, ib. 

Lee,  Major  (afterwards  Colonel),  cap- 
tures fort  at  Paulus  Hook,  29U  ;  ex- 
ploit and  stratagem  with  Colonel 
Pyle  in  North  Carolina,  334  ;  join9 
General  Marion  and  captures  several 
forts,  335 

Letter  of  St.  Pierre;  its  tone,  33  ; 

Of  Lord   Hillsborough   to   the    Colo- 
nies, 86 

Letters  of  a  Pennsylvania  Farmer,  78  ; 
Of  Hutchinson  and  Oliver,  exposed  by 

Franklin,  105; 
Of  instructions  to  colonial   agents  in 

England,  from  Congress,  1 
Of  Admiral  Howe,  200,  201 

Letter  of  General  Putnam  to  Governor 
Tryon,  relative  to  a  spy  taken  by  the 
Americans,  226 

Lexington,  Battle  of,  151  ;  effects  of,  on 
the  people  of  the  Colonies,  153,  154, 
155 

Liberty,  Sons  of,  societies  so-called  form- 
ed in  the  Colonies,  68 

Liberty,  Sloop,  seized  at  Boston,  79  ; 
Poles  erected  in  the  Colonies,  100 

"  Liberty  or  Death,"  patriotic  phrase 
'originated  with  Patrick  Henry,  158 

Lincoln,  General,  surprised  by  Lord 
Cornwallis,  at  Boundbrook,  New 
Jersey,  and  retreats,  222  ;  joins  Ge- 
neral Gates  at  Saratoga,  238  ;  is  in- 
cluded in  the  vote  of  thanks  by 
Congress,  2  11  ;  takes  command  of 
the  army  at  the  South,  2S1 ;  encamps 
on  the  Savannah  River,  282;  strength 
of  his  army  in  April,  1779,  283  ; 
marches  to  attack  Savannah,  ib. ;  ap- 
prised of  the  march  of  General  Pre- 
vost,  with  the  British  army,  he 
moves  toward  Charleston,  attacks  a 
division  at  Stono  Ferry,  and  is  re- 
pulsed, 284;  prepares  for  defence 
of  Charleston,  304;  refuses  to  sur- 
render to  the  British  fleet  and  army, 
and  they  open  a  destructive  fire  upon 
the  town,  305  ;  the  British  prepare 
for  an  assault,  and  the  American 
General  and  army  surrender  prison- 
ers of  war,  306  ;  exchanged  for  Ge- 
neral Phillips,  325 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX 


503 


London,  City  of,  takes  sides  with  the 
Colonies,  149;  petitions  the  king  in 
their  favor,  ib. ;  rebuked  by  the 
king, ib. 

Long  Island,  landing  of  British  troops 
at,  201  ;  battle  of,  202  ;  defeat  of  the 
Americans,  203  ;  retreat  of  the  Con- 
tinental army,  ib.  ;  destruction  of 
British  vessels  and  stores  at  Sag 
Harbor,  by  Colonel  Meisjs,  221  ;  Ma- 
jor Tallmadge's  expedition  against 
Fort  George,  324 

Loudon,  Lord,  appointed  British  Com- 
mander-in-Chief in  America,  38 ;  re- 
called, 41 

Louisburg,  its  cost — English  expedition 
against  it — flight  of  the  French  from 
it — its  surrender,  29 ;  English  at- 
tempt to  capture  it,  39 

LovelVs  expedition  to  the  Penobscot 
defeated  by  the  British  under  Sir 
George  Collier,  290 

Loyalists,  see  Tories 

M. 

McCrea,Miss,  murder  of,  by  Indians,  235. 

Marion,  General,  a  partisan  leader, 
wounded  at  the  siege  of  Charleston, 
310  ;  performs  signai  services  in  the 
campaigns  at  the  South,  ib.  ;  joined 
by  Lee ;  they  capture  Fort  Watson, 
Fort  Motto,  and  Fort  Granby,  335  ; 
Georgetown,  336  ;  exploits  and  an- 
ecdotes of,  ib. 

Massachusetts,  Colonial  Assembly  of,  in- 
-  vite  a  congress  at  New  York  in 
1765,  64 ;  take  a  bold  stand  against 
acts  of  Parliament  respecting  taxa- 
tion, 78  ;  assembly  dissolved  by  the 
Governor,  79  ;  provincial  convention 
formed,  81  ;  people  and  Legislature 
declared  guilty  of  treasonable  acts, 
by  Parliament,  83  ;  charter  altered 
by  act  of  Parliament,  117  ;  action  of 
General  Assembly,  123,  121;  secret 
conference  of  Members,  123 ;  re- 
commend a  general  Congress,  124  ; 
appoint  delegates  and  are  dis- 
by  the  Governor,  ib.  ;  "  Solemn 
League  and  Covenant*'  adopted,  ib  ; 
denounced  by  Gener-al  Gaiie,  125; 
state  of  public  feeling  in  177  1,  126; 
people  prepare  for  war,  116;  pro- 
vincial Congress  formed,  128  ;  their 
resolutions,  ib.  ;  Assembly  resolve 
themselves  into  a  provincial  Con- 
gress, 136;  enrol  militia  as  minute 
men,  137  ;  resolve  to  purchase  muni- 
tions of  war,  150  ;  address  the  Eng- 
lish people  on  the  battle  of  Lex- 
ington, 153  ;  organize  an  army,  ib.  ; 
issue  paper  money,  ib. 
Mecklenburg,  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence at,  May,  1775,  155. 

Meigs,  Colonel,  gallant  expedition  of,  to 
Long  Island,  224  ;  Congress  presents 
him  with  a  sword,  ib. 


Mercer,  General,  killed  at  the  battle 
of  Princeton,  220. 

Mi /titters  from  France  to  the  United 
States,  262,  299. 

Ministers  to  Great  Britain  and  Spain 
appointed  by  Congress,  299 ;  to 
Holland,  325. 

Minute  men  enrolled  inJ\~ew  England, 
137. 

Mischianza,  entertainment  given  to 
General  Howe  and  Admiral  Howe, 
at  Philadelphia,  on  taking  leave, 
description  of,  259. 

Monmouth,  battle  of,  261. 

Montcalm,  commander  of  the  French 
force  in  Canada— crosses  Lake  Erie 
with  5000  men— captures  fort  On- 
tario at  Oswego — returns  to  Cana- 
da—collects his  force  at  Ticondero- 
ga— captures  fort  William  Henry, 
39  ;  defends  Ticonderoga— siege 
raised,  41 ;  prepares  to  attack  the 
British,  44  ;  his  death  at  Quebec,  45. 

Montgomery,  General,  commands  expe- 
dition to  Canada,  173;  captures  fort 
Chambly,  174  ;  St.  John's,  ib.  ;  Mon- 
treal, ib. ;  joins  Arnold  and  attacks 
Quebec,  176  ;  is  killed,  and  his  army 
defeated,  ib. 

Montreal,  defended  by  De  Callieres,  28 ; 
surrendered  to  the  English,  46 ; 
taken  by  the  Americans  under  Mont- 
gomery, 171 

Morgan,  General,  defeats  the  British  at 
the  Cowpens,  331  ;  receives  a  medal 
from  Congress,  332 

Morris,  Robert,  treasurer  of  the  United 
States — his  important  financial  ope- 
rations and  patriotic  services. 

Morristown,  JVeto  Jersey,  Continental 
troops  encamp  at,  221,  2'J6 

Mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  and  New 
Jersey  troops,  in  1781,  quelled  by 
Washington  and  Wayne,  32*>,  32'J 

N. 
S\~aval  battle,  on  Lake  Champlain,  215 
JYavy,    American,    commencement    of, 
189;    condition    and   operations    of, 
268,  269  ;  action  between  the  Ameri- 
can ship   Randolph  and  British  ship 
Yarmouth,    and    destruction  of  the 
former,    269 ;     operations    of    Paul 
Jones,  ib.  ;  notice  of  various  opera- 
tions, 
JVavy,  British,  strength  of,  in  177- .  I   - 
JYeic    Haven    {Conn.),    entered    by  the 
British  under  Tryon,  287  ;  after  va- 
rious   outrages   the    enemy    retire, 
without  burning  the  town,  ib. 
JV\  ;/•  Jersey,  patriotic  proceedings  of  the 
people,     155;     overrun    by    British 
troops,  208  ;  by  the  American  army, 
221  ;  evacuated  by  the  British,  225 
JVew  London  'Conn.),  attack  of,  intend- 
ed by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  prevented 
by  a  storm,  263;  again  threatened 


504 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


JVtto  London,— 

by  Governor  Trvon,  but  saved  by  bis 
recall,  2S7  ;  burned  by  Arnold,  342 

Newport  (R.  /),  siege  of,  by  the  Ame- 
ricans, 263  ;  abandonment  of  the 
siege  and  retreat  of  General  Sulli- 
van, 263 

JVew  York,  committee  of  the  Assembly 
of,  propose  a  Colonial  Congress  in 
1765,  64  ;  violent  opposition  to  the 
Stamp  Act  by  the  people,  mobs  and 
riots,  67,  70 ;  Assembly  refuse  to 
enforce  Mutiny  Act,  76  ;  prohibited 
by  Act  of  Parliament  from  passing 
laws,  until  obedient  to  the  Mutiny 
Act,  77 ;  people  of,  send  remon- 
strance to  Parliament  against  taxa- 
tion, 84;  violate  non-importation 
agreements,  99;  tea  not  permitted 
to  be  landed,  111  ;  Assembly  refuse 
to  appoint  delegates  to  the  Congress 
of  1774,  130;  delegates  appointed 
by  town-meetings,  ib.  ;  refuses  to 
adopt  the  resolution  of  Congress  re- 
specting commerce,  135;  makes 
common  cause  with  the  Colonies 
after  the  battle  .of  Lexington,  151; 
many  of  the  people  royalists,  178  ; 
Tryon,  royal  Governor,  ib. ;  Riving- 
ton's  (tory)  press  destroyed,  179; 
Continental  army  under  Washington 
arrive  at,  191 ;  statue  of  George  III. 
destroyed,  196 ;  evacuated  by  the 
American  army,  206 ;  British  army 
takes  possession,  ib. ;  great  fire  de- 
stroys about  one-third  of  city,  207 

JVon- Importation  Agreements,  adopted, 
OS,  78,  82  ;  effects  of,  in  England,  86 

North  Carolina,  early  movements  in 
against  British  authority,  101  ;  or- 
ganization of  the  Regulators,  ib. ; 
action  of  the  Regulators  with  British 
troops  in  1771,  102  ;  movements  of 
the  people  in  1775,  155;  Provincial 
Congress  convened,  ib. ;  Committees 
of  Safety  appointed,  ib.  ;  Independ- 
ence declared  at  Mecklenburg,  ib  ; 
military  operations  in,  191  ;  cam- 
paign in  17S0,  81,  331  to  310 

JVorth,  Lord,  proposes  to  reject  the  New 
York  remonstrance,  84 ;  moves  in 
Parliament  for  repeal  of  duties  in 
part,  retaining  the  tax  on  tea,  98 ; 
proposes  to  make  Governors  and 
Judges  of  the  Colonies  independent 
of  the  people,  104;  offers  a  resolu- 
tion in  Parliament  permitting  the 
export  of  tea  to  America  free  of 
export  duty,  106 ;  other  measures 
proposed  by  him,  115,  117,  118; 
proposes  further  coercive  measures, 
146,  147,  182 ;  introduces  a  concilia- 
tory plan,  148  ;  makes  concessions  in 
favor  of  America,  256 ;  moves  an 
Address  to  the  King  on  the  treaty 
between  France  and  America,  273 ; 
resigns  after  the  battle  of  Yorktown, 
and  other  disasters  in  America,  353 


Worwalk  {Conn.),  burned  by  Governor 
Tryon,  287 


Ohio  Company,  its  character,  grant  from 
the  crown,  French  jealousy  of  it, 
appeal  to  Virginia  for  protection,  31  : 
send  around  men  to  erect  a  fort,  se- 
cure aid  from  Virginia  and  Carolina, 
their  fort  destroyed,  33 

Oliver,  Andrew,  stamp-master  at  Boston, 
attacked  by  a  mob,  and  burnt  in  effi- 
gy, 66  ;  resigns  his  office,  67  ;  his 
letters  exposed  by  Doctor  Franklin, 
105  ;  Assembly  of  Massachusetts  pe- 
tition for  his  removal,  as  Lieutenant 
Governor,  106 

Oliver,  Peter,  Chief  Justice  of  Massa- 
chusetts (brother  of  Andrew),  re- 
plies to  the  queries  of  the  Assembly, 
who  demand  his  removal  from  office, 
121  ;  the  Governor  refuses  to  re- 
move him,  and  the  Assembly  resolve 
to  impeach  the  Chief  Justice,  ib. 

Otis,  James,  member  of  the  Congress  of 
1765,  66 ;  one  of  a  committee  to 
wait  on  Governor  Bernard,  SO 


Paine,  Thomas,  Secretary  of  Congress 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  300 :  makes 
charges  against  Silas  Deane,  ib.  • 
cited  to  appear  at  the  bar  of  Con- 
gress, ib.  ,  resigns  his  cffice,  ib. 

Paoli,  battie  of,  229 

Paper  money  issued  by  Massachusetts 
Provincial  Congress,  153  ;  by  Conti- 
nental Congress,  163,  280 ;  depreci- 
ation of,  280 

Parker,  Admiral,  arrives  off  the  coast  of 
Carolina,  191 ;  his  unsuccessful  at- 
tack on  the  fort  near  Charleston, 
,  192  ;  takes  Rhode  Island,  212 

Party  names  applied  in  the  Colonies, 
136  ;  spirit  in  the  Continental  Con- 
gress, 299 

Paulus'  Hook,  fort  at,  captured  by 
Americans  under  Major  Lee  of  Vir- 
ginia, 290 

Peace,  of  1697,  between  England  and 
France,  28 ;  of  Utrecht  and  its 
terms,  thirty  years  between  Eng- 
land and  France,  29  ;  treaty  of  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  30;  treaty  of  Paris,  46; 
people  of  England  anxious  for,  in 
1782,  353  ;  preliminary  negotiations 
for  a  general  peace  in  Europe  and 
America,  354;  treaty  of,  signed  and 
ratified,  355 

Peekskill,  capture  of  military  stores  at, 
222 

Penn,  William,  heirs  of,  protest  against 
the  Canada  boundary  bill,  120 

Pennsylvania  Convention  appoints  dele- 
gates to  Congress  with  instructions 
(1774),  129 

Penobscot,  failure  of  General  Lovell's 
expedition  to,  290 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


505 


Philadelphia,  citizens  of,  oppose  Stamp 
Act,  67,  68  ;  Tea  not  permitted  to  be 
landed,  111;  British  army  under 
Gen.  Howe  take  possession  of,  229  ; 
conduct  of  British  troops  at,  259, 
260;  departure  of  Gen.  Howe,  and 
fete  given  him  by  his  officers,  259; 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  takes  command, 
ib.  :  British  army  evacuate  the  city, 
260;  American  at  my  under  General 
Arnold  take  possession,  ib. 
Phillips,  Ge7i.,  taken  prisoner  at  the 
surrender  of  Burgoyne,  exchanged 
for  Gen.  Lincoln,  325  ;  sent  by  Clin- 
ton to  join  Arnold  in  Virginia,  330 ; 
their  joint  operations,  ib. ;  his  death 
at  Petersburg,  340 
Pitt,  William,  made  Prime  Minister, 
40 ;  contemplates  the  conquest  of 
Canada — assigns  an  active  part  to 
Wolfe,  41  ;  his  course  on  the  Stamp 
act,  53  ;  takes  the  part  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, 72  ;  replies  to  Grenville,  73  ; 
proposes  a  repeal  of  the  Stamp  act, 
ib.  ;  created  Earl  of  Chatham,  76, 
curious  cabinet  formed  by  him,  ib. ; 
(See  Chatham) 
Predatory   expeditions   of    the   British, 

246,  247,  263,  285,  286 
Prescott,  Colonel,  commands  Americans 

at  Bunker's  Hill,  167 
Prescott,  Major-  General,  of  the  British 
army,  captured  at  Rhode  Island,  by 
Col.    Barton,    226  ;    exchanged    for 
General  Lee,  260 
Prevost,  General,  commands  the  British 
army  at  the  South,  282  ;  his  various 
operations,   282,   283 ;    re-organizes 
the  government  of  Georgia,  ib. ;  at- 
tacks and  defeats  General  Moultrie, 
ib. ;  plans  an  attack  upon  Charles- 
ton, 284  ;  summons  the  town  to  sur- 
render,  ib.  ;  withdraws  his    troops, 
and  moves  towards    Savannah,  ib. ; 
successfully  defends  Savannah  against 
an    attack    by    the   Americans    and 
French,  291 
Princeton,  battle  of,  220 
Privateers,   American,    enterprise    and 
umbers  of,  180  :  successful  exploits 
,  ISO,  269 
/  rivateers,   British,  authorized   against 
Americans  by  "  Letters  of  Marque," 
issued  by  act  of  Parliament,  222 
Providence,  R.  I.,  people  of,  destroy  the 
British     revenue-schooner    Gaspee, 
103 
Provincial  Convention  formed  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 81 
Congress  formed  in  same  colony,  128 
Congresses  and  assemblies  of  the  colo- 
nies approve  of  the  proceedings  of 
Congress  of  1774,  135 
Congress  of  Massachusetts  enrol  mili- 
tia, 137 ;  invite  other  colonies  to  join 
them,  ib. 
Congresses     and     assemblies     formed 
thoughout  the  colonies,  137 

99 


Pulaski,  Count,  distinguished  in  the  bat- 
tle of  Brandywine,  and  made  a  briga- 
dier-general, 22S  ;  acts  with  General 
Moultrie  at  the  South,  283,  284; 
killed  while  charging  a  British  force 
at  the  attack  on  Savannah,  292  ;  con- 
gress erect  a  monument  to  his  memo- 
ry at  Savannah,  292 

Putnam,  Israel,  commands  a  corps  of 
Connecticut  troops,  153  ;  appointed 
major-general  in  the  Continental 
army,  164  ;  one  of  the  commanders 
at  Bunker's  Hill,  168;  at  the  battle 
of  Long  Island,  201 ;  at  the  retreat 
from  New  York,  206;  takes  com- 
mand at  Philadelphia,  210;  stationed 
on  the  highlands  of  Hudson  River, 
226  ;  a  spy  (Lieut.  Palmer,  of  the 
British  army)  taken  in  his  camp,  and 
executed  by  his  order,  ib.;  his  letteir 
to  Gov.  Tryon  on  the  subject,  ib.; 
commands  troops  at  Danbury,  Conn., 
269  ;  his  daring  feat  at  West  Green- 
wich, ib. 


Quebec,  expedition  against,  1629— cap- 
tured— its  restoration  to  France — 
second  English  expedition  against  it, 
27;  defended  by  Frontenac — third 
English  expedition  against  it — its 
failure,  28;  strongly  fortified,  42; 
surrendered  to  the  English,  45  ; 
change  in  laws  for  the  government 
of,  120;  attacked  by  Montgomery 
and  Arnold,  175  ;  successfully  de- 
fended by  the  garrison,  176 

Quincy,  Josiah,  his  remarks  at  the  Bos- 
ton town-meeting,  1773,  108 

R. 

Randolph,  American  Frigate  (Captain 
Biddle),  engages  the  British  ship 
Yarmouth,  and  is  destroyed,  269 

Rawdon,  Lord,  commands  a  division  of 
the  British  army  at  the  South,  308; 
is  joined  by  Cornwallis,  and  they 
defeat  Gen.  Gates  at  Sanders's  Creek, 
ib.;  engages  Gen.  Greene,  near  Cam- 
den, 335 ;  burns  Camden,  and  re- 
treats to  the  South,  ib. ;  raises  the 
siege  of  Ninety-Six,  336  ;  retires  to 
Eutaw  Springs,  resigns  his  command 
to  Col.  Stewart,  and  returns  to  Eng- 
land, 339 

Red  Bank  (on  the  Delaware)  Fort  at- 
tacked by  the  Hessians,  who  are  re- 
pulsed by  the  Americans,  229  ;  Lord 
Cornwallis  marches  against  it,  and 
the  Americans  retreat,  ib. 

Refugees,  see  Tories 

Regulators,  origin  and  organization  of, 
in  North  Carolina,  101  ;  action  with 
Tryon's  toops,  1771,  102 

Reidesel,  Baroness,  her  account  of  the 
surrender  of  Gen.  Burgoyne,  243 

Revolt  of  part  of  the  Continental  army 
quelled,  328,  329 


506 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


Revolution  in  the  Colonies  assumes  a 
distinct  form  in  1774,  137;  further 
movements  in  1775,  156;  conclusion 
of,  367 

Revolutionary  Writers,  368 

Rhode  Island,  people  of,  burn  the  British 
revenue-schooner  Gaspee,  103  ;  Bri- 
tish take  possession  of  the  islands  of 
Rhode  Island,  Conanicut,  and  Pru- 
dence, 212  ;  siege  of  Newport  by  the 
Americans,  263  ;  battle  of,  ib. ;  eva- 
cuated bv  the  British,  291 

Ridgefield,  battle  of,  222 

Rivington,  James  (King's  Printer),  his 
press  destroyed  by  Americans  under 
Capt.  Sears,  179;  his  press  re-esta- 
blished, 301  ;  publishes  a  letter  al- 
leged to  have  been  written  by  Mr. 
Laurens,  President  of  Congress, 
charging  members  with  corruption, 
301 

Rochambeau,  Count  de,  commander  of 
the  French  army,  arrives  at  New- 
port, 31 3r,  meets  Washington  in  con- 
ference at  Hartford,  314;  they  pro- 
ceed in  company  to  Virginia,  342  ; 
siege  of  Yorktown  and  surrender  of 
Cornwallis,  343,344;  the  Count  re- 
ceives a  special  vote  of  thanks  from 
Congress,  344;  returns  to  France, 
489 

Rockingham,  Marquis  of,  premier,  71  ; 
cabinet  dissolved,  76;  premier  again 
in  1782,  353  ;  dies,  and  is  succeeded 
by  Shelburne,  354 

Roebuck,  Dr.,  employed  by  British 
ministers  to  counteract  Dr.  Franklin, 
139  ;  procures  petitions  from  the 
people  in  favor  of  ministers,  140 

Royalists,  see  Tories 


Sag  Harbor,  L.I.,  destruction  of  British 
vessels  and  stores  at,  by  Colonel 
Meigs,  224 

St.  Leger,  Colonel,  sends  an  expedition 
against  Fort  Schuyler  on  the  Mo- 
hawk, 234 ;  his  defeat  and  final  re- 
treat, 236, 237 

Savannah,  battle  of,  and  defeat  of  the 
Americans,  268 ;  is  taken  by  the 
British  troops  under  Colonel  Camp- 
bell, 268;  attacked  by  the  French 
and  Americans,  and  successfully  de- 
fended by  General  Prevost,  291 

Schuyler,  General,  commands  the  north- 
ern army,  215  ;  commands  the  forces 
to  oppose  General  Burgoyne,  235; 
evacuates  Fort  Edward,  and  retreats 
towards  the  Hudson,  ib. ;  his  army 
increased,  ib. ;  is  succeeded  in  the 
chief  command  by  General  Gates, 
237 ;  his  humanity  and  kind  treat- 
ment of  the  British  prisoners,  243 

Schuyler,  Fort,  siege  of,  by  Colonei  St. 
Leger,  236;  gallant  defence  of,  by 
Colonel  Gansevoort,  and  retreat  of 
St.  Leger,  23^ 


Sears,  Captain  Isaac,  destroys  Riving- 
ton's  printing  press  at  New  York, 
179 ;  seizes  Rev.  Mr.  Seabury  and 
other  clergymen  of  the  Church  of 
England,  ib. 

Slaves,  great  numbers  captured  by  the 
British,  285,  341 

Smith,  Adam,  endeavors  to  counteract 
Doctor  Franklin's  movements  in 
England,  139 

Sons  of  Liberty,  origin  of  Societies  of, 
68 ;  name  given  to  Patriots  by  Colo- 
nel Barre,  95 

South  Carolina,  effect  of  the  battle  of 
Lexington  and  acts  of  Parliament  on 
the  people,  155;  vigorous  measures 
adopted  by,  ib. ;  Provincial  Congress 
convoked,  ib.  ;  Bills  of  credit  emit- 
ted, ib.  ;  campaign  in  1780-81,  331 
to  340.  See  Charleston,  Clinton, 
Cornwallis,  and  Greene. 

Spain  joins  France  against  England, 
290  ;  her  pecuniary  aid  to  the  U.  S., 
329 

Springfield,  JV.  J,  battle  at,  313 ;  burned 
by  the  British,  ib. 

Stamp  Act,  proposed  by  Grenville,  55  ; 
opposed  by  Colonel  Barre,  59;  pas- 
sage of,  60 ;  reception  of,  in  America, 
ib. ;  mobs  and  riots  on  account  of, 
66,  67;  discussion  on,  in  Parliament, 
72,  73,  74  ;  repealed  74  ;  rejoicings 
on  account  of  repeal  in  England  and 
America,  ib. 

Stark,  General,  defeats  the  British  under 
Colonel  Baum,  at  Bennington,  236 

Steuben,  Baron,  arrives  in  the  U.  S.,  and 
tenders  his  services  to  Congress,  249 ; 
succeeds  General  Conway,  as  In- 
spector-General, and  introduces  a 
system  of  tactics  and  discipline  into 
the  army,  254 

Stirling,  General  Lord,  commands 
,  part  of  the  American  Troops  on  Long 
Island,  202 ;  gallantry  of  his  com- 
mand in  that  battle,  ib  ;  is  defeated 
and  taken  prisoner,  203 ;  at  the  bat- 
tle of  Trenton,  211 ;  is  defeated  by 
Cornwallis,  near  Middlebrook,  225  ; 
joins  Putnam  on  the  Hudson  river, 
226 ;  attempts  an  attack  upon  Staten 
Island,  but  is  compelled  to  retreat, 
311 

Stony  Point,  Fort  at,  taken  by  the  Bri- 
tish, 286;  stormed  and  recaptured  by 
the  Americans  under  Wayne,  288 ; 
abandoned  by  Wayne,  and  again  gar- 
risoned by  the  British,  289 ;  evacu- 
ated by  the  British,  291 

Sullivan,  John,  appointed  Brigadier- 
General,  167;  commands  a  division 
of  the  army  on  Long  Island,  202  ;  is 
defeated  and  taken  prisoner  at  the 
battle  of  L.  I.,  202,  203;  is  parolled, 
and  sent  by  Lord  Howe  with  a  mes- 
sage to  Congress,  204 ;  is  exchanged, 
and  succeeds  General  Charles  Lee  in 
command,  210 ;  at  the  battle  of  Trea- 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


507 


Sullivan,  John — 

ton,  211;  is  ordered  to  cross  the  Hud- 
son, and  encamp  near  Peekskill,  226 ; 
commands  the  right  wing  of  the 
army  at  the  battle  of  Brandywine, 
22S  ;  is  attacked  by  Cornwallis,  and 
compelled  to  retreat,  ib. :  his  expe- 
dition against  the  British  troops  at 
Rhode  Island,  263 ;  battle  of  Rhode 
Island,  ib. ;  his  admirable  retreat, 
ib. ;  commands  an  expedition  against 
the  hostile  Indians  on  the  Susque- 
hannah,  292  ;  burns  their  villages,and 
compels  them  to  retreat  to  the  wil- 
derness, 293 

Sumter,  Colonel,  a  partisan  leader  at  the 
South,  attacks  the  British  regulars 
and  tories  at  Rocky  Mount,  and  is 
repulsed,  307  ;  defeats  them  at  Hang- 
ing Rock,  ib.  ;  after  a  successful  at- 
tack on  the  Wateree,  he  is  defeated 
by  Colonel  Tarleton,  309;  created 
Brigadier-General,  collects  a  band  of 
volunteers,  and  again  harasses  the 
British  army,  310;  defeats  Major 
Wemvs  at  Broad  River,  and  Colonel 
Tarleton  at  Blackstock,  311 


Tallmage,  Major,  his  gallant  enter- 
prise against  Fort  George  ;  on  Long 
Island,  324 

Tarleton,  Col.,  defeats  and  cuts  to 
pieces  a  body  of  Americans  in  Caro- 
lina, 307  ;  charges  and  disperses 
American  troops  with  great  slaugh- 
ter, at  Sanders's  Creek,  30S  ;  his  ope- 
rations checked  by  Marion,  310  ; 
defeated  by  Morgan  at  the  Cowpens, 
pursued  by  Colonel  W.  Washington, 
331 

Taxes,  on  the  colonies,  proposed  by 
Grenville,  55 ;  right  of  imposing 
asserted  by  colonies,  57  ;  recommen- 
ded by  George  III.,5S;  Stamp  act 
passed,  00  ;  repealed,  74;  new  law 
proposed  and  passed,  77  ;  resisted  by 
the  colonies,  78 

Tea,  Duties  on,  imposed  by  Parliament, 
77  ;  retained  in  1769,  86  ;  exports  of, 
to  the  Colonies  from  England,  86 ; 
importers  of,  unpopular,  91  ;  parlia- 
ment refuse  to  repeal  duty  on,  99 ; 
export  duty  on  shipments  to  Ame- 
rica, removed,  107  ;  arrival  of  cargoes 
at  Boston,  ib.  ;  people  of  Boston 
resolve  that  it  shall  not  be  landed, 
ib. ;  destruction  of,  in  Boston  har- 
Dor,  110;  not  permitted  to  be  sold 
elsewhere,  111 

Txconderoga,  strengthened  by  the 
French,  3S ;  attacked  by  Abercrom- 
bie,  40  ;  expedition  against,  planned, 
159  ;  taken  by  Allen  and  Arnold, 
ib. ;  invested  and  taken  by  General 
Burgoyne,  234  ;  attacked  by  the 
Americans,  who  are  repulsed,  238 


Townshend,  Charles,  supports  the  Stamp 
act,  59  ;  Chancellor  of  Exchequer  in 
the  Earl  of  Chatham's  Cabinet,  76 ; 
proposes  a  new  scheme  for  taxing 
the  colonies,  which  is  carried  in 
Parliament,  77  ;  death  of,  83 

Tories,  or  royalists,  conduct  of,  199; 
their  loyalty  checked  by  the  conduct 
of  British  and  Hessian  troops,  221 ; 
a  detachment  of,  under  Gov.  Tryon, 
destroy  Continental  village  West- 
chester, with  barracks  and  military 
stores,  246  ;  operations  of  (with 
Indian  allies)  in  the  valley  of  Wyo- 
ming, 265;  also  at  Cherry  Valley, 
267 ;  depredations  on  the  Southern 
frontier,  ib. ;  great  numbers  of,  join 
the  British  army  at  the  South,  2S2  ; 
increasing  number  of,  in  1780  at  the 
South,  304 

Tory,  appellation  of,  to  the  colonial  roy- 
alists, 136,  origin  of  the  term,  ib.; 
families  leave  Boston  with  Gen. 
Howe,  190 

Treason  of  Arnold,  314 

Treaty,  of  neutrality  with  the  Indians, 
41  ;  of  Paris,  its  conditions,  46  ;  of 
alliance  between  France  and  Ame- 
rica, 248  ;  between  France  and 
Spain,  290  ;  of  peace,  between  U.  S. 
and  Great  Britain,  signed  and  rati- 
fied, 355 

Trenton,  battle  of,  211,  212;  reception 
of  Washington  at,  364 

Troops,  British,  land  near  Quebec,  42; 
cross  the  St.  Lawrence,  their  critical 
situation,  43 ;  glide  down  the  St. 
Lawrence,  ascend  the  heights  of 
Abraham,  44 ;  British  arrive  in 
Boston,  80  ;  additional,  sent  from 
England,  147,  167,  183 ;  German  or 
Hessians  employed,  183  ;  British 
evacuate  Boston,  190;  arrive  off 
Sandy  Hook,  199  ;  land  on  Long 
Island,  202;  enter  city  of  New 
York,  206  ;  (see  Army) 

Tryon,  Governor  of  JV.  Carolina,  his 
tyrannical  character  and  practices, 
101 ;  leads  his  troops  against  the 
Regulators,  102  ;  his  cruelty  towards 
prisoners,  ib. 

Tryon,  Governor  of  New  York,  opera- 
tions of,  178 ;  his  plan  to  take 
Washington  prisoner,  199  ;  takea 
refuge  in  the  ship  Asia,  222  ;  com- 
mands an  expedition  to  Connecticut, 
ib,;  burns  Danbury,  223;  attacked 
by  Americans  under  Wooster  and 
Arnold,  and  retreats,  ib. ;  destroys 
Continental  village,  246  ;  his  second 
predatory  expedition  to  Connecticut, 
286 ;  burns  Fairfield  and  Norwalk, 
287 

U. 

United  States^  name  adopted  by  Co*; 
«ress,  196 


508 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


Valley  Forge,  encampment  of  Ame- 
ricans at,  230 ;  sufferings  of  the  army 
at,  251,252;  number  encamped  at, 
251  ;  march  of  the  army  from,  259, 
260 

Vergennes,  Count  de,  Prime  minister  of 
France,  negotiates  a  treaty  of  alliance 
with  the  United  States,  249  ;  his 
talents  and  character,  ib. 

VerplanWs  Point,  Fort  La  Fayette  at, 
captured  by  the  British,  2S6  ;  unsuc- 
cessfully attacked  by  Wayne,  289 ; 
evacuated  by  the  British,  29 L 

Virginia,  opposes  the  stamp  act,  60,  71  ; 
sympathizes  with  Massachusetts, 
100;  House  of  Burgesses  petition  the 
King,  ib.  ;  recommend  committees 
of  correspondence,  adopting  resolu- 
tions of  Dabney  Carr,  104  ;  effect  of 
the  Boston  port  bill  on  public  mind 
in,  122;  fast  day  appointed  by  Bur- 
gesses, ib.  ;  Assembly  dissolved  by 
Lord  Dunmore,  123 ;  members  or- 
ganize an  association,  ib.  ;  recom- 
mend a  general  Congress,  ib.  ;  Pro- 
vincial Congress  convened,  157;  re- 
commends a  volunteer  corps,  ib. 
speech  of  Patrick  Henry,  ib. ;  British 
expedition  against,  258 

W. 

Walpole,  Horace,  indifferent  on  Ameri- 
can affairs,  59. 

War,  declared  between  France  and  Eng- 
land, 27;  declared  by  England 
against  France — Queen  Anne's,  28  ; 
between  England  and  France — its 
origin,  29 ;  formally  declared  be- 
tween England  and  France — vigorous 
preparations,  38  ;  end  of  the  "seven 
years,"  48  ;  preparations  for,  in  the 
Colonies  in  1774,  126  ;  commences 
in  earnest,  153  ;  between  France  and 
England,  256  ;  between  Spain  and 
England,  290;  between  Holland  and 
England,  326 ;  conclusion,  and  ge- 
neral peace,  354. 

Warren,  Commodore,  joins  the  expe- 
dition against  Louisburg,  29. 

Warren,  Joseph,  appointed  Major  Ge- 
neral, 168 ;  killed  at  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill,  170. 

Washington,  George,  appointed  a  com- 
missioner to  confer  with  the  French  ; 
his  youth  and  character ;  expedition 
to  the  French  forts ;  his  reception 
by  M.  de  St.  Pierre;  bearer  of  a 
letter  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia; 
his  return  to  Williamsburgh,  32 ;  his 
interview  with  French  officers; 
made  Colonel;  placed  in  command 
of  troops ;  leads  them  against  the 
French  and  Indians ;  events  and  re- 
sults of  his  expedition,  33 ;  enters 
the  army  under  Braddock,  35;  his 
bravery  and  preservation  at  Brad-  [ 


Washington,  George — 

dock's  defeat,  36  ;  leaves  the  service, 
37;  approves  of  the  non-importation 
agreement,  ^S  ;  member  of  the  Vir- 
ginia House  of  Burgesses,  82  ;  pre- 
sents    non-importation    resolutions, 
ib.  ;  appointed  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the    Continental   army,    164;  his 
speech  on  the  occasion,  ib.  ;  copy  of 
his  commission,  ib. ;  joins  the  con- 
tinental army,  170;  introduces  dis- 
cipline  and   organization,    ib. ;   ap- 
peals to  Congress  on  the  state  of  the 
army,    180;   reorganizes   the   army, 
ib. ;  accepts  Gen.    Howe's  terms  of 
proposal  to  quit  Boston,  189;  enters 
Boston  with  the  Continental  army, 
190 ;  marches  the  army  to  New  York, 
191 ;  plot  to  capture  him  discovered 
and  broken  up,  199  ;  his  reception  of 
the   letters  of  Lord  Howe,  201  ;  his 
army  defeated  on   Long  Island ;  re- 
treats to  New  York,  203 ;  withdraws 
the  troop9  from  the  city,  206  ;  directs 
various    movements    of    the    army, 
207 ;    retires   to   the    heights    near 
White   Plains,   208;    his   army  de- 
feated at  White  Plains,  ib. ;  crosses 
the  Hudson  river  with  his  army,  and 
retreats  through  New  Jersey  before 
the   British   army,   ib. ;   crosses  the 
Delaware  with  the   troops  to  Penn- 
sylvania, 209  ;  his  firmness  under  de- 
feat   and    disaster,   210;    appointed 
Military  Dictator  by  Congress,  211; 
crosses  the  Delaware  and  captures  a 
body  of  Hessians   at  Trenton,  211, 
212 ;    successful    stratagem   of,  and 
battle  of  Princeton,  220 ;  retreats  to 
Morristown,    where  he    establishes 
his    head-quarters,    221;    overruns 
New  Jersey  with  his  troops,  ib. ;  in- 
oculates his  army  for  the  small  pox, 
222  ;  breaks  up  his  encampment  at 
Morristown  and  marches  to  Middle- 
brook,  near  the  British  head-quar- 
ters, at  New  Brunswick,  224  ;  avoids 
an  action  with  Gen.   Howe,  225 ;  is 
left  in  quiet  possession  of  New  Jer- 
sey, ib. ;  is  perplexed  about  the  des- 
tination  of   the    British    army  and 
fleet,  225,  226  ;  marches  to  German- 
town,  near   Philadelphia,  ib. ;  con- 
fers with   Congress,  227 ;  meets  La 
Fayette,  who  becomes  a  member  of 
his  military  family,  ib. ;  marches  to 
the    Brandywine,    and    meets    the 
British  army,  ib. ;  is  defeated,  and 
retreats    to    Philadelphia,  228 ;  re- 
solves to  risk  another  battle,  but  a 
storm   prevents,  229 ;  abandons  Phi- 
ladelphia to  the  British  army,  ib  ; 
attacks  the  British  camp  at  German- 
town,  and  is  defeated,  after  a  severe 
action,    229,    230;    is    attacked   at 
Whitemarsh  by  Gen.  Howe  (who, 
after   a  few  skirmishes,  falls  back 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


500 


Washington,  George— 

upon  Philadelphia),  230 ;  goes  into 
winter  quarters  at  Valley  Forge,  ib. ; 
his  letter  to  Congress  relative  to  the 
sufferings  of  the  army,  252  ;  is  join- 
ed by  Mrs.  Washington  at  Valley 
Forge,  253 ;  conspiracy  formed 
against  him,  and  an  attempt  made  to 
supersede  him,  ib.  ;  forged  letters 
attributed  to  him,  254  ;  his  firmness 
and  prudence  on  the  occasion,  255  ; 
retains  the  confidence  of  the  people, 
ib. ;  sends  La  Fayette  with  a  de- 
tachment to  watch  the  movements 
of  the  enemy,  260 ;  marches  the 
army  from  Valley  Forge  (on  receiv- 
ing intelligence  of  the  evacuation  of 
Philadelphia  by  the  British),  and 
crosses  to  New  Jersey,  ib. ;  deter- 
mines to  pursue  the  British  army 
and  attack  them,  ib.  ;  engages  them 
at  Monmouth  Court  House,  201  ; 
reprimands  Gen.  Lee  for  his  con- 
duct in  that  battle,  ib. ;  passes  the 
night  upon  the  battle  field,  intending 
to  renew  the  contest  in  the  morning, 
but  finds  the  British  had  retreated, 
•  261,  262;  receives  the  thanks  of 
Congress,  262;  crosses  the  Hudson 
to  White  Plains,  and  in  November 
goes  into  winter-quarters  at  Middle- 
brook,  New  Jersey,  ib. ;  sends  troops 
against  the  hostile  Indians  on  the 
Susquehannah,  2G6  ;  opposes  the 
scheme  for  invading  Canada,  275  ; 
warns  Congress  against  the  designs 
of  France,  ib.  ;  confers  with  Con- 
gress on  the  subject,  and  induces 
them  to  abandon  the  scheme,  276 ; 
his  anxiety  respecting  dissensions  in 
Congress,  ib. ;  prepares  for  the  next 
campaign,  and  sends  General  Lin- 
coln to  take  command  at  the  south, 
277  ;  confers  with  Congress  on  plans 
for  the  campaign  of  1779,  279; 
sends  General  Wayne  to  attack 
Stony  Point,  2S9 ;  orders  Major 
Lee  to  attempt  the  capture  of  the 
British  fort  at  Paulus's  Hook,  290; 
goes  into  winter-quarters  at  Morris- 
town,  296  ;  sends  a  reinforcement  to 
General  Lincoln  at  the  south,  ib.; 
demands  and  obtains  a  supply  of 
provisions  for  his  army  from  the 
people  of  New  Jersey,  299 ;  sends  a 
large  force  to  the  Carolinas,  308  ; 
appoints  General  Greene  to  super- 
sede General  Gates  in  command  of 
the  southern  army,  311  ;  expresses 
to  Congress  great  confidence  in  Ge- 
neral Greene,  ib.  ;  receives  commis- 
sions of  Lieutenant  General  and 
Vice  Admiral  from  Louis  XVI., 
312  ;  sends  a  detachment  from  Mor- 
ristown,  under  General  Greene,  to 
meet  the  British  army  in  New  Jer- 
sey, 313;  meditates  an  attack  upon 


Washington  George — 

New  York,  ib.  ;  meets  Rochambeau 
(French  General),  at  Hartford,  Con- 
necticut, 314  ;  Andre's  design  for 
capturing  him  and  his  staff",  319; 
discovery  of  the  treason  of  Arnold, 
323  ;  conduct  of  Washington  on  that 
occasion,  ib. ;  appeals  to  Congress 
for  more  troops  and  longer  enlist- 
ments, 325;  failure  of  his  attempt 
to  capture  Arnold  in  Virginia,  330 ; 
holds  a  conference  with  the  French 
officers  in  Connecticut,  and  forms  a 
junction  of  the  American  and  French 
armies  on  the  Hudson,  341  ;  pre- 
pares to  attack  New  York,  ib. ;  ad- 
vances to  a  position  near  the  city, 
but  changes  his  plan,  and  the  com- 
bined armies  march  for  Virginia, 
342;  precedes  the  army  with  De 
Rochambeau,  and  arrives  at  La 
Fayette's  head-quarters  at  Williams- 
burg, ib. ;  receives  the  surrender  of 
Cornwallis  and  the  British  army  at 
Yorktown,  344;  endeavors,  in  vain, 
to  induce  Count  De  Grasse  to  aid  in 
the  reduction  of  Charleston,  347 ; 
adopts  vigilant  measures  for  the 
campaign  of  1782;  establishes  his 
head-quarters  at  Newburg,  New- 
York,  352 ;  his  humane  conduct  in 
the  case  of  Captain  Asgill,  ib. ;  dis- 
content of  the  army  after  the  con- 
clusion of  peace,  and  a  monarchy 
proposed  to  Washington,  356  ;  his 
reply  and  rebuke,  ib. ;  his  prudence 
and  influence  induce  the  soldiers  to 
disband  quietly,  357;  his  farewell 
address  to  the  army,  358  ;  resigns  to 
Congress  his  commission  as  Com- 
mander in  Chief,  359 ;  elected  a 
delegate  to  the  Convention  to  form  a 
Constitution  for  the  United  States, 
and  chosen  President  of  that  body, 
363;  elected  President  of  the  United 
States,  364 ;  his  progress  to  New 
York,  ib. ;  his  inauguration,  367. 

Washington,  Colonel  W,  commands  a 
body  of  cavalry  under  General  Mor- 
gan, 331 ;  defeats  and  pursues  Colo- 
nel Tarleton  at  the  battle  of  the 
Covvpens,  331  ;  is  presented  with  a 
medal  by  Congress,  332. 

Wayne,  General,  his  gallantry  a£  *ae 
battle  of  Brandywine,  228',  is  sur- 
prised and  defeated  at  Paoli,  229; 
commands  a  division  of  the  army  on 
marching  from  Valley  Forge,  260; 
leads  the  attack  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  261;  storms  and  cap- 
tures Stony  Point  fort,  288  ;  receives 
the  thanks  of  Congress  and  a  medal, 
2S9 ;  letter  to  him  from  Doctor 
Rush,  ib. ;  joins  La  Fayette  in  Vir- 
ginia, 340;  his  skilful  attack  on  the 
British,  and  retreat,  341  ;  is  sent  by 
General  Greene   into  Georgia,  and 


510 


ANALYTICAL  INDEX. 


Wayne,  General— 

defeats  the  British  in  several  actions, 
352. 

West  Point,  fortress  at,  strength  and  im- 
portance of,  316 ;  General  Arnold 
appointed  to  the  command  of,  ib.  ; 
negotiations  of  Arnold  with  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  to  surrender  to  the 
British,  ib. ;  failure  of  the  scheme, 
320. 

Wliig,  party  name  of,  applied  to  patriots, 
136  ;  origin  of  the  name,  ib. 

Wilkes,  John,  takes  part  in  favor  of  the 
Colonies,  147. 

Wolfe,  General,  at  the  siege  of  Louis- 
burg,  40;  his  campaign  on  the  St. 
Lawrence,  42  ;  takes  possession  of 
Point  Levi;  erects  batteries;  be- 
sieges Quebec  and  resolves  on  an  as- 
sault; his  desponding  letter  to  Pitt, 


Wolfe,  General — 

43;  effect  of  his  letter;  determines 
to  scale  the  Heights  of  Abraham, 
44;  his  death  at  Quebec,  45. 

Wooster,  General,  commands  the  Ame- 
rican troops  in  Fairfield  county, 
Connecticut,  223  ;  is  killed  at  the 
battle  of  Ridgefield,  ib. 

Wyoming  Valley,  massacre  of  the  peo- 
ple of,  by  Tories  and  Indians,  265. 

Y. 

Yorktown,  Cornwallis  and  the  British 
army  encamp  at,  and  fortify,  341 ; 
invested  by  the  combined  American 
and  French  armies,  343 ;  surrender 
of  Cornwallis,  344;  Congress  re- 
solves to  erect  a  marble  column  at, 
ib. 


fs 


